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Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s first official visit to China on Dec 2-5 after assuming office in July has garnered significant attention both domestically and internationally. Central to discussions following the visit is China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which overshadowed other bilateral issues.

A key outcome of Oli’s visit was the signing of a Framework for Belt and Road Cooperation, marking progress in Nepal’s engagement with the BRI. For the first time, 10 specific projects under the BRI were identified. These projects are divided into two categories: long-term ventures like cross-border railways and tunnel projects, which require significant investment and time, and smaller, less capital-intensive initiatives.

To finance these projects, Nepal and China agreed on an “aid financing modality,” widely interpreted by economists as concessional loans. However, details of the agreement remain undisclosed, leaving even ruling parties unclear about the specifics. Prime Minister Oli has stated that Nepal will accept grants, not loans, under the BRI framework. Upon his return, he assured: “During negotiations, the issue of loans did not arise. Implementing specific projects may require separate discussions.”

The agreement represents a breakthrough in the ongoing narrative that BRI had stagnated in Nepal since the first framework agreement in 2017. Critics had attributed the delay to geopolitical factors, including external pressures. Following Nepal's endorsement of the US-backed Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) in 2022, China had been eager to advance the BRI, questioning why Nepal accepted the MCC but hesitated on the BRI. The new agreement allows China to showcase progress, countering claims of inactivity.

For Oli, the deal offers a political advantage. He faced pressure from within his party, particularly senior leaders like former President Bidya Devi Bhandari, to demonstrate progress on the BRI. The agreement has been welcomed by many leaders in Oli’s party, CPN-UML, and is likely to gain support from the CPN (Maoist Center) as well, though its Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal may downplay the achievement.

The timing of the agreement is notable. In 2023, an implementation plan was nearly finalized under Dahal’s premiership, but he deferred the matter during his visit to China. Fringe communist parties, ideologically aligned with Beijing, have also expressed support for the deal. Notably, Oli’s previous tenure in 2016 saw the historic signing of the Transit and Transport Agreement with China to diversify Nepal’s trade and transit options, cementing his reputation as a leader seeking stronger ties with Beijing.

Foreign policy analysts argue that endorsing the BRI after the MCC helps Nepal maintain geopolitical balance. Internally, the deal has helped avert potential friction between the Nepali Congress (NC) and UML. Oli managed to secure Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba’s backing, unlike Dahal, who failed to involve Narayan Kaji Shrestha from his party during earlier BRI discussions.

However, critics describe the agreement as more symbolic than substantive. The NC, a key coalition partner in the Oli-led government, has expressed concerns over its alignment with prior consensus. Former Foreign Minister NP Saud noted that the agreement contradicts the party’s stance to accept only grants under the BRI. He warned that this issue could escalate within the party. Similarly, NC leader Nain Singh Mahar stated that the deal diverges from the party’s position. The government is now under pressure to disclose the agreement's details to address these concerns.

Soon after his return, Oli met with a task force formed to build consensus between the NC and UML on the deal. The meeting aimed to preemptively address dissatisfaction within the coalition, as some NC leaders opposed to the BRI may leverage the issue politically.

Beyond the BRI, Oli’s visit emphasized implementing past agreements rather than signing new ones, aligning with long-standing Chinese priorities. While some expected Prime Minister Oli to negotiate a loan waiver for the Pokhara International Airport, he clarified that no such discussions occurred. Nine agreements were signed during the visit, accompanied by a joint press statement.

Chinese media highlighted the significance of Oli choosing China for his first bilateral visit. Hu Zhiyong, a researcher at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, observed that this choice signals Nepal’s prioritization of ties with China. Qian Feng, from Tsinghua University’s National Strategy Institute, emphasized Nepal’s strategic importance in maintaining stability in Tibet and its growing role in BRI partnerships. Hu added that South Asian countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives have benefited from BRI projects, and Nepal, too, seeks a share of this “big cake for cooperation.”

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said Nepal-China relations were further strengthened with his recent China visit.

PM Oli said it while speaking at a news conference organized at Tribhuvan International Airport after he returned home from China, completing the four-day official visit today. The two-country relations were further strengthened, which benefits Nepal, he argued.

"Various agreements were made on the projects under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) during my visit, from which Nepal will reap utmost benefits," PM Oli reminded, adding that separate discussion and agreements would be made on each project.

The Head of the government also shared that Nepal and China signed the agreement on BRI cooperation framework in Beijing. The agreement was signed by Secretary at Foreign Ministry, Amrit Bahadur Rai, from Nepali side while the Vice Chair of the National Development and Reform Commission, Liu Sushe, from the Chinese side. 

The agreements were made in the program attended by PM Oli and his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang. Similarly, the both Prime Ministers signed the agreement on mutual assistance.

Some of the projects are on Tokha-Chhahare Tunnel Way construction, promotion of trade between Nepal and China, export of thermally processed buffalo meat from Nepal to China and exchange of certificates on completion of 9-story Durbar Square building by China. 

Also included in the agreement are on development projects, and economic and technological aid.

The discussions were held also on the issues like expansion of connectivity, development of industrial infrastructures, agriculture, trade, tourism, investment, science and technology, sports, natural disaster management, expansion of two-country relations at people-to-people level, and poverty alleviation.

Nepal will now be able to export thermally processed water buffalo meat to China. Officials of the two countries signed a protocol to facilitate water buffalo meat export to China during the China visit of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. This agreement is part of nine bilateral understandings reached between the two nations on Tuesday.

The protocol enables Nepali businesses to export cooked and processed water buffalo meat to China under Chinese guidelines. This follows the cabinet’s approval on June 30 of an agreement to export cooked buffalo meat to China.  Nepal and China held preliminary discussion on meat exports during former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s China visit in September last year.

According to Global Times, China has beefed up efforts on the diversification of beef imports in 2024. This is expected to reduce market fluctuations due to over-reliance on any single market, while providing more opportunities for other countries through high-level opening-up.

Officials at the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development say China’s General Administration of Customs (GACC) had provided Nepal with a 150-page document outlining stringent standards for meat imports. These include disease-free certification, hygiene standards and compliance with phytosanitary measures. Only the meat of water buffaloes under 30 months of age and raised under specified conditions will qualify for the export.

According to the MoALD, Nepal produces around 194,090 tons of water buffalo meat annually. Nepal’s water buffalo population is estimated at around 5.13m.

China, the largest importer of meat in the world, can be a lucrative export market for Nepal. The northern neighbor imported about 2.74m tons of beef in 2023, up 1.8 percent year-on-year, hitting a new high, according to Global Times. Imports over the first four months of 2023 stand at 1m tons, up 22 percent compared to the same period of 2023. It is difficult to get data on water buffalo meat consumption in China as Chinese customs import data categorise buffalo meat together with other cattle raised for meat under the category ‘meat of bovine animal’.

China mainly imports beef from countries including Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay. It recently lifted a ban on five Australian beef exporters as demand outpaces its domestic production.

I feel singularly privileged to join you all and speak to this august gathering of intellectuals, aspiring scholars, and esteemed friends of Nepal.

I extend my profound gratitude to the President of the University for his generous invitation. While in my youth, I had read of the inspiring stature of the Peking University. The anti-imperialist and anti-feudal May Fourth Movement began at this University in 1919. That movement was an important turning point in the history of modern China. 

As I stand here at “Yan Yuan”, it is indeed a matter of pleasure to interact with the professionals and students who are at this temple of knowledge, and cradle of creativity. This atmosphere, which is full of academic energy and spark is truly inspiring. In our Sanskrit literature, there is an ancient aphorism: “Asatoma sadgamaya; tamaso ma jyotirgamaya”, which reflects our quest to move away from ignorance to truth, darkness to the light. In this context, what I am going to share with you today are the contemplations that I carry from my pursuit for that light. 

Nepal and China are the land of ancient wisdom. The teachings of great philosophers and sages have inspired generations, touching many lives across the world. Many great civilizations grew up in this part of the world—and greatness of those civilizations are unshakable foundations of our society. And those civilizations still resonate in our journey toward modernity. Our region has a richness of dedication and diligence. Our ancestors were able to build on those attributes and achieved progress while the rest of the world was still in the darker shadows and deeper slumber. 

And our forebears—they were not only the thinkers. They were innovators, and visionaries whose contribution is a legacy to Asia as well as the world. When I say these, it is not to say that all was well all the times in the history of the region. We had our share of turbulence and challenges. We saw the darker phases. We saw people being subject to deprivation and tyranny. Societies were unequal and fractured due to the stifling cages of discriminatory societal norms.  

But despite this, the ray of hope, the beam of wisdom and light for innovation was never extinguished in the region. The rise and resurgence of Asia today is based on this civilizational foundation. 

Today, the responsibility is ours to carry that torch, to build on the path laid down by our ancestors, and to expand the frontiers of human progress. And, in this direction, I admire the headway being made by China, her people and institutions like Peking University.

The world today talks of decay in democracy, or democracy in retreat. These trends implore us to ask broader questions—what exactly is democracy? When does democracy really deliver? Has democracy been able to rise beyond mere cosmetics? Does one size fits all in the name of democracy?

Often, the notion of democracy has been confined to binary boxes. Often, the process of democracy has been confined to a few cosmetic checklists. Often, the understanding of democracy has been truncated—with lopsided focus on single aspects of electing the representatives. 

Then how do we see a bigger picture? 

We must envision democracy as not merely a political framework but also a social system—one that upholds the dignity of every individual, inspires a sense of boundless potential, and fosters an environment of safety and security for all. 

While taking forward the ideas of democracy, debates emerged regarding its class character, leading to the distinction between what is often termed ‘Old’ and ‘New’ democracy. In ‘Old’ democracy, a privileged class—often referred to as the bourgeoisie—took the lead, while the toiling masses remained subordinate throughout the process of political transformation. 

In contrast, ‘New’ democracy saw the working class take the forefront, collaborating with oppressed and exploited groups from various strata of society. Historically, Nepali society and the economy bore strong feudal characteristics. For centuries, the country was ruled by a hereditary monarchy, often disconnected from the aspirations and needs of its people. During the 104 years of Rana oligarchy, while the rest of the world witnessed profound modernization, Nepal remained isolated. This period is often regarded as a ‘lost century’ in Nepal’s quest for democracy and development.

Nepal’s journey to political transformation stands as a unique model in global history. Unlike many movements worldwide, where political struggles were predominantly led by parties representing a single class, Nepal's political revolution was a collaborative effort, uniting representatives from competing classes.

The dawn of democracy began in Nepal in 1951 with the overthrow of the Rana autocracy after years of relentless struggle. But in 1961, monarchy recaptured absolute power and banned the political parties and imposed the partyless ‘Panchayat-system’. 

Yet, the resilience of the Nepali people prevailed, and the political movement of 1990 restored multiparty democracy, heralding a new era. Yet, that tryst with democracy proved to be fleeting. An armed conflict that erupted in 1996 inflicted immense human suffering and plunged the nation into further instability. The king, who ascended the throne following the mysterious royal massacre, once again seized absolute power, curtailing freedoms and undermining democratic progress. 

However, through our unwavering commitment to a home-grown peace process, this dark and tumultuous decade drew to a close in 2006 with ‘Comprehensive Peace Accord’.  In 2008, the monarchy was abolished, and in 2015, a highly progressive constitution was adopted, written by elected representatives. This historic document, rooted in the principles of social justice, has become a cornerstone of Nepal's democratic transformation.

Nepal’s political history is unique in the sense that both major political forces—left leaning and the right leaning—when they divide, monarchy usurps more power; yet, when united, they have consistently succeeded in subduing autocracy and advancing people’s freedom.

The post 1990s political landscape is shaped by these two distinct forces. In different junctures of Nepali history, different forces emerged as determining political actors: Rana versus king, king versus political parties, constitutional force versus violent force. Eventually, extremism perished when two parties—Nepali Congress and CPN -UML representing two trends together stabilized the political landscape.

At different milestones, these political parties demonstrated enough vision and maturity to forge alliances against autocracy. What I am sharing with you today is the story of our struggle for freedom, the story of transformation of our polity, the story of perseverance and resilience of Nepali people. 

Guided by the philosophy of Marxism, and under the visionary leadership of the People’s Leader Madan Bhandari, my party developed the principle of People's Multi-Party Democracy (PMD). 

PMD consists of synthesis of three key dimensions of the people’s struggles in Nepal: patriotism, social change, and democracy. 

The PMD, initially presented as the program of the Nepali revolution, sought the development of national capital and the transformation of the mode of production. It envisioned a constitution, written by the people themselves, as they are sovereign authority. 

This vision of comprehensive democracy embraces the political, economic, social and cultural aspects to empower the individual and society. At the economic sphere –mere rights to make choices won't suffice. Let’s be honest about this––for a vast number of people living in deprivation, the freedom to choose doesn’t mean much. Sustainable development and shared prosperity should empower people to expand their choices while ensuring social justice. 

In the socio-cultural sphere––tolerance and compassion are the key pillars. The first and last line of defence of democracy should be built in the minds of people––in their values, in their way of living.  

There is another equally important aspect of human life which implores us for the vision of comprehensive democracy. And that is the expanding frontier of technology. 

What if the unfolding of technological revolution ends up creating a large segment of people who become ‘irrelevant’ for the job market? Won’t such a marginalization of humans be a recipe for disaster?

Any scenario of that kind will not only be morally hollow but will also be socially disturbing and politically unfair. Democracy cannot thrive in the echo-chambers built by algorithms of new technology. 

My vision of ‘Comprehensive Democracy’ measures success not merely by economic growth but by the well-being of its people. And I see such a broader appreciation of democracy in President Xi’s vision of the “whole process people’s democracy”, which is rooted in China’s historical traditions, culture, and socio-economic development. 

The vision championed by the Communist Party of China, the way its party cadre are selected and promoted, are the pragmatic practice of democracy and meritocracy. CPC stands as a compelling testament to the idea that "one size does not fit all" in the name of democracy.

With our political issues mostly settled, we are wholeheartedly and single-mindedly focused on socio-economic transformation. We have instilled our vision in our constitution that envisions building a “socialism oriented” society. At this period of time, we are striving to lay robust foundations for a model of socialism uniquely tailored to our needs and aspirations.

We have encapsulated socialism with Nepali characteristics in our national aspiration––"Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali!’ This aspiration is built on the pillars of economic equity and societal well-being.

For us, prosperity means economic growth with equity—ensuring a level playing field for all, equitable access to quality education and healthcare as fundamental rights and providing social safety nets and empowering marginalized communities. 

Achieving this requires––robust democratic institutions that ensure political stability, good governance, and transparency, fostering a culture of trust and social harmony.

Cultivating a culture of democracy and participation at every level of society strengthens social cohesion and peace—prerequisites for collective happiness. 

This vision aspires to harmonize both material progress and the well-being of all. Nepal and China, the lands of Buddha and Confucius, share a rich history of harmonious coexistence and enduring friendship. As trusted neighbours and steadfast partners, our two nations collaborate closely in various areas of mutual interest.  

Nepal remains deeply committed to the ‘One China Principle’, a consensus upheld by all political parties in the country. We admire the visionary initiatives of President Xi such as the Belt and Road Initiative in the spirit of shared prosperity and win-win cooperation. China has lifted 800m of its people out of poverty and set an inspiring example of ‘prosperity with happiness’, where growth encompasses well-being and equity. 

China’s miraculous economic development offers valuable lessons for Nepal as it embarks on its own developmental journey. Together, Nepal and China can envision a future of shared prosperity and enduring friendship, inspired by mutual respect and the pursuit of a better world for all.

Excerpts from the speech delivered at Peking University 

Nepal and China have signed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Cooperation Framework. The agreement was signed today in Beijing.

Acting Foreign Secretary Amrit Bahadur Rai and China's National Development and Reform Commission's Deputy Head Liu Sushe signed the document on behalf of their respective sides.

The signing ceremony took place on the third day of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli's four-day official visit to the People's Republic of China at the invitation of his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang.

Nepal and China have signed various bilateral agreements in presence of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Chinese Premier Li Qiang. PM Oli is presently on a four-day official visit to China, beginning Monday.

The signing of agreements followed a bilateral meeting between the premiers of both neighbors.

The documents signed and exchanged by the both sides are: Agreement on Economic and Technical Cooperation, Letter of Exchange on Tokha-Chhahare Tunnel, MoU on Trade Promotion Cooperation, Protocol on Requirements on Thermally Processed Buffalo Meat Products to be Exported from Nepal to China, MoU on Development Plan (2024-2029) and Letter of Exchange on Cash Assistance.

Similarly, additional agreements signed today include Handover Certificate of the Completion of the Reconstruction of Nine-storey Basantapur Tower, MoU on Volunteer Chinese Language Teachers, and MoU between Public Service Broadcasting Nepal Television and China Media Group, according to Foreign Ministry's Spokesperson Krishna Prasad Dhakal.  

Spokesperson Dhakal said that both sides on the occasion held discussions on expansion of connectivity, industrial and infrastructure development, cooperation in health, agriculture, trade, tourism, investment, science and technology, sports, disaster management, people-to-people relations between the two countries and enhancement of mutual cooperation in poverty alleviation.

Nepal and the People's Republic of China have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) related to cooperation and collaboration in various eight areas including trade promotion and exchange of technical assistance in the presence of the Prime Ministers of both countries today.

The MoU on mutual collaboration was inked after the bilateral meeting between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the Great Hall of the People.

Prime Minister Oli is currently in Beijing in connection with a four-day official visit to China.

The Chinese People's Liberation Army presented a guard of honor to PM Oli before the bilateral meeting.

The Nepali delegation led by Prime Minister Oli arrived in the Chinese capital on Monday.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli left for Beijing, China on Monday.

He left for China at the cordial invitation of Chinese Premier Li Qiang.

Tourism Minister Badri Prasad Pandey, Deputy Chief at the Nepal-based Chinese Embassy Wang Sin and chief of security agencies among others bade farewell to the Prime Minister.

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PM Oli will call on Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing.

Prime Minister Oli will hold talks with his Chinese counterpart Li Qiang and exchange views on various issues of mutual interest.

Chairman of the Standing Committee of China's National People's Congress Zhao Leji is also scheduled to call on Prime Minister Oli.

Prime Minister Oli is scheduled to address a program at Peking University during the visit.

He is also scheduled to address the Nepal-China Business Forum to be jointly organized by the Embassy of Nepal in Beijing, China Council for the Promotion of International Trade and Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry.

PM Oli was accompanied by his spouse Radhika Shakya.

The Nepali delegation includes Minister for Foreign Affairs Dr Arzu Rana Deuba, PM's Chief Advisor Bishnu Prasad Rimal, Economic and Development Advisor Dr Yubaraj Khatiwada, parliamentarians, high-ranking government officials, private sector representatives and media persons.

The PM-led delegation is scheduled to return home on December 5.

Rivers and mountains have been and will continue to be an enduring feature of Nepal-China friendship. Rugged terrains and rare rough patches in bilateral relationship notwithstanding, people-to-people exchanges between the two countries have thrived and will, in all likelihood, continue to thrive in the coming days, years and ages. The visit of Faxian to Lumbini, the birthplace of Gautam Buddha, in the fifth century, the visit of Xuanzang in the seventh century, the marriage of Nepali Princess Vrikuti with King Songtsen Gampo in the seventh century and the visit of Nepali monk Buddhabhadra, the first Nepali monk to visit China, in the fifth century and the contributions of Nepali artist Arniko in China, including the construction of the White Pagoda, are among the key highlights of these exchanges.

Nepali people, including those living in the Himalayan region, have thriving relations with the Chinese people. They get their supplies from nearby Chinese markets, graze their cattle in pastures across the border in accordance with mutual arrangements, sell their products across the border and often find their soulmates there.

About 70 years ago, our two ancient countries established (updated, rather) their diplomatic relations. These years have also been marked by peace and amity between the two neighbors, with no major dispute, border or otherwise. This relationship achieved a key milestone during this time with the construction of the Kodari highway that has played a key role in improving connectivity between our two countries. Yet another highlight of this relationship is increasing Chinese investment in infrastructure projects. 

Against this backdrop, recent times have seen a disturbing tendency of dragging China’s flagship BRI project into controversy. They are as strong as the soaring mountains and as dynamic as the rivers born there. 

China can help Nepal tap the potential of her rivers for injecting life into her economy by investing in or providing assistance for the construction of multipurpose projects with hydropower, irrigation, navigation, fisheries and drinking water as components. There is also a huge scope for transformation of fossil fuel-run transport systems into green energy-run systems.  It can also help make sure that Gautam Buddha International Airport and Pokhara International Airport take off in a real sense.

On its part, Nepal will continue to be sensitive toward Chinese security concerns and abide by the principle of Panchsheel.      

In summary, Nepal-China relationship has a huge scope. Let’s hope that Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s upcoming visit to China will be yet another step in realizing that scope. 

The Kaligandaki Corridor serves as a direct route connecting India and China.

This nationally significant project links the renowned Muktinath Temple in Mustang with Lumbini, the birthplace of Gautam Buddha, boosting both religious and cultural tourism.

Indian tourists have increasingly begun using the corridor to visit Muktinath, making it the most efficient route for their pilgrimage. According to Harihar Sharma, Deputy Mayor of Jaimini Municipality, the corridor also connects tourists from the Kaligandaki coastal area to Lumbini.

“The face of Baglung has transformed due to the southern corridor, which is currently undergoing blacktopping,” Sharma noted. The corridor includes a 44-kilometer stretch in Baglung, passing through Balewa, Kushmisera, and Jaidi, before connecting to Gulmi via Chhisti Chhischilo.

“The corridor has opened the door to South Baglung's development. Roads have been paved within five years of its opening. Indian tourists can now access Muktinath, while Chinese tourists can reach Lumbini, fostering trilateral trade relations,” Sharma added.

Since the corridor’s expansion, large cargo trucks and tourist buses have started arriving at Muktinath from Gaindakot via Jaiminidham, Baglung Kalika, and Panchakot. Once road paving is complete, the corridor is expected to see significant traffic, making it the shortest route for travelers entering Baglung, Myagdi, and Mustang from India.

According to local resident Sanam Rana, the convergence of the Kaligandaki Corridor and the Mid-Hill Highway in Baglung will further enhance tourism development in the region.

In the five years since its opening, various segments of the 495-kilometer corridor—extending from Gaindakot to the Korala border crossing with China—have been rapidly upgraded and paved. Inaugurated in 2018 with support from the Nepali Army, the corridor now enables Chinese tourists to travel to Lumbini through this route.

The corridor, planned 24 years ago, is progressing toward completion. It is being developed in two key sections: the 224-kilometer Gaidakot-Ramdi-Maldhunga segment, and the 255-kilometer Maldhunga-Beni-Jomsom segment. According to Kalpana Adhikari, Chief of the Kaligandaki Corridor Gaindakot-Maldhunga Project Office, 162 kilometers, or 67 percent, of the Gaidakot-Maldhunga segment has already been blacktopped.

The corridor has significantly simplified travel from Lumbini to Mansarovar via Muktinath. Campaigner Tikaram Dhakal anticipates further accessibility improvements after the road paving is complete.

With the corridor’s activation, Indian pilgrims are now traveling to Muktinath via the Ruru region, while Dhakal highlights the need to attract Buddhist pilgrims from China to Lumbini, the sacred birthplace of Lord Gautam Buddha.

The corridor, envisioned from Gulmi 24 years ago, connects several prominent pilgrimage sites, including Triveni Dham, Devghat Dham, Keladi Dham, Ramdighat, Ranighat, Rudrabeni, Setiveni, Purti Ghat, Jyamrighat, Palpa Bhairabhsthan, Baglung Kalika, Galeshwor Dham, Kagbeni, Muktinath, and Damodar Kunda.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Thursday made a pointed statement, accusing Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli of “playing the China card” by choosing to visit China before India. In an interview with The Hindu, former Prime Minister Dahal criticized Oli’s upcoming China visit, calling it a deliberate attempt to court Beijing, which he deemed misguided. Dahal also suggested that India-Nepal relations are strained due to the new government’s policies and cautioned that tensions over border disputes could resurface.

Dahal highlighted his own efforts to strengthen India-Nepal ties during his 18-month tenure, which ended in July. Oli is scheduled to travel to Beijing for an official visit in early December, preceded by a preparatory trip by Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba at the end of this month.

Apparently, the planned visit is no music to the ears of New Delhi and other international observers. . Historically, Indian policymakers and think tanks have accused Nepali leaders of leveraging the ‘China card’ to sidestep India’s influence, a notion dating back to 1950. Although Indian analysts often claim Nepal uses its ties with China strategically, Nepali leaders deny this characterization.

Dahal’s comments have drawn sharp criticism from the ruling CPN-UML. Bishnu Rijal, the party’s Central Committee member, labeled Dahal’s remarks as ‘anti-Nepal’ and damaging to the country’s self-esteem, adding that such statements could provoke tensions with neighboring countries. Rijal further claimed that Dahal’s comments reflect frustration over the fall of his government in July and expose his divisive views on Nepal’s two largest neighbors.

Dahal’s statement is also likely to provoke Prime Minister Oli and his coalition partner, the Nepali Congress. Since the promulgation of the 2015 Constitution, Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles have actively debated the ‘China card’ issue, with leaders reiterating that Nepal aims to maintain balanced relations with both India and China.

As Oli’s administration accelerates preparations for the China visit, the trip has captured the attention of media and experts in both New Delhi and Beijing. Qian Feng, director at Tsinghua University’s National Strategy Institute, told the Global Times that Nepal’s cooperation with China does not necessarily imply a shift away from India, stressing that ties with both neighbors can coexist harmoniously.

Oli’s agenda for the Beijing trip reportedly includes discussions on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the implementation of previous agreements between Nepal and China.

Nepal’s diplomatic balancing act with India and China isn’t new. Nihar Nayak, an expert on Nepal-China relations, describes in his book Strategic Himalayas how King Mahendra effectively leveraged the ‘China card’ in the 1950s and 60s, a policy later continued by his son, King Gyanendra. Nayak notes that Gyanendra’s tilt toward China, including his moves at the 13th SAARC summit and his arms purchases from China and Pakistan, exemplified efforts to reduce Nepal’s reliance on India. According to Nayak, even some Maoist leaders have attempted to play the ‘China card’ in recent years, albeit unsuccessfully.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is scheduled to visit China from Dec 2 to 5 at the official invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping, according to high-level sources. This visit comes after discussions between Prime Minister Oli and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi during the United Nations General Assembly in New York, where Foreign Minister Yi suggested that Oli keep his schedule clear for early December.

Upon his return to Nepal, Prime Minister Oli held informal discussions with senior CPN-UML officials about his upcoming visit to China, which they encouraged. Following these discussions, Chinese Foreign Minister Yi reportedly briefed President Xi on Oli's planned visit. The Chinese Foreign Ministry then sent a formal letter to the Chinese Embassy in Nepal, which Ambassador Chen Song delivered to Oli as an official invitation from President Xi.

In preparation for Oli’s visit, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba is coordinating with the Prime Minister’s Office. A senior official indicated that Foreign Minister Rana may travel to Beijing in advance for essential discussions and logistical coordination.

Prime Minister Oli, who was appointed on July 15, met with Ambassador Chen shortly after assuming office, where they had an informal exchange about his potential visit to China. The final dates were coordinated with the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Beijing.

While there has been speculation about a potential visit to India, no formal decision has been reached. Prime Minister Oli did, however, have a brief meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New York. Additionally, Oli’s planned visit to Bangkok for the BIMSTEC summit was postponed after Thailand delayed the meeting.

As an emissary of President Xi Jinping of China, Central Committee Member and Secretary of China’s Qinghai Province, Chen Gang, visited Nepal from 19-21 October 2024. His visit should not be viewed as an isolated event loaded with an agenda but rather as part of a continuing series of exchanges between the leaders of the communist parties of Nepal and the Communist Party of China (CPC). Nepali political leaders, particularly those from left-leaning parties, have frequently visited China at the invitation of the International Department of the CPC, and senior leaders of the CPC have reciprocated these visits.

Chen's visit came at the invitation of CPN-UML Secretary Raghubir Mahaseth, who is also the chief of the party's foreign affairs department. Upon arriving in Kathmandu, Chen engaged in discussions with the heads of major political parties, including Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba, reaffirming the ties between the CPC and Nepali political parties. He also raised Chinese concerns, apart from sharing decisions made during the Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee.

How, then, should this visit be considered? Here are three key points that outline its significance:

Taking stock of Kathmandu’s mood
Chen’s visit aimed to gauge the mood in Kathmandu following the formation of a coalition government under KP Sharma Oli, president of Nepal’s largest communist party. Beijing likely finds comfort in a government led by leftist parties, but this does not imply that Chinese officials neglect their relations with non-leftist parties. China has adopted a policy of multiparty engagement in Nepal since the abolition of the monarchy. Every delegation meets the key leaders of major parties regardless of ideology or political alignment. The CPC understands that in today's globalized world, mutual respect and benefit take precedence over ideological closeness. China has a policy of shared development and shared destiny. Thus, Chen's visit was a way to take stock of Kathmandu's political situation following the formation of the new government.

Reaffirming support
Chen's visit served to reassure Nepal’s new coalition government of China’s full support. Chinese leaders have closely monitored Nepal's political dynamics and the influence of external powers on its domestic affairs. The world is currently in a state of transition: the old order is being questioned, and the new world order has yet to fully emerge. Although the US-led world order has already lost much of its influence, with China rising as a new global power, the future of world politics remains uncertain. Chinese leaders recognize that Nepal has become a focal point in geopolitical competition. The MCC is now being implemented in Nepal, and both American and European powers are promoting Western narratives that aim to counter China's growing influence in the region. During his visit, Chen discussed global politics and geopolitics, advising Nepali leaders to stay informed about Chinese affairs through official CPC and Chinese government sources.  

The third plenary session
Another important aspect of Chen's visit was to share decisions made during the Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, recently held in Beijing. The International Department of the CPC and the Qinghai Provincial Committee organized a deliberation and interaction program at the Yak & Yeti Hotel, where Secretary Chen and Chinese Ambassador to Nepal, Chen Song, addressed key aspects of Nepal-China relations and explored potential future partnerships. Secretary Chen presented China's development model, focusing on the use of technology in agriculture, industry and human resource development. 

Qinghai's topography is similar to Nepal’s, and the region has faced seasonal floods and landslides. The Qinghai provincial government has swiftly carried out reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts for those affected. Secretary Chen assured the government of Nepal and political leaders that China is ready to support Nepal in the post-disaster reconstruction process. This was a significant commitment from the Chinese side. However, it is worth noting that both India and China have provided support to Nepal during such disasters, proving that "neighbors in need are neighbors indeed."

Prime Minister Oli and CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel echoed similar views on party-to-party relations between Nepal and China. Prime Minister Oli recalled President Xi's 2019 visit to Nepal as historic and requested the prompt execution of the commitments made during that visit. General Secretary Pokhrel highlighted the lessons Nepali political parties, especially the CPN-UML, could learn from the CPC’s growth and functioning. Pokhrel had visited China last year, including Qinghai, where he observed the region’s ecological development efforts. The CPC and the Chinese government have been transforming Qinghai into an ecological center of China, ensuring harmony between humans and nature. Under Secretary Chen's leadership, Qinghai has made significant progress. In this regard, Chen's visit was important for both Nepal and China.

China has sought Nepal’s support in its bid to maintain peace by ending the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and growing crisis in the Middle East. 

Chen Gang, a member of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, made such a statement during talks with top leaders of major political parties. Chen, who is also secretary of the CPC Qinghai provincial committee, led a delegation that visited Nepal Oct 19 to 20.

The Chinese delegation discussed the current global crisis, including the ongoing wars, and informed us about Beijing’s attempts to end the war, said a Nepali leader requesting anonymity, asking Nepal for support in its peace bid and hailing Nepal as a land of peace where Gautam Budha was born.

Both in the Russia-Ukraine war and in the Mideast, China is playing the peacemaker by leveraging its clout. Both Russia and Ukraine recognize the importance of including Beijing in their negotiations. The Chinese delegation, during the interaction with Nepal’s communist parties, discussed a range of bilateral issues, including Xi Jinping’s short visit to Nepal in 2019. 

According to Xinhua, during the stay in the Himalayan country, the CPC delegation had exchanges with leaders of Nepal’s political parties and attended a briefing on the spirit of the third plenary session of the 20th CPC Committee, which was focused on sharing the opportunities brought by the Chinese-style modernization and deepening the trans-Himalayan cooperation.

In meetings and exchanges with the CPC delegation, the Nepali side reaffirmed commitment to the one-China policy and expressed the willingness to further strengthen inter-party exchanges with the Chinese side, and to deepen cooperation in various fields, promoting the continuous development of relations between the two countries, Xinhua reports. 

According to Nepali leaders, the Chinese side focused on enhancing ties on multiple fronts, including in the agriculture sector. Of late, the Chinese side is expressing readiness to support Nepal's agriculture sector but Nepal has not come up with any concrete proposal. A few weeks ago, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Cheng Song had said that his country was ready to lend support to Nepal for establishing a fertilizer plant. Unlike the previous delegation, this delegation did not raise the Belt and Road Initiative, according to a leader. 

Of late, CPC has stepped up engagement with Nepal’s political parties and the government.

Nepal-China joint military drill is taking place in Southwest China's Chongqing municipality, with a type of ball-shaped reconnaissance drone making its debut.

An opening ceremony was held for the Sagarmatha Friendship-2024 joint army drill at a training base in Southwest China's Chongqing Municipality on Sunday, the Xinhua News Agency reported. It is the fourth edition of the Sagarmatha Friendship series of exercises between the Chinese and Nepali militaries, with the previous drill held five years ago in 2019. The drill began in 2017.

Under the theme of joint anti-terrorism operations in urban blocks, the joint training will include light arms shooting, anti-terrorism group tactics, drone operations, emergency rescues and a comprehensive anti-terrorism exercise, with the aim of boosting capabilities in fields such as multidimensional search, mobile infiltration and armed rescue in joint operations, according to Xinhua.

 After the opening ceremony, the Chinese side displayed more than 20 pieces of equipment in three categories, namely light arms, reconnaissance gears for anti-terrorism missions and equipment, China Central Television (CCTV) reported.

Intelligent reconnaissance equipment attracted particular attention, including a type of robot dog, a type of through-wall radar and a type of self-propelled ball-shaped reconnaissance drone, the report said. The gear will provide extra combat capabilities in the joint exercise, CCTV said.

A CCTV clip showed that the ball-shaped reconnaissance drone, equipped with a camera and sensors, can be held with one hand. After viewing the clip, a Beijing-based military expert who requested anonymity told the Global Times on Sunday that the mini ball-shaped drone can move through urban areas by rolling on the ground with little noise and avoiding hostile detections. The small drone is expected to cost little, but can significantly reduce the risk of personnel exposure under dangerous environments, the expert said.

During the exercise, the two sides will also conduct exchanges on disaster relief operations, tackling natural disasters such as earthquakes, snow damages and debris flow, in addition to a series of cultural exchanges to enhance mutual trust and understandings, Xinhua reported.

Nepal and China are set to resume their joint military drill, which had been stalled since 2019 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The fourth edition of the drill will be held in China later this month. According to sources at the Nepali Army headquarters, the exercise will begin on Sept 21 and last for 10 days. Although China had been hesitant to restart the drill in the early years following the pandemic due to strict health restrictions, it has now agreed to move forward.

Outgoing Army chief Prabhu Ram Sharma played a key role in reviving the joint drill between the Nepal Army and China’s People’s Liberation Army, according to officials. Army spokesperson Brig Gen Gaurav Kumar KC confirmed that discussions are ongoing to finalize the details, although he did not provide further specifics. 

Sharma has reportedly proposed to the Chinese side that the dates for the exercise be confirmed before his retirement. Sharma officially retired on Monday, passing the leadership of the Nepali Army to Ashok Raj Sigdel. In preparation for the exercise, Sharma had earlier dispatched senior official Prem Dhoj Adhikari to Beijing for discussions. The final dates were set shortly after Adhikari’s return.

The drill, known as the Sagarmatha Friendship exercise, first began in 2017, drawing attention from both New Delhi and Beijing. This year’s edition will take place in Chengdu, China. Prior to 2017, while Nepal and China had engaged in training and exchanges, no joint military drills had been held between the two countries.

India, the US, and other nations have expressed concerns about the growing military cooperation between Nepal and China, viewing it through the lens of rising geopolitical tensions. Recently, China has introduced new global initiatives in both the development and security sectors, such as the Global Security Initiative (GSI), which has raised further apprehension in India and Western nations. Nepal, however, has informed China that it cannot be part of the GSI.

The Nepali Army maintains that these joint drills are routine, similar to the military exercises it conducts with other nations, including India and the US. For example, Nepal and India hold the Surya Kiran military drill annually, rotating the location between the two countries.

A special team from the Nepal Army, including an observer group led by senior official Pradeep Jung KC, will visit China to participate in the drill, which will focus on counterterrorism and disaster management. Each country will send a delegation of 18 members. The previous three editions of the drill were held in 2017, 2018, and 2019.