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By: Toyanath Bhattarai, Illam

Only five armed forest guards are currently deployed for protect­ing 38,000 hectares of forest in Chure and other areas of Ilam, a district in the eastern hills. With the restructuring of the Department of Forests, the number of forest guards has been drastically reduced, making things easier for smug­glers. Earlier, the number of positions for armed forest guards was 33.

Shree Prasad Baral, an officer at the Department of Forests in Ilam, says that the change has added to the challenges of forest con­servation. The change was introduced partly because of the decline in forest cover in the area. Of late, a num­ber of municipalities and rural municipalities in Ilam have witnessed decreasing numbers of Sal trees. “But the government has not paid attention to improving the conservation mechanism or increasing the manpower for forest protection. There are only 40 unarmed forest guards,” says Baral.

Last year, forest guards were attacked by a group of 80 wood smugglers at Ratuwa Khola Chepti in Chulachuli rural municipality. Since the smugglers didn’t escape from the area even after the guards fired seven rounds of bullet, armed police personnel from Beldangi in the adjoining district of Jhapa had to be called in. Smuggling of wood has not stopped even when the Department of For­ests, Nepal Police and Armed Police Force have been guard­ing the forests.

 Smuggled logs from Ilam are reportedly sold to saw mills in Jhapa and Morang

Last year, forest guards were attacked by a group of 80 wood smugglers at Ratuwa Khola

Locals say that smuggling has been taking place from different checkpoints and rivers in Mai municipality and Chulachuli rural munic­ipality. A few days ago, secu­rity personnel recovered 73 cubic feet of wood from a house in Mai municipality. APF Inspector Sanat Kumar Bista of Danabari says no proof of personal owner­ship of the wood could be found. He also says that while wood smuggling in Dana­bari has come down due to the presence of armed secu­rity personnel, it still is tak­ing place in certain parts of Domukha and Chulachuli.

Pradip Chandra Rai, Chair­person of Chulachuli rural municipality, says smugglers have put Ilam’s Chure region at risk. “Even those arrested are later found to be porters employed by smugglers,” he laments. According to him, the smuggled wood from Ilam is taken across Ratuwa and Chanju rivers and transported to Jhapa. Locals claim logs are sometimes taken to Jhapa by drifting them downstream in the Mai river, and then smuggled across the border to India.

Suraj Niraula, an assistant officer at Sub-Division Forest Office in Mai, pleads ignorance about the smuggling of wood from Ilam along the river. “I’m new here and taking stock of the situation,” he says.

That smuggled wood from Chure is transported using public buses, trucks and even bicycles is mentioned in a report published by the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Commission in 2010. The logs from Ilam are reportedly sold to saw mills in Jhapa and Morang.

 “Do you regularly visit the doctor?”, “Are there any complications?”, “Do you take iron pills regularly?” asks a team of local representa­tives led by Mayor Upendra Bahadur Thapa to Sarita Nam­jali, an eight-month pregnant woman. Sarita is a resident of Panchapuri municipality in Surkhet, a hilly district in Karnali Province.

Sarita could not open up easily in the beginning. But after the ward chair Hom Bahadur Ramjali requested her, she said, “I get regular check-ups. I haven’t really had problems so far.”

After talking to Sarita, the team asked her mother-in-law Kaushila Namjali, to take good care of Sarita and to serve her nutritious meals. They even got the family to sign a pledge to do so.

The local representatives of Panchapuri municipality are visiting individual house­holds to observe the condi­tion of pregnant women and advise their families to care for them. They started doing so after they found that preg­nant women in the area were not getting regular check-ups and eating nutritious food, which has contributed to higher maternal mortality and a greater number of malnour­ished children in the region. According to one study, 55 percent of Karnali’s children suffer from malnutrition.

“It is important to make sure that pregnant women eat well and receive proper care. They face higher risks if they do not get regular medical check-ups,” says Mayor Thapa. “The govern­ment has a responsibility to ensure that pregnant women are safe. It’s something that we’re sensitive about.”

Apart from the elected representatives, local health workers, women volunteers and members of mother groups also visit preg­nant women and give them health-related suggestions.

A campaign has also been launched to hoist a green flag in every household that has a pregnant woman so as to identify such houses easily. “We have been closely observ­ing the condition of pregnant women in our locale. When­ever we see a green flag, we visit the household for consul­tation and monitoring,” says ward chair Ramjali.

Besides the flags, posters and banners with instructions on good eating habits for pregnant women are posted at the front of these homes. Also, family members pledge to make sure that pregnant women get regular medical check-ups, give birth in a hos­pital and receive good post-na­tal care.

Nirmala Singh, a female community health volun­teer, affirms that this cam­paign has contributed to improve care for moth­ers and babies. She also expresses happiness that local representatives are them­selves actively involved in such an inspiring campaign.

Self-defense training in schools for teenage girls

 Surkhet : Female students in about a dozen schools in Surkhet have been receiv­ing self-defense training. The three-day-long classes, which are being run by Global Action Nepal, an NGO, teach girl students what to do in case someone tries to sexually harass or rape them.

Mina Bishwokarma, a social mobilizer at Global Action Nepal, claims that the train­ing is helpful in combating sexual harassment that girls face. Trainer Gita Koirala says, “These classes are important for girls. They constantly face the risk of sexual harassment. Those who take this training are able to fight back better.”

“We learnt ways to fight sexual assaults. We will teach these skills to others. I feel more secure than before,” says Nischal Koirala, a student who received the training.

Two political developments—a life sentence for lawmaker Resham Chaudhary and an 11-point agreement with secessionist Madhesi leader CK Raut—have widened the rift between the federal government and the Madhes-based parties. 

According to the leaders of the Madhes-based parties and Madhes experts APEX contacted, Rastriya Janata Party Nepal (RJPN) and Federal Socialist Party Nepal (FSPN) see these government moves as ploys to discredit them in Madhes, while giving undue space to Raut, who does not have a strong organizational and political base there. Currently a part of the federal government, FSPN is not as vocal about it as RJPN. But FSPN Chairman Upendra Yadav, who is also Minister for Health, has said that Raut had effectively ‘surrendered’ before the state.

Sources say Raut’s portrayal as being on a par with the Madhes-based parties in federal and provincial parliaments is unrealistic. “PM Oli is projecting Raut as our rival political force, which is a gross miscalculation. Our major competitor in Madhes is either Nepal Communist Party led by Oli himself or Nepali Congress,” says RJPN Secretary Keshav Jha. “PM Oli cannot weaken us in Madhes and boost his party and Raut instead,” he adds.

RJPN and FSPN leaders as well as Madhes-watchers are of the view that regional parties should have been consulted before the agreement. Madhesi leaders also argue that if the government can seemingly strike an agreement with Raut after asking the judiciary to release him, it could have similarly withdrawn the case against lawmaker Resham Chaudhary. They say while Chaudhary’s case is a political one, Raut’s is treasonous and there can be no comparison between the two.

A long-time Madhes watcher says that the Madhes-based parties are unhappy with the government for not consulting them. “It would have been better if the Madhes-based parties were consulted because they are stakeholders in Madhesi politics. The deal has soured the relationship between the government and the Madhes-based parties, which does not bode well for the stability of Madhes,” he says, requesting anonymity.

Oli’s calculation

The Madhes-based parties had portrayed Oli as being anti-Madhes during and after the constitution-drafting process. But when Oli became prime minister with a two-third majority, they surprisingly supported him. Oli promised to amend the constitution on the basis of necessity. But nobody was under any illusion that he would actually do so, which was perhaps why FSPN led by Upendra Yadav joined the government without the amendment.

RJPN was pressing Oli to amend the constitution. Indeed, both Madhes-based parties were in favor of joining the Oli government. RJPN sought constitution amendment as a face-saver to join the government but Oli did not budge.

Oli had sensed that RJPN would withdraw its support to the government after the Kailali court issued its verdict on Chaudhary. At the same time, negotiations were underway with Raut. “As PM Oli has failed to deliver, he hyped up the Raut case to show that he has scored an important political gain. Now, the PM is into political marketing, claiming that he ended a secessionist movement,” says Bijaya Kanta Karna, a close follower of successive Madhes movements. Similarly, according to observers, signing a deal with Raut signals that Oli wants to expand NCP’s space in Madhes.

“Oli wants to increase his acceptability in Madhes as he knows his nationalist card won’t work again even in the hills in the next election cycle. To emerge as the largest party again, he needs to enhance his image in Madhes,” says Karna. So Oli’s first priority will be to bring Raut into NCP by making him a lawmaker, if not a minister. Even if that does not work, Oli wants to weaken the Madhes-based parties by giving more space and power to Raut. This, in the view of observers, could also weaken Nepali Congress in Madhes, a traditional NC vote bank.

A Madhes watcher says the Madhesbased parties are unhappy with the government for not consulting them

Raut’s reasons

It is unclear whether Raut will honor the 11-point agreement. He has told his cadres that there has been an agreement for a referendum and it should be celebrated as an achievement. Observers cite a couple of reasons which might have compelled Raut to sign the agreement. In 2012, he had returned to Nepal, giving up an attractive job in the US. His had high political ambitions. In the second Constituent Assembly (CA) election in 2013, the Madhes-based parties fared poorly and Raut sensed an opportunity.  

But in the succeeding years, he struggled to expand his space, even as the mainstream Madhesi parties recouped some of the ground they had lost in 2013. Now, the provincial government (in Province 2) is led by the Madhes-based parties. Raut was upbeat when security forces started to project his group as a major security threat. But he struggled to build his party, making him very frustrated in recent months, according to Madhes observers.

The government then arrested him, and he probably started feeling that he could be behind bars all his life. Meanwhile, his family started putting pressure on him to renounce extremism. Oli was offering him space and a respectable position if he joined peaceful politics. “In the past he was successful in attracting radical youths with his secessionist agenda, but now he has given up that agenda. As peaceful politics is already the forte of Madhesi parties, NC and NCP, it won’t be easy for Raut in Madhes,” says Karna.

Who’s backing Raut?

After Raut returned to Nepal in 2012 and launched the secessionist movement, there was a certain curiosity: who is backing him? Some pointed to foreign forces, but that was never established. A Madhesi observer says if Raut was backed by foreign forces, ‘he was unlikely to surrender’ before the government. Another senior Madhesi leader requesting anonymity says Raut had at one point sought India’s support. Instead, Indian security forces wanted to rein in his activities in Madhes.

“Raut was a card of some unseen forces who worked against the Madhes-based parties. Now, this has been exposed and Raut’s 11-point agreement with the government does not affect our politics in Madhes,” says Jitendra Sonal, a parliamentary party leader of RJPN from Province 2.

Leaders and Madhes experts say Raut cannot return to his earlier campaign, which would violate his agreement with the government, but there are multiple options before him. Raut could register his own party and work to build up his organization, targeting the elections after four years. And he could peacefully raise the issue of a referendum in Madhes. He could also join NCP if he gets an attractive position. Another, albeit less likely, possibility is that he would gradually distance himself from politics and return to his profession. “He could choose any of these options,” says Manis Suman, General Secretary of RJPN. 

What of RJPN and FSPN?

RJPN and FSPN have limited options. Observers say as there is no environment in Madhes for another popular movement, the only option left for them is to ‘wait and see’.

RJPN’s first priority, according to its leaders, is to maintain intra-party unity and strengthen organizational structures. They say they are not worried because RJPN controls the government in Province 2, as well as most of its local level bodies, which will come in handy in the next election cycle. As RJPN has already withdrawn its support to the government, the party would focus on enhancing its position in Madhes. In FSPN’s case, the party is likely to wait a while. “We have already started our struggle from the parliament and we are planning a street protest. We are holding discussions with all political forces that stand for the politics of identiy,” says Jha.  

At the local level, conflict between the cadres of RJPN and those of CK Raut could escalate. Raut’s supporters accuse the Madhes-based parties of failing to adequately raise important Madhesi issues and focusing solely on power and money. On the other hand, leaders of the Madhes-based parties used to accuse Raut of trying to split the country. Now, they accuse him of surrendering to KP Oli.

RJPN will continue to press the Oli government to amend the constitution. Though it seems unlikely, there have been talks about unity between RJPN and FSPN. Some leaders do not rule out the possibility of Oli reaching out to the Madhes-based parties either.  

A FSPN leader, who also requested anonymity, says the party will not immediately quit the government. “We will definitely quit when public frustration with the government boils over, but we are in no hurry. This government still has four years,” he said.

 A border row triggered two years ago by the construction of a cul­vert in Ananda Bazar in the south-western district of Kan­chanpur remains unresolved. Although a government sur­vey team has been to the area a number of times, the dispute is far from over. As a result, locals have not been able to farm the land.

Hari Adhikari, a local, says that even though they have knocked on the doors of various government bod­ies—local, provincial and federal—there has been no initiative to resolve the dispute. Moreover, India has closed the road, claiming that the area is disputed. So locals are compelled to use an alternate road.

A local says that India wrongly considers a Simal tree near the culvert to be a border pillar

Disputed territory

Govinda Gautam lost his life when he was struck by the bul­lets fired by the Indian Sashas­tra Seema Bal (Armed Border Force) in Ananda Bazar on 10 March 2017.

Lok Bahadur Khadka, a local, says that India wrongly considers a Simal tree near the culvert to be a bor­der pillar. “Nepali territory extends 500 meters to the south from that Simal tree,” he claims. Temporary police camps were set up by both Nepal and India after the bor­der row broke out.

Promise not fulfilled

It has been two years since the government expressed a commitment to take action against the Indian security personnel accused of shooting Gautam. But it hasn’t even fulfilled various promises it made to Gautam’s family, let alone taken steps to punish the guilty.

Gautam’s family has received Rs 1 million from the government but other promises remain unfulfilled. The government had prom­ised free education for Gau­tam’s daughters and a job for his wife, and various other bodies had promised sundry other things for the family, but none of them have been kept. “All we have received is promises and flowers,” laments Gautam’s father Khem Lal Gautam.

Memorial service

A memorial service was held on Sunday, March 10 in Ananda Bazar to mark the third anniversary of Gau­tam’s death. On the occa­sion, Krishna Raj Subedi, Minister for Social Develop­ment in the Far-western pro­vincial government, made an announcement that a statue of Gautam will be con­structed in his memory. Sub­edi remarked that the provin­cial government is ever ready to protect border residents, whom he called “ununiformed border troops”.

Similarly, Tara Lama Tamang, a provincial assembly member and Nepal Commu­nist Party leader, demanded that a martyr park be built in Gautam’s memory.

Jeevan Raj Thapa, the head of the municipality, presented Gautam’s parents with cash and shawls as a token of appreciation. He also pledged an annual sum of Rs 10,000 for each of Gautam’s three daughters.