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Issues related to foreign policy didn’t find much space during the election campaigns of major parties this time.  Save the matter of map row with India, for which KP Sharma Oli of CPN-UML and Pushpa Kamal Dahal of CPN (Maoist Center) are competing to take credit for, all political parties are fundamentally on the same page when it comes to foreign policy. Only their priorities differ.  This could be because the November 20 election is highly unlikely to produce a single-party majority government.  Even big parties like Nepali Congress (NC) is contesting for only 91 seats under First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) category to create space for its four other electoral allies including Maoist Center. The main opposition, CPN-UML, which is fighting alone in most constituencies, is competing for over 140 seats.  So, with a hung parliament the most likely scenario, parties are expected to cobble together a coalition government, led either by Sher Bahadur Deuba of Nepali Congress, Dahal of Maoist Center, or even Oli of UML. Who will become the next prime minister depends on how the power-sharing deal among the ruling five-party alliance pans out.  With a coalition government in place, there is sure to be disagreement on Nepal’s foreign policy. If there is a government of NC and communist parties like Maoist Center, there will certainly be friction concerning ties with China.  Congress, for one, stands against taking loans under China’s Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) to finance infrastructure projects. In its party manifesto, Deuba’s party has also mentioned about the border dispute with China in the Humla district. A leftist party like Maoists, or UML for that matter— considered close to China—are unlikely to support NC in this regard. Both parties dismiss the alleged border dispute with China.  So, it is going to be an uphill task for the coalition government to forge a consensus on how to deal with these issues.  On issues related to India, NC and Maoists have different opinions. The Maoist party wants to push the agenda of the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty, though it has substantially eased its stance after joining the peace process in 2006. Still, the two parties have many other issues with India, where they do not see eye to eye, mainly due to their different ideological positioning.  Similarly, while the Maoists and UML may have almost the same position on dealing with India on contentious bilateral issues, the former has a more anti-US posture.  In their election manifestos, the two parties have repeated the same issues, such as maintaining a balanced ties with both India and China and sticking to non-aligned foreign policy. They however fall short of mentioning how they plan to deal with growing geopolitical tensions between China and the US. The next government will have a tough time maintaining blanched ties with China and the West.  Chinese president XI Jinping, who has been elected for the third term, will likely adopt an even more aggressive posture in his neighborhood policy. Meanwhile, the US is set to expand its military and economic leg of its Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) in Nepal as a counterweight to growing Chinese influence in Nepal and much of South Asia.  Of late, India, too, is growing wary of the American and Chinese influence in Nepal.  Sources say New Delhi is desperate to revive its political influence in Kathmandu, which dwindled after 2018.  Sanjay Upadhya, a US-based foreign affairs expert, says the challenge for the next government will be to manage relations within the increasingly unstable triangle of India, China and the US.  NC has promised to engage with India and China diplomatically to address border-related disputes, while UML has injected greater rhetorical flourish in its intention to bring back Kalapani, Lipulek, Limpiyadhura and other territories. These are not easy issues, and the ruling and opposition parties will have the responsibility not to politicize the commitments based on domestic compulsions and conveniences, says Upadhya.  Within this core challenge, he says Nepal will also have to focus on other issues, such as revitalizing the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) for genuine collective self-reliance. There is also the imperative of grasping Nepal’s convergences and divergences from the experiences of neighbors like Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.  Upadhya says it would be helpful to learn from those countries’ experiences on how best to navigate through the waters of international relations that are likely to become choppier in the days ahead.  Pursuing economic and cultural diplomacy are all challenges that depend on the political stability Nepal could generate after the elections.  Binoj Basnyat, strategic affairs analyst, says one challenge that the next government could confront is to convince the donor of national strategic benefits.   Insufficiently defined national foreign policy will swing the big powers interests to prevail through weak political postures as well as political parties to remain in power, he says. Basnyat is of the view that foreign policy approach will be different with the new administration in Nepal.

The London Underground, popularly known as the Tube, is an utterly chaotic space, and not only during rush hour. You have to keep moving to reach your platform because everyone is in a hurry. Stopping to check the map or switching directions because you forgot which way you were supposed to go will earn you glares, headshakes, and murmurs. There’s a sense of urgency as people from students to office-goers use the tube as their primary mode of transport. The daily ridership is approximately 1.8 million. In Clare Pooley’s ‘The People on Platform 5’ we meet a wide range of characters who commute on a train from the Hampton Court area into London. There’s an old lady—Iona—who works for a magazine. She’s a lesbian who is extremely fond of her partner, Bea, and her pooch, Lulu, who travels everywhere with her. But lately, she has been worried that she’s about to lose her job. Then there’s Sanjay, a nurse who works in the oncology department. He is smitten by Emmie, another commuter on the train, but he is too shy to approach her. Piers is the hotshot banker with the ‘perfect’ life. He was once called ‘Midas’ at work because he was great at what he did. Now, he’s not sure this is the life he wants for himself. Martha, a teenager, has had a scandal and is being bullied at school. There are a few other interesting characters as well. Their lives collide when one of them almost chokes on his meal and needs medical help on the train. That incident somehow gets them talking to one another. As they get to know one another, they discover how their biases clouded their opinions and in the process are able to face their own demons as well (with, of course, a little help from their new friends). Though Iona is the protagonist who brings them all together, every character has been given his/her own sub-plot. And because there are so many of them, there’s a lot happening in the book. My problem with the book, however, is that it felt forced. The characters and their stories aren’t well developed and I couldn’t relate to any of them. This is despite the fact that the issues they deal with are real and important, from bullying and ageism in the workforce to mid-life crises and grief. What could have been a poignant story is all over the place because Pooley has taken on too much without being able to do justice to any of it. Three stars Fiction The People on Platform 5 Clare Pooley Published: 2022 Publisher: Bantam Press Pages: 400, Paperback

There are times when a film’s name is enough to hook your interest and create expectations. This is what happened to me when I first heard about ‘Monica, O My Darling.’ And it’s no coincidence that the film’s name is inspired by the chorus section of the track ‘Piya Tu Ab Toh Aaja’ from the 1971 Bollywood film, Caravan. Adapted from the 1989 Japanese novel ‘Burutasu No Shinzou’ by Keigo Higashino, ‘Monica, O My Darling’ is a vintage-style crime thriller that can also share the label of dark comedy. Vasan Bala directs this neo-noir-themed movie that, despite running like a classic Bollywood whodunit, is refreshing and entertaining to watch. The movie begins with a murder of a worker at the Union factory and we don’t know who the killer is. Then we’re taken six months forward and introduced to Jayant Arkhedkar (Rajkummar Rao) who is being promoted to the board of directors for the company at its 50th-anniversary event. Robotics engineer Jayant, who is a rising star at Unicorn, comes from very humble beginnings but has successfully been able to impress the company CEO Satyanarayana Adhikari and his daughter Nikki Adhikari with whom he is engaged. At the same event, the CEO’s secretary Monica Machado (Huma Qureshi), introduces herself with a seductive cabaret-styled dance routine. We quickly learn that Monica is having an affair with Jayant and is apparently pregnant with his child. She tells Jayant she wants to raise the child and that he should pay for its upbringing if he doesn’t want her to spill the beans, potentially ruining his life. But Jayant is not the only one who is having an affair with and being blackmailed by Monica. Arvind Manivannan, from the accounts department at Unicorn, and Nishikant Adhikari, the son of Satyanarayana, are both being blackmailed by Monica. She has also told them she is pregnant with their child. The three men then get together to plot Monica’s murder and get rid of her to end their troubles. This is when things start getting really interesting in the film. A murder take place but it’s not Monica. And then another murder takes place and all the characters are engulfed by the fear of who’s going to be next. Jayant, as the main character, faces a few assassination attempts, and that only deepens the mystery. And when ACP Vijayashanti Naidu (Radhika Apte) comes into the picture to investigate the murder, the already captivating sequences churn into full-blown entertainment. There are many things to love about ‘Monica, O My Darling’. First, the screenplay is an almost perfect screen adaptation of the mystery novel. To take a piece of literature written in a whole different setting, in a different country, and context and then turn it around to suit your intended audience is a difficult task. The writing and direction of the film are on point. The film has an ensemble cast. These are not necessarily big names of Bollywood but faces that we’ve seen proving themselves time and again in Indian cinema. In this movie too, There are so many things to love about ‘Monica, O My Darling’. First, the screenplay is an almost perfect screen adaptation of the mystery novel. Rao is in his element and delivers yet again but there’s nothing extraordinary about him. Qureshi too looks natural and in sync with what’s happening around her. But it's Apte’s character as ACP Vijayashanti that leaves the audience astonished. As a powerful policewoman in charge of the investigation, she is great in the film, doing full justice to her character. You’ll have to watch the movie to witness the wildness that she unleashes on screen. With its retro Bollywood-ish title, I was expecting the film to be a bit more musical than it actually is. The film has only one title track called ‘Yeh Ek Zindagi’ that tries to emulate the disco/cabaret music of the 70s. The rest of the background score by Achint Thakkar is befitting the film’s theme, but again, expectations can be a cruel thing. Who should watch it? ‘Monica, O My Darling’ is as good as a neo-noir Hindi movie can get—there’s some mystery, some thrill, and a whole lot of style in the film. Anyone who loves a good watch, regardless of the genre or language, will definitely enjoy the movie. Rating: 4 stars Run time: 2hrs 9mins Genre: Thriller, mystery Actors: Rajkummar Rao, Huma Qureshi, Radhika Apte Director: Vasan Bala  

Quick facts Born on 20 Aug 1939 in Kathmandu  Went to Durbar High School, Kathmandu  Graduated from Tri Chandra College  Post-grad from Allahabad University, India; PhD from University of Pittsburg, USA  Involved in civil society movement from 1981  Husband of Padma Panday  Father to Priniti Panday I left the government job as a finance secretary in 1980. I was 40 years old at the time, and I had been holding a government job for 19 years. I was just one year shy from being eligible for pension, yet I decided to quit in full conscience.  After I left the bureaucracy, I got many offers from foreign organizations. But I decided not to go because I wanted to contribute my time and effort for the betterment of my country.  And in 1981, I started writing on society, diplomacy, economy, politics, etc. In 1990, I became finance minister for a year. Except for that one year, for almost four decades now, I have been a civil society member. The role of a civil society member doesn’t just mean reacting or protesting against political and social maladies, it also entails spreading thoughts, knowledge and ideas to build a better society. At the beginning of my writing career, I didn’t write critical pieces against the Panchayat government of the time. It took me about three years to really find my true voice in writing, and I hit the Panchayat system by writing on its economic policy. By that time, the intellectual society and journalists had recognized me, and every day, they used to come for debate, discourse and interviews. This helped me build a larger circle of like-minded friends. Soon, I was involved in think tanks, human rights organizations, and programs around South Asia, all of which helped me grow immensely and reach more mass. I was associated with Human Rights Organization Nepal when the Chernobyl disaster occurred in the then USSR. Nepal used to import milk and dairy products from the USSR. Following the disaster, I wrote an article titled ‘Nepal imports radioactive milk’ to raise awareness about the dangers of radiation. I was involved in many projects and activities that championed for a just world, for human rights and humanity in general.   I also initiated the ‘Swavalamban’ campaign, which worked in rural development and poverty alleviation.  Until the 2000s, the term ‘civil society’ wasn’t in much use. It only began after Nepal and Nepali people started a struggle to become a republic. The media fraternity started calling my fellow independent professionals and me a civil society.  [caption id="attachment_34084" align="alignnone" width="1024"] Devendra Raj Panday speaking at a civil society-led mass protest during the 2006 movement.[/caption] Initially, political leaders motivated me to participate in protests for democracy. The Nepali Congress leaders like Ganesh Man Singh and Girija Prasad Koirala used to invite me to events and meetings. But when the anti-monarchy protests began, it was us, civil society, who had to rally the political parties and their leaders because they were hesitant to come forward. By that time, the Maoist insurgency had been going on for nearly a decade. They were resorting to killing and violence demanding for a new constitution. The civil society members were also in favor of a new constitution. So, we decided to bring this rebel group to the negotiation table. Our goal was to make them lay down their arms, join peaceful politics and find a way for a regime change that is acceptable to all the established parties of the time.  For this, I met the Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal in Delhi and told him to give up violence and join mainstream politics.  The movement against the then royal regime didn’t pick up momentum until civil society became part of it.  So we went to the people, from house to house, to encourage them to participate in the protest. The Citizens Movement for Democracy and Peace (CMDP) in 2005-06, which I led, fought against the royal autocracy by mobilizing the masses.  Once our movement started to grow, the political parties also started falling in line. It was what we wanted. Our point was, it is the political parties who should run the government. A civil society is there to ensure human rights, peace and justice, and if the political parties deviate from their responsibility, we have to rise again and correct them.  At the CMDP meetings, we decided to call our movement a struggle for ‘loktantra’ (rule by the demos). It was deliberate because until then, democracy was known as ‘prajatantra’ (rule by the subjects). We didn’t want to be subjects anymore; we wanted to be citizens with rights and of a republic state.  But when we first started our movement, we didn’t initially bring out the word ‘republic’, because we reckoned many people wouldn’t have supported the idea. Many people had not yet made up their minds or at least had not thought of doing way with the centuries-old monarchy.  But our job was made easier by the then king Gyanendra with his ignorance and arrogance. As the movement grew and as our work with the Maoists and the seven-party alliance proceeded, we stood for more than just a republic order. I consider myself as an ordinary citizen. I am grateful that I am a politician, who has to run the party and provide the spoils of office to the party supporters. I love being a citizen. It is the most powerful position in the world. About him Padma Panday (Wife) If a person is too honest, other people around are scared. And that person is my husband. He is a man with integrity, who has always thought for his country. During the civil movements, our house used to be a meeting place where professionals from every fraternity came and discussed strategies. He has also been a good husband and a wonderful father.  Krishna Pahadi (Colleague) A word to describe him is ‘unprecedented’. The way he led the civil society movement for peace and democracy was courageous. After the establishment of the republic system, two people have become the president of Nepal. But, in my opinion, Devendra Raj Panday became the president of Nepalis. He is also one of the finest economists of Nepal, but our society hasn’t thought of utilizing his knowledge and expertise, which is unfortunate.  Khagendra Sangroula (Friend) In the conflict between narrowness and liberality of political thinking, Devendra Raj Panday resigned from the post of government secretary during Panchayat. He played a key role in facilitating the dialogue between the government and the rebel Maoists, and created the background for the 12-point agreement. He is an ideological architect of Pahad-Madhes unity based on people-oriented economic thinking and equality. Panday hence is the only living intellectual of contemporary time with an intellectual identity and prestige.