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April 12, 2019, 8:56 p.m.

The previous day, King Tribhuwan had obtained permission from Mohan Shumsher to go on a family picnic to Nagarjun. But on 6 November 1950, instead of going to Nagarjun, the vehicle carrying the royal family entered the premises of the Indian Embassy—something that perplexed the Ranas, given their extensive spying networks.

Having heard countless stories about Indian cities like Calcutta, Delhi and Bombay, King Tribhuwan always desired to visit them and often sought the Rana prime minister’s approval to do so. But he was denied permission under various pretexts. Mohan, who enjoyed having sycophants around, had also forced the king and the princes to visit him in Singha Durbar regularly, ostensibly to discuss government issues but actually to pay obeisance to him. In contrast, Mohan’s predecessors used to pay a visit to the king in the Narayanhiti Palace.

After one Chinya Kaji died in anti-government protests, NC ministers resigned

Tribhuwan’s entrance into the Indian Embassy caused a stir among the Ranas. A meeting of courtiers was summoned. Tribhuwan’s grandson Gyanendra was not part of the royal entourage entering the embassy. The Ranas immediately crowned three-year-old Gyanendra the king, arguing that Nepal’s throne couldn’t remain vacant even for a day. India did not recognize the move and maintained that Tribhuwan remained Nepal’s legitimate king. The US and the UK supported India.

By that time, street demonstrations had become a regular affair in Kathmandu. And in various other parts of the country, the Nepali Congress had launched an armed revolution. Mohan had responded by arresting not just ordinary protestors but also dissenting Ranas. Naturally, things got more complicated for him after Tribhuwan sought refuge with the Indians. Amid protests and pressure from India, Mohan finally bowed down and on 6 January 1951 signed an agreement in Delhi recognizing Tribhuwan as the legitimate king, accepting to rule the country under an approved constitution and announcing the formation of a Rana-Congress cabinet. The cabinet would be led by Mohan, and the Ranas and the Congress would divvy up the ministerial portfolios. As the agreement was signed in Delhi, India naturally became the ‘mediator’.

Political prisoners were released and Tribhuwan came back to Nepal on 15 February 1951. Two days later, the Ranas surrendered the official seals and papers that bestowed the country’s sovereign authority upon them. Titles such as ‘Shree teen maharaj’ and ‘Marshal’ that Jung Bahadur Rana had received from King Surendra were revoked. Mohan was no longer a ‘Shree teen maharaj’, but merely a Rana.

The Rana-Congress government did not last long. After one Chinya Kaji died while participating in an anti-government protest, Congress ministers resigned en masse. As a mediator, India artfully proposed a new treaty to keep Nepali politics under its thumb. That could not succeed. The cabinet was dissolved on 12 November 1951. Mohan became the last prime minister of the Rana oligarchy.

He not only left the government, but also the country for India. Besides enduring the pain of being the last Rana ruler, Mohan also faced many family troubles, and died in Bangalore at the age of 82.

The next column in the ‘Vault of history’ series will be on King Tribhuvan’s secretary Govinda Narayan, an Indian civil servant

Vault of history VI : Twilight days

April 5, 2019, 10:05 p.m.

Mohan Shumsher was the hazuria general throughout the reign of his father Chandra Shumsher. Only those who were extremely close to the prime minister could become the hazuria general. Mohan got that post at the young age of 18, which gave him invaluable experiences in statecraft. He was considered a clever, crafty and conniving ruler. But he was also staunchly religious and sought an astrologer’s advice on every occasion.

He looked for an auspicious moment to transfer the crown from Padma Shumsher’s residence to his residence in Singha Durbar. Because the auspicious moment fell on one particular midnight, the crown was brought into Singha Durbar in the middle of the night—before Mohan was officially declared ‘Shree Teen’. Even Chandra had concluded that Mohan was too religiously-inclined to handle state affairs.

Mohan spent his entire mornings performing ablutions and worshipping. But while he did so, palace clerks read out letters to him. He also listened to spy reports during his long baths; the Ranas had set up extensive spying networks to keep themselves informed.

That was an era of political upheavals across the world. In China, the communists were gaining in strength and inching closer to victory. India had recently won freedom from the British, which had established the rule of the Indian National Congress led by Jawaharlal Nehru. Many Nepalis had taken part in the Indian freedom struggle and the wind of independence had started blowing from India across the border into Nepal.

Mohan visited India in February 1950 in order to take the southern neighbor into confidence. Although he was accorded a high level of respect there, he could not get the kind of support he was angling for. He had wanted India’s help in curbing the revolutionary activities of Nepalis living there. But Nehru, citing contemporary global developments, advised Mohan to tread a middle path. Not only did Nehru urge him to open the door to a democratic system, but also offered to send Indian experts to Nepal to help with constitution-making. Dissenting Ranas like Subarna Shumsher and Mahabir Shumsher, who were living in India at the time, submitted a memorandum to Mohan arguing that the Rana regime could not survive long without changing its ways. When Mohan came back to Nepal, the regime started confiscating the property of the Ranas who held democratic views.

By the time Mohan became prime minister, Nepal had already entered a phase of political transition and the Ranas had started resorting to all sorts of cunning stratagems to safeguard their rule. Chandeshwar Prasad Narayan Singh, the then Indian ambassador to Nepal, had become exceedingly active. It was during such a transitory phase that the 1950 Nepal-India Treaty of Peace and Friendship was proposed. India had prepared the draft of the treaty. When Nepal sought amendments, Singh refused. But the Rana rulers were tempted by the prospect of prolonging their regime if they could please India. Ultimately, the treaty was signed on 31 July 1950. From the very day it was signed, Nepalis dubbed it an ‘unequal’ treaty. The Ranas’ expectation that signing the treaty would strengthen their rule also turned out to be unrealistic.

On 6 Nov 1950, when King Tribhuwan and his family entered the premises of the Indian embassy in Kathmandu, it came as a complete shock to Mohan. It was his son Bijaya who had brought him the news. Laxman Prasad Rimal, a courtier of Mohan Shumsher, writes: “Bijaya Shumsher came in through a secret path. He whispered something in Mohan Shumsher’s ear. Suddenly, his face turned pale.” (Laxman Rimal, Bitekaa ti dinharu, page 107).

The next column in the ‘Vault of history’ series will discuss the final days of the 104-year-long Rana rule in Nepal

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Vault of history IV : Padma’s reforms and exile

Vault of history V : The ‘wily maharaj’

March 31, 2019, 7:31 p.m.

After Juddha Shumsher announced his abdication and turned from a despotic ruler into a ‘saintly maharaj’, he gave an advice to his nephew Mohan Shumsher: “Serve Padma Shumsher the way Bharat served Ram.” Juddha was referring to the characters in the Hindu epic Ramayana, in which Bharat is steadfastly loyal to his half-brother Ram. Even during Ram’s 14-year exile to the forest, Bharat didn’t usurp the throne.

For Mohan Shumsher, Juddha’s advice was meaningless. Using various machinations and trickery, Mohan made it difficult for Padma to stay in the country. When Padma went to India for medical treatment, Mohan forced him to resign from there. And on 30 April 1948, Mohan crowed himself ‘Shree Teen’. There was a time when the king used to put the crown on the Rana prime minister’s head, but that tradition had been broken for some time, and the Ranas had started putting the crown on themselves and declaring themselves ‘maharaj’. Once they became ‘Shree Teen’, they turned into an autocrat. Like Louis XIV, the Rana prime ministers claimed they were the state.

The Ranas were declared colonels and generals as soon as they were born. Surprised by such tradition, the British used to call them ‘toy generals’. Ordinary Nepalis couldn’t be expected to summon the nerve to comment on the ways of the Ranas, who had been running a family oligarchy for three generations with an iron fist. When the Ranas were walking in the street, commoners had to stand still and salute them. Those who didn’t were put on a list of ‘suspicious’ people.

One of Mohan Shumsher’s brothers was Krishna Shumsher, who was on the prime ministerial roll and the designated hazuria (roughly, ‘most trusted’) general of Padma Shumsher. Krishna was a firm supporter of Padma’s progressive policies. Padma’s policies and Krishna’s activities had alarmed the likes of Mohan Shumsher, Babar Shumsher and Bahadur Shumsher, who were afraid that the expansion of liberal policies would spell the demise of the Rana regime and prevent them from becoming prime minister.

Mohan Shumsher’s family wasn’t happy that Krishna was the hazuria general of Padma Shumsher. But once Mohan became prime minister, he tried to keep Krishna close. Krishna, however, didn’t want to stay in Nepal. Mohan tried to make him the envoy to Britain, but Krishna refused. He set off for India in December 1949, giving up his post and leaving behind some property in Kathmandu, including Shital Niwas, the current residence of the President. (He also left behind Rs 300,000 for its maintenance.) In India, Krishna invested in various businesses and amassed a big fortune. He believed the Rana rule wouldn’t survive long if it didn’t introduce reforms.

When Mohan Shumsher became prime minister, he adopted repressive policies, much like during Juddha’s reign. Mohan’s brothers, who had control over the army and the government, began wielding power with reckless abandon. They started uttering threatening statements to intimidate critics. “Our reign was acquired through swords and we will rule another 100 years with the power of swords,” they said openly. By the time Mohan Shumsher appeared on the scene, the Ranas had ruled the country for 102 years under the threat of a sword. To instill fear in the commoners, Mohan’s brothers told stories of Hitler and Mussolini, and even put up their portraits in their palaces.

The next column in the ‘Vault of history’ series will discuss how the ‘unequal’ 1950 treaty came to be signed at the fag end of Mohan Shumsher’s reign

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Vault of history IV : Padma’s reforms and exile

March 22, 2019, 10:54 p.m.

It was customary for members of the Rana family to be swathed in expensive robes and ornaments, and to constantly try to outcompete other members through ostentatious displays of wealth. Padma Shumsher, by contrast, used to dress modestly until he became prime minister. He didn’t have much wealth either. Kathmandu’s power worshippers weren’t very close to him. Only after he became prime minister did his entourage of sycophants expand.

Padma did not even move to Singha Durbar, the prime minister’s quarters, during his 28-month-long rule. He governed from his own palace in Bishalnagar. He spent time with the likes of Rishikesh Shah and Surya Prasad Upadhyaya, who were known for their democratic views. Obviously, this did not go down well with the Rana family. It was because of his social circle that Padma became inclined toward progressivism.

It was during Padma’s rule that a ‘scientific reform’ movement was started. Government of Nepal Act, 2004 was formulated. (It was scheduled to be issued on the first day of the Nepali year 2005, i.e. 13 April 1948.) Ensuring fundamental rights without going against local customs and conduct was the main attraction of that law.

The act had a provision for a council of ministers with at least five members. They could serve for four years after being nominated by the prime minister and taking a religious vow. The law stipulated that only close confidants of the prime minister could serve in the cabinet. A council of ministers was a novel experiment in a regime run completely under a military system.

During Padma’s reign, a legislative body, in which the prime minister sat, was formed in order to give the country a glimpse of the parliamentary system. Padma Kanya College was established to provide education for women. For the first time in Nepal’s history, an electoral exercise was carried out in Kathmandu.

In that era, Padma Shumsher was considered a ‘timid’ PM. Later he was counted among the more reformist Rana rulers

Also for the first time, a demonstration was staged in Kathmandu on 14 April 1947. City residents had never seen an open demonstration. Recalls Bhekh Bahadur Thapa, a senior diplomat who was then a student at Durbar High School, “It was the first time that a mass demonstration was held in Kathmandu, with participants chanting slogans like ‘Jindabad’ and ‘Jaya Nepal’ in support of BP Koirala and Nepali National Congress. Students ran out of classes and joined the demonstration.”

Those who had led the demonstration were arrested, but Padma granted them amnesty. Jayatu Sanskritam, a student uprising, took place a couple of months later.

Because there was no budgetary system then, the account of revenue and expenditure was kept a secret throughout the Rana rule. The prime minister’s salary wasn’t made public either. Padma Shumsher wanted to create a budgetary system and make it public. He also wanted to fix the prime minister’s salary at Rs 300,000 (three lakhs) a year. But his successor Mohan Shumsher didn’t let him do that, arguing that the ‘Shree Teen’ would be called ‘Teen-lakhe prime minister’. Still, Padma Shumsher increased the country’s development budget by Rs 2.262 million, taking it from Rs 752,000 to Rs 3.22 million. Reformative measures like these naturally spooked the descendants of Chandra and Juddha. They started fearing that Padma’s ways could spell the end of the Rana rule.

They applied all sorts of technics to plant fear in Padma’s mind and got him trapped in a spiral of suspicion. He started wondering if he’d meet the same fate as the slain Ranodip. And in March 1948, Padma fled, with his money, to Rachi, India on the pretext of seeking medical treatment.

Before he’d formally resigned, his successor Mohan Shumsher moved to the prime minister’s residence in Singha Durbar, which was an extravagant palace built by Mohan’s father Chandra Shumsher. Padma died in Calcutta in 1961.

In that era, Padma was considered a ‘timid’ prime minister. Later he was counted among reformist Rana rulers.

Next week’s ‘Vault of history’ column is on Mohan Shumsher, the last Rana prime minister

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March 17, 2019, 9:01 p.m.

In November 1945, just when the Rana oligarchy was nearing its centenary, the tyrannical Juddha Shumsher was succeeded by the ‘liberal’ Padma Shumsher. Only two weeks into his reign, Padma uttered a curious statement: Ma janataa ko sewak hoon (I’m the servant of the people). A Rana prime minister saying he’s a servant! Padma even wept while saying it. That was a strange sight.

Equally strange was the fact that Gorkhapatra, when publishing the news, missed the ‘se’ in ‘sewak’ and printed Ma janataa ko wak hoon. Because a sewak (servant) was not an appropriate way to refer to a Rana, people speculated that the Rana family must have had a hand in getting rid of the ‘se’. ‘Wak’ only means to speak. As Gorkhapatra was the government’s official mouthpiece, it was censored by the Ranas. “Only god knows whether it happened by accident or on purpose”, remarked historian Sardar Bhim Bahadur Pande.

Padma Shumsher had become a ‘Shree Teen’ rather effortlessly. His uncle Juddha Shumsher had set an example by abdicating voluntarily. In those days, the reins of power weren’t transferred so easily. Jung Bahadur, the first Rana prime minister, was removed from power in a conspiracy. Ranodip Singh was murdered by his own nephews. The reign of progressive Dev Shumsher didn’t even last four months. He was sent into exile by his brother Chandra Shumsher, who then went on to rule the country for 28 years.

Why was Padma Shumsher tearful? Even trivial matters made him weep. Tears welled up in his eyes even in meetings with courtiers. Such behavior was unbefitting of the arrogant and domineering Ranas. Juddha, who handed over power to Padma, did not like it either. While leaving Kathmandu after announcing his abdication, Juddha apparently said, “What unworthy fellow have I handed over power to!”

Padma Shumsher was the first prime minister from his generation. He was the eldest son of Bhim Shumsher, Juddha’s predecessor

Padma Shumsher was the first prime minister from his generation. He was the eldest son of Bhim Shumsher, Juddha’s predecessor. Bhim’s other sons—Hiranya, Prachanda and Ram—and grandsons—Subarna and Mahabir—had been removed from the prime-ministerial roll after Juddha became prime minister in 1932. Almost every Rana prime minister, in order to make his reign smooth, came up with a prime-ministerial roll.

Juddha and Chandra had numerous sons and grandsons, who were very powerful. The prime-ministerial roll declared by Juddha included six of his sons and six of Chandra’s. Among Bhim’s sons, only Padma was included. And although Padma was the prime minister, it was the sons and grandsons of Juddha and Chandra who wielded real power, including control over military appointments.

After Padma became prime minister in 1945, he called his nephews Subarna and Mahabir to Kathmandu in an attempt to tame the descendants of Juddha and Chandra. But neither Subarna nor Mahabir could endure the intrigues in Kathmandu’s power circles and returned to Calcutta. Later, they played an active role in the movement against the Rana regime.

Next week’s ‘Vault of history’ column discusses the various ‘revolutionary reforms’ Padma Shumsher initiated.

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Vault of history II : Juddha the villain

March 10, 2019, 8:32 p.m.

After he announced his abdication, Juddha Shumsher gave up his royal garb in favor of that of a mendicant. From the most despotic and tyrannical of Rana rulers, Juddha transformed into a ‘saintly maharaj’. For a while, he led a pious life in Ridi, a holy site in Gulmi. After Mohan Shumsher came to power, Juddha left the country for Dehradun, where he lived in an extravagant palace. He didn’t come back even after the dawn of democracy in Nepal in February 1951.

But speculation as to why he abdicated didn’t die down. Some argued Juddha was pro-British and the impending demise of the British Raj made him insecure. The Rana prime ministers, though powerful, were afraid of an unnatural death. During Juddha’s reign itself, his predecessor Chandra Shumsher’s descendants still wielded immense power. (Ranodip Singh, the second prime minister from the Rana dynasty, had been brutally assassinated by his nephews while he was praying.) An atmosphere of fear prevailed in the Rana palace where one’s own brothers and nephews were viewed suspiciously. Juddha’s elder brother Dev Shumsher, who was considered a progressive ruler, was forcibly dethroned. A common perception in Nepal at the time was that ministers and prime ministers could not die a natural death.

Powerful figures like Bhimsen Thapa, Mathabar Singh Thapa, Damodar Pande, Rana Jang Pande, Gagan Singh Khawas, Kirtiman Singh Basnyat, etc. had all met an untimely death. Kings and queens could even be forced into religious exile in Kashi (Banaras). The Kunwars, who started using the title ‘Rana’, established and sustained a dynastic rule for 104 years by slaughtering relatives and courtiers.

Juddha’s predecessors didn’t show much interest in the country’s economic development. They blew state revenue on lavish living and siphoned off the remaining wealth to India. This trend started during the reign of Bir Shumsher. According to Sardar Bhim Bahadur Pande, development expenditure during the entirety of Juddha’s reign was only Rs 15.5 million, while the annual revenue collection at the time amounted to Rs 27.3 million. In his abdication speech, Juddha proudly claimed that he spent a large amount on development. Juddha also put a limit on the number of years government officials could serve. Before that, they resorted to all kinds of chicanery to hang on to office until they kicked the bucket.

Juddha brooked no criticism of him or his rule. If he so much as suspected the possibility of a revolt, he would crush it. As soon as he held the reins of power, he sent potential rivals—his brothers and nephews—into exile. Some of those exiles like Subarna Shumsher and Mahabir Shumsher backed the revolutionary movement of 1950-51 that led to the overthrow of the Rana regime.

Under Juddha’s reign, political rebels were martyred for spreading awareness. It was during his rule that the four martyrs of Nepal were put to death and Krishna Prasad Koirala, the father of BP Koirala, breathed his last as a prisoner. Those who opened a library or even kept books in their house were imprisoned. Even devotional singers and monks weren’t spared—they were either jailed or exiled. A powerful tyrant like Juddha became known as a ‘saintly maharaj’ after he “voluntarily” abdicated.

Supporters of democracy and denouncers of the Rana regime considered Juddha a villain. But because he abdicated without any fuss, he wasn’t counted as one. In fact, many regarded him a noble figure. And while Juddha lost the reins of power, his descendants became even stronger. Although his sons couldn’t become ‘Shree Teen’, his daughters ended up being queens. In other words, Juddha’s descendants thrived in the palace.

His granddaughters Indra Rajya Laxmi and Ratna Rajya Laxmi were married to king Mahendra. The three sons of Indra Rajya Laxmi—Birendra, Gyanendra and Dhirendra—got married, respectively, to Aishwarya, Komal and Prekshya, who were Juddha’s great-granddaughters. Even Sher Bahadur Deuba, the current Nepali Congress president and four-time prime minister, is married to Juddha’s granddaughter. Deuba’s wife Arzu Rana Deuba is the daughter of Binod Shumsher, Juddha’s youngest son. Naturally, no one could write critically about the relatives of such powerful people. And the villainous side of Juddha, an autocratic figure in Nepal’s political history, never came to light.

Next week’s ‘Vault of history’ column discusses the legacy of Padma Shumsher, the self-described ‘public servant’ who succeeded Juddha Shumsher as prime minister

Vault of history I : Saintly despot

March 2, 2019, 12:12 a.m.

When KP Sharma Oli became the head of a government with a two-thirds majority, Nepal’s intellectual circle compared him to ‘Shree Teen’ Juddha Shumsher, in the sense that Oli was the most powerful ruler since the Rana prime minister. Bishwo Paudel, a scholar of economic history, makes this argument on the basis of his research on Nepal’s prime ministers. Juddha Shumsher lost the reins of power about 73 years and two months ago. Since then, the country had not got such a strong prime minister—until Oli appeared on the scene.

Juddha Shumsher’s reign, which lasted 13 years two months and 26 days, was indeed absolute, free from any restraints or obstacles. He could exercise power freely. The palace was extremely weak. In fact, Juddha Shumsher didn’t think much of the royal family. On occasions, he even reprimanded King Tribhuwan in front of courtiers.

Juddha’s successor Padma Shumsher, who became known as ‘the tearful maharaj’, was feeble by nature. It didn’t take long for Chandra Shumsher’s descendants to force Padma Shumsher to a life in exile in India. Padma’s successor Mohan Shumsher was weakened by the growing intensity of the movement for democracy. After democracy dawned, the palace suddenly became strong. Then it started appointing prime ministers or dangling the sword of Damocles over the heads of elected prime ministers.

Oli is free of such concerns. The monarchy no longer exists. The president’s post is merely ceremonial. Again, because Oli has been compared to Juddha Shumsher, the powerful Rana prime minister’s life story has become a topic of interest.

On 29 Nov 1945, Juddha Shumsher made a sudden and unexpected announcement that he was abdicating in favor of his nephew Padma Shumsher. There was rampant speculation as to Juddha’s motives for the abdication. Some guessed that the move was meant to preempt a coup (and possibly murder) by Chandra Shumsher’s descendants. At the time, power struggles, including bloodshed, were commonplace within the Rana family. Members of the family had to perform various rituals and make religious vows to refrain from violence. Juddha Shumsher had sent his brothers and nephews into exile in order to safeguard his hold on power.

The general expectation was that Juddha would tighten the hold. There was no hint that the 70-year-old prime minister would suddenly abdicate. According to Bhim Bahadur Pande, a high-level courtier at the time responsible for formulating development plans, Juddha Shumsher got his relatives and courtiers to gather together and made a speech announcing his abdication. “My sons and nephews are capable of handling the affairs of the state, so I’m following in the footsteps of some of the Kshatriya kings of the Raghu dynasty, who after reaching a certain age abdicated the throne and entered the forest to meditate. (Sardar Bhim Bahadur Pande, Tyasbakhat-Nepal, Part 3, Page 329)

Next week’s ‘Vault of history’ discusses some of the other possible reasons why Juddha Shumsher had to abdicate

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