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Q. A question you wish more people would ask?

A. I wish more people asked me about my profession, whether it’s exciting and about the most memorable event or show I have done.

Q. Your alternate career choice?

A. Either marketing or public relations.

Q. One thing you do to cheer yourself up?

A. Go out with friends.

Q. Most misunderstood thing about you?

A. Some think I am arrogant.

Q. Something people would be surprised to know about you?

A. I cook well and I am a very good dancer.

Q. An outfit you cannot go wrong with?

A. Blazer pants and a nice white shirt.

Q. If you could have coffee with one Nepali celebrity, who would it be?

A. I am a tea person and I would love to have it with Vlogger Sisan Baniya.

Q. Best compliment you have received?

A. Each one has been the best.

Q. An advice you would give to your younger self?

A. Listen to your heart and decide with your mind.

The main opposition Nepali Congress has been disrupting the federal lower house as the government tries to forcefully pass a watered-down version of the Medical Education Bill and as it looks to rename some hospitals named after past Congress leaders. Notwithstanding its recent show of strength in the parliament, many feel Congress is rudderless and has been a feeble opposition. Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Gagan Thapa, NC Central Working Committee member and a federal MP, on government functioning, his party’s future course and Dr Govinda KC’s fast.    

Was the recently concluded Mahasamiti meeting helpful in resolving the outstanding issues in Nepali Congress?

The primary agenda of the Mahasamiti meeting was the amendment of the party statute, which was necessary given the country’s new federal structure. The Mahasamiti was also expected to pave the way for the General Convention. Both objectives have been achieved.

However, we failed to discuss many dimensions of the party’s reform. In fact, we are not ready for a serious discussion on party reform. We have to understand this is not the first time the NC lost an election. Our presence in the parliament would have been even weaker had the communist and Madhes-based forces been united in the second Constituent Assembly (CA) election in 2013.

Do you think Congress will be able to regain its past strength?

As I said, this is not the first time we performed badly in an election. We began to do so after the 1999 parliamentary elections, but we are only talking about our performance in the 2017 elections. The votes our party gets has ranged from 27 to 36 percent of the total votes cast, and the various communist forces get the rest. Of late, some voters are attracted to the Madhes-based parties as well. Why couldn’t we attract more voters? Even in the elections we claim to have won, we got the same percentage of vote.

This percentage will not be enough to lead the government in the future. Our leadership is nostalgic about our glorious past and wants to regain it, but that’s not the right approach. Congress should have a forward-looking approach, identify new ways of thinking and set new targets.

Has there been any change in the party functioning after the Mahasamiti meeting?

There are two aspects to our party’s mismanagement. The first is the political aspect, which depends on the conscience and the working style of party leadership. It is a continuous test of party leadership.

Second, every political party is a modern organization with millions of cadres who have their own expectations. A party is an outcome of cooperation and competition among its members and leaders, a concept that seems to have eluded our leadership. If we do not follow certain procedures, we cannot function like a coherent party unit. But even after the Mahasamiti, our working style remains the same. It requires a major overhaul. 

Are you hinting at the monopoly exercised by the party president?

Our CWC meeting has not been held, but the party is making big decisions without extensive consultations. Our party statute has envisioned a ‘Kendriya Karya Sampadan Samiti’ for making vital decisions in the absence of the CWC meeting. The party president invites leaders close to him to his residence and they make decisions. This goes against the party statute. As the party president has a super-majority in the organization, he can appoint his close aides to the Samiti and formalize his decisions. 

Party leaders do not care about party statute until some decisions affect them personally. They object to the president’s monopoly if their personal interests are hurt. The competition among leaders can only be managed if the party operates on the basis of established norms. Intra-party betrayal was rampant during the last election. Had we followed some rules while distributing tickets, we could have won another 20 seats in the national parliament.  

It seems the party’s reform process will begin only after the general convention? What plans are afoot to hold the convention?

I do not think only convening the GC would trigger reform. While the Mahasamiti was focused on amending the party statute, the GC would concentrate only on electing the party leadership. What we need is clear vision and policy to function as an effective opposition. Obviously, the current government has failed to deliver, and we are criticizing it. But the NC should give a clear message about how the current situation could have been different had the NC been in power. How would it have governed differently? Answering this requires a serious discussion on party ideology, policy and programs. Mere rhetoric about the current government’s shortcomings won’t do.

What is happening with the agenda of changing party leadership?

We have high respect and love for our incumbent leaders, but it’s clear that they cannot reform the party. The public will no longer accept them as the party’s face. A change is the need of the hour.

How do you evaluate the performance of this government?

The government was elected by the people and given a five-year mandate. At the same time, the tenet of ‘constitutional liberalism’ suggests three tests to check if any government is democratic—whether it respects the rule of law, whether it respects the separation of powers, and whether it respects people’s fundamental rights. This government fails all three tests. So I won’t hesitate to say it is not a democratic government. 

KP Oli is perhaps the luckiest prime minister in that he has a super-majority in the parliament and strong control over his party. Late Girija Prasad Koirala and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai had a majority in the parliament but they faced strong opposition in their party. But although Oli is in a comfortable position, he couldn’t bring about systematic and institutional changes in the country. He has failed to perform; he has failed to deliver. The country’s economy is spiraling towards a crisis and people are losing faith in the government.

Why then has the opposition’s role not been satisfactory?

What matters is what people think about us and whether they are happy with our performance in the parliament. There are some issues about which the opposition just raises questions in the parliament. Some issues demand strong resistance to make the government accountable. On some other issues, we can provide suggestions to the government. And there could be some issues in which we can work together with the government. The NC is confused as to how to deal with various issues in the parliament.

There is a powerful government but a weak opposition. Can your failure to play the role of an effective opposition pose a threat to democracy itself?

It can. The government, with a two-thirds majority, is mighty. If the prime minister’s focus had been on building a robust system and enhancing institutions, we would have fewer reasons to worry even if the opposition was weak. But the PM does not care about the basic principles of democracy. He believes that those principles are an obstacle. The head of the government wants to violate democratic principles, and the opposition is not capable enough to protect them. Given such a scenario, it’s reasonable to fear that hard-won democracy could be undermined and civic space could shrink. 

What is the status of the shadow cabinet that Congress was supposed to form?

I first proposed this concept when we drafted the statute of NC parliamentary party.  All leaders were convinced that it was a good idea and it was incorporated into the party statute. Earlier, a sense of urgency was missing, but in the last meeting, I pushed this proposal again and some progress has been made. Still, if the party leadership does not take ownership of this concept, it would be difficult to form a shadow cabinet and problems could arise even after its formation.

The NC should set the principle of the role of the opposition party. We do not have a long experience of being an opposition party, and there is no particular yardsticks by which to measure a shadow cabinet’s success. The shadow cabinet will fully inform the parliamentary party. If there is an informed decision, there is a high chance that we will take the right decisions on national issues.

That questions are being continuously raised about our leadership show that people are not satisfied with the performance of either the government or the opposition. Top party leaders should realize this fact.

Finally, how do you see government’s role in addressing Dr Govinda KC’s demands?

There are two aspects to it. First, the government’s recent action indicates it is not ready to heed the small but powerful and legitimate voices of society. This is a dangerous trend. Earlier, even powerful prime ministers used to heed the voices of a few influential people who stood for truth. Now, the government is trying to create a situation where you are either on its side or Dr KC’s.  Unlike the past, there is no middle ground. Dr KC and his supporters are forcefully being portrayed as NC supporters.

Second, the government is trying to protect some private interests. The interest groups close to government are upbeat with government stonewalling Dr KC’s demands. The government is serving a narrow interest, which is also a dangerous sign.

BMW Motorrad, the world famous motorcycle wing of the German automaker BMW, has globally sold more than two million units of its high-end two-wheelers since the start of production in 1923. With the globalization of its products and the demand ever on the rise, the BMW opened a production unit in India to manufacture its first sub-500 cc bikes to create a bigger market share in the more affordable motorbike segment. Saurav JB Rana, chairman of Himalayan Motorrad, the autho­rized distributors of BMW Motorrad bikes in Nepal, who is also a pas­sionate biker himself, talks to Sunny Mahat of APEX about the newly launched BMW models in Nepal and their market presence.

BMW’s new Indian production unit had created quite a buzz. How has been the response to its bikes in Nepal?

It has been only a month since we launched the two India-manufac­tured models of BMW Motorrad— the G 310 R and G 310 GS—and the response has been very good. These bikes are very premium, handling wise and in their fit and finish. They are manufactured in India but for the global market so quality control is amazing. These bikes are going to the European market and the US as well so we can rest assured that the refinements in their production make them one of the premium motorcycles in the Nepali market.

Which segment of the Nepali market are you targeting with the BMW Motorrad?

BMW has always been a premium category bike and it still is one of the best-selling bikes in the world. And with greater global demand for lower displacement bikes, BMW introduced G 310 R and G 310 GS.

Since the competition in the lower displacement motorbikes has increased, BMW’s latest produc­tions is a huge achievement for the company and a boon to the bikers as well. Previously, BMW motor­bikes were intended for high income groups with heavy purchasing power, and were unaffordable to many in Nepal. But with the new productions, they have now become affordable to all types of bikers and at these price ranges, they will give a tough competition to the other manufacturers in the Nepali mar­ket. They have already captured the mid-range market many Asian coun­tries and the numbers sold speak for themselves. Also, for customers looking to get “big bikes”, we are importing them from Germany on order basis.

BMW has always been a premium category bike and it still is one of the best-selling in the world

For a brand whose prices starts at Rs 950,000 in Nepal, how do you justify the value?

Product valuation depends on many things, most importantly the Research & Design that goes into it, the quality control in manufactur­ing, the brand name and its position in the market. BMW bikes coming to Nepal are priced between Rs 950,000-Rs 1,200,000, which is an amazing pricing strategy.

Nepal is one of the most expensive motorcycle markets in the world because of high customs duties. So pricing wise, most people would never have thought of being able to buy a BMW till these ranges became available. The build quality of these bikes is so robust that the recom­mended servicing time is either 10,000 kilometers or 1 year. So, for a pre­mium brand like BMW, the pricing is just right in Nepal, also consider­ing the prices of other competitors in the 300 cc category.

Despite the fact that BMW is a global brand, it is a new entrant in Nepal. So how assured can the customers be about its aftersales services and support?

Aftersales is the key in automo­biles business. Since we have been in this business for a few years now, we already have a setup. Also, for BMW bikes, all our mechanics have been trained in India and Germany and the spare parts for these low-main­tenance bikes are also comfortably priced. So we can provide the BMW riders with continuous support long after purchase.

What are your market-penetra­tion strategies in this highly com­pletive two-wheeler market?

Market penetration for a new product is always difficult. Right now, we’re trying to differentiate our products from the competitors’. This is German technology and the best in the market, and this is what we are trying to project. On paper, BMW bikes have a clear edge but there are many riders who do not know much about technical aspects. So we are planning to create for them riding opportunities so that they get a “come feel it yourself” experience, let them try the bikes that are popular right across the planet. We will be organizing biking tours around the country to let peo­ple explore BMW bikes.

We have started sales outside Kathmandu in Pokhara, Butwal and Chitwan and as of now, the number of customers taking test drives from the all outlets is overwhelming. We also have exchange facilities and financing tie-ups with a few banks to help our customers.

Q. One thing you do to cheer yourself up?

A. Watch my favorite Youtu­bers’ videos.

Q. A question you wish more people would ask you?

A. It depends on the topic because I love talking about many things.

Q. Your alternate career choice?

A. Musician.

Q. Most misunderstood thing about you?

A. I’m funny, haha

Q. One thing you do to overcome stage-fright?

A. I never really have stage-fright. I used to have it during my school days though, but I did nothing to overcome it. I used to just stay scared.

Q. A quote you live by?

A. The more problems during the video shoot, the better the video.

Q. Acting or dancing?

A. Creating.

Q. What would you like to say to your fans?

A. Thank you for your patience.

Q. Your current celebrity crush?

A. There are many!

Q. Your best and worst purchases?

A. Camera is the best pur­chase. I don’t really have any worst purchase.