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Along a path strewn with rocks, let's take a walk, dear readers. Let’s begin with two huge pieces of Himalayan rocks that once adorned Thulo Pahiro, Kaligandaki rural municipality-6 in Myagdi district. For local people, the two rocks lodged on a ravine above a stretch of the sacred Kaligandaki river were a familiar sight. But the eyes searching for the two giants will no longer be able to find them in their birthplace. (Why on Earth would anyone worry over two giant rocks? You see, the Nepalis are a peculiar being, actually. These ‘savages’ worship trees, mountains, rivers, boulders and what not!) As per government orders, the two quartzite and calcite rocks have marched on, initially for Janakpur, the birthplace of Sita Maiya (Goddess Sita) and the capital of King Janak, from where they will be transferred to Ayodhya with Nepal also footing the shipping cost of the precious gift, most probably. Per a report in the state-owned The Rising Nepal daily, the Gandaki Province and the federal government had decided to send this gift in response to a correspondence  from India. The initial plan was to carve the rocks into larger-than-life-size statues of Ram Lalla (lovely, cuddly Lord Ram in his childhood avatar) and Sita Maiya, and install them at a Ram Temple whose construction is going on in full swing. The plan is to complete the works and inaugurate the temple well before the 2024 elections that may not exactly be a cakewalk for the ruling Bharatiya Janta Party. With the economy not in the pink of health, the Indian National Congress resurging along with a formidable Aam Aadmi Party and a ghost from the past haunting it somewhat, Hindu votes will be crucial than ever before for the ruling party. Much to the inconvenience of the rocks bound for Ayodhya (now, who cares about the inconvenience of rocks?), there seems to be a little change of plan (Plan B if you will), though. Contrary to earlier reports, The Hindu reports (‘Nepal temple prepares to gift 350-tonne stones to build Ram statue in Ayodhya’, 17 Jan) that it’s unclear if the rocks will be used to carve out the statues. Also, there’s incongruity about the weight of the rocks. While earlier reports in the Nepali and Indian media outlets suggested that the rocks weighed around 18 and 16 tonnes, the daily states that the rocks have a combined weight of 350 tonnes! Is this because of confusion about metric tonne and tonne? Or have these humble Himalayan rocks suddenly started possessing the divine power to change their shape and form, like Lord Hanuman, who could transform into an insect at Ashok Batika, a giant at the court of Ravan and anything in between, as his role demanded? Interestingly, the government decision to give away the rocks comes amid its increased restrictions on the mining and extraction industry thriving on rampant exploitation of natural resources. The decision coincides with the anniversary of Dilip Mahato (24), who was killed deliberately three years ago for protesting against rampant extraction of riverine materials in Dhanusha. Images of a group of apologists from Nepal—government officials, priests, experts and politicians—performing kshmapuja on the banks of the Kaligandanki on the very day of a huge national tragedy (the Yeti Airlines plane crash that ended up killing all 72 on board) are now frozen in time. A mute spectator to the daylight robbery and rampant cross-border smuggling of the Shaligrams, which bear the imprints of some of the most ancient sea creatures, a woebetide Kaligandaki keeps flowing. What else can she do if our all-powerful federal, provincial and local governments keep mum? She cannot shout out loud and declare that the Shaligrams and all other treasures on the riverbed belong to the very cradle of the earliest forms of life, or can she? Under the human scheme of things, all that the mighty river can do is tremble at the possibility of further exploitation of riverine resources in the context of great geopolitical games for regional and global supremacy. The images featuring a crop of apologists on the banks of the Kaligandaki hark back to the times when Nepal’s rulers chose to sell the country down the river for their petty gains, despite protests from the people, only to repent later. In modern times, acts of high treason have been continuing unabated since the Treaty of Sugauli (1816) with Nepal forced to part with pounds of flesh after each wave of political change through unjust and unequal legal instruments like the Nepal-India Peace and Friendship Treaty (1950), the Gandak Agreement (1959), the Koshi Agreement (1966) and the much-controversial Mahakali Treaty (1996) with the successor of the British empire emerging as Nepal’s neo-colonial master. Recent days have seen a federal secular democratic republic of Nepal lose more of her lifelines. Without control over these resources, how will the center, the provinces, the towns and the villages survive, let alone prosper? Thanks to these instruments that are also the result of great geostrategic and geopolitical games for global and regional supremacy, Nepal, a non-aligned country used to minding her own business and charting her destiny on her own, has been living a neocolonial nightmare. As India celebrates her 74th Republic Day marking her transition to a republic after the end of the British rule brought about by an untiring and inspiring struggle against colonialism and imperialism , her rulers would do well to opt for some serious soul-searching vis-a-vis her relations with Nepal. This is because very often after their fights against oppression and injustice, the champions of higher ideals like human rights and democracy end up becoming the forces that they detested so much. While describing our bilateral ties, there’s a tendency to invoke the past, which is a contested territory anyway, and forget the present. While invoking divinities in the relations, there’s a tendency to forget humanity. There’s a tendency to forget that we are two fully sovereign countries, regardless of our respective size and importance in the comity of nations. While stressing the need to take them to new heights, there’s a tendency, deliberate or otherwise, to forget ground realities and Nepal’s sensibilities. Very often in bilateral fora, ordinary Nepalis feel that on both sides of the negotiating table are people representing the powerful neighbor’s interest at the expense of Nepal. At every such forum, fears of another sellout grip Nepal. As India takes immense pride in calling herself the world’s largest democracy, the onus is on her to do some soul-searching and create an environment of trust and add more elements of democracy in our bilateral relations. Let great celebrations of independence also offer us an opportunity to make way for more equal, just and humane ties.

The new House of Representatives (HoR) has found some important business, right after its first meeting post-Nov 20 elections. The business came on Saturday in the form of competing claims for the powerful position of the main opposition, from the Nepali Congress and the Nepal Workers’ and Peasants’ Party. In terms of numbers, the Congress (the largest party in the parliament, with 88 members) has a huge advantage over the NWPP, which has 1 member in the parliament. But the Congress vote for the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government in the Jan 10 vote of confidence has deemed it ineligible for helming the opposition bench, if legal provisions and comments from the constitutional-legal fraternity are any guide. The Act on Salary and Facilities for Office-bearers and Members of the Federal Parliament, 2073 recognizes a party having 10 percent or more lawmakers in the HoR or the National Assembly as the opposition party. But the act comes with a caveat. It stipulates that such a party should neither be part of the Council of Ministers nor should it have supported Cabinet formation. Sub-section 2 of sub-clause (e) of the Act implies: If more than one parties having 10 percent or more seats in the HoR or the NA have equal number of seats, then the parties shall recognize a party as the opposition (in the respective chambers) through mutual consent. As such is not the case, the Speaker’s prerogative, enshrined in sub-clause 3 of the Act, comes into play here. It implies: If there’s no written mutual consent or if no party other than the one in the Cabinet or supporting it has 10 percent members in the HoR or the NA, the NA Chair or the Speaker should designate the opposition party (in the two chambers, respectively). On this very ground, the NWPP is staking its claim. Prem Suwal, the NWPP lawmaker, on Saturday demanded in writing that the parliament declare it the main opposition as it is the first and the largest among the parties that did not vote for the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government. While speaking at the first meeting of the House on Thursday, Suwal demanded, citing federal laws, that parliament proceedings should commence only after designating the main opposition. Constitutional expert Bhimarjun Acharya says: By voting for the government, the Nepali Congress has lost political, moral and constitutional bases to be the main opposition. He says making the Congress the main opposition will set a bad precedent. Senior lawmaker and National Assembly member Radheshyam Adhikari preferred not to comment on the matter, saying he was studying the developments. All this means that the ball has landed in the Speaker’s court. Responding to claims from the Congress and the NWPP for the coveted position, the parliament secretariat has said it will make a decision on the basis of prevailing laws and regulations. Whatever decision the secretariat takes, it will not be without controversy, that’s a given.  

High government officials of Nepal holding talks with foreign leaders without a note-taker has ceased to be newsworthy stuff. Such is the scenario, literally or otherwise, that we the sovereign people of Nepal may no longer be surprised even if our highest representative fumbles in his pocket in a frantic search for a pen and a piece of paper to write a summary of the meeting at a foreign capital. Ambassadors from heavyweight countries calling on top political leaders in the latters’ private chambers or other convenient locations even during odd hours has become a normal thing (sort of). And so has the tendency of our leaders to visit some foreign mission for talks and get caught, sometimes. Also, foreign diplomats visiting nooks and crannies of this country has become an in-thing, in the God’s Own Country. What transpires during such exchanges? What is the purpose of such outings? With no information forthcoming, rumors make rounds. Conspiracy theories abound. Do our men/women in foreign capitals enjoy such luxuries? The luxuries of visiting, say, some scenic locations, hip and happening places? Or even calling on the head of the state or the government to discuss some pressing issues, for that matter? That too at the eleventh hour? They do, but in their daydreams, perhaps. It’s not that our laws promote such conduct. They don’t. Clause 4.1 of the Diplomatic Code of Conduct, 2011 states: Ministers of the Government of Nepal or officials of the constitutional bodies or other senior officials should invite representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other related ministries while meeting ministers, ambassadors or senior officials of the foreign governments. The representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should prepare the record of talks held on those occasions. In case of the inability to invite the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or other Ministries concerned to the meeting under special circumstances, the agency concerned should make available to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs summary report of the talks held during the meeting. Likewise, summary report(s) of meetings, contacts and discussions held by officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be sent to the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. Clause 4.2 states: Ministers of the Government of Nepal or officials of the constitutional bodies or other senior officials should, as far as possible, give prior intimation to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs while receiving foreign diplomats or other officials for courtesy or farewell calls, formal talks and meetings. Summary report(s) of the talks and discussions held during such meetings should be made available to the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The supervisor of the individual concerned should be informed verbally or in writing before holding such meetings and talks. In the case of Secretaries to the Government of Nepal, the Chief Secretary to the Government of Nepal shall be the supervising official. During his previous term as deputy prime minister and foreign minister in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led Cabinet, Narayan Kaji Shrestha tried to enforce the code at least in part, to little avail. Fast forward Jan 18, 2023. During its first meeting, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led Cabinet on Wednesday decided that government ministers should ensure the presence of foreign ministry representatives during their meetings with foreign diplomats and other representatives of foreign countries. This came in the wake of complaints that government ministers were holding parleys with diplomats and other representatives of foreign governments without informing the government of Nepal. An afterthought: Was this decision followed at a high-level meet held on Wednesday itself? Once again, the government has taken an initial step in a bid to ensure adherence to its own diplomatic code and other international practices. The government will need tremendous political will to go the whole hog. Let the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Diplomatic Code of Conduct 2011 be its guide.

With generous support from political parties and individual lawmakers across the board, a nascent ruling coalition under Pushpa Kamal Dahal won a crucial vote of confidence in the House of Representatives with an unprecedented majority, securing 268 votes in the 275-strong parliament that had 270 members present on the important day. Paradoxically, the victory in the parliament with a fractured mandate appears to have unseated the 78-member-strong CPN (UML) from its position of the kingmaker, with the largest party, the Nepali Congress, throwing its weight behind the coalition under the CPN (Maoist Center), which has 32 members in the parliament. Out of 89 NC lawmakers, 85 voted for the coalition, while one NC member could not vote as he had a court case pending against him. Lawmakers Kishor Singh Rathaur, Manoram Sherchan and Ambika Basnet were absent. Pashupati Shumsher Rana JBR, lawmaker from the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, could not vote as he was chairing the session. The NC supporting the ruling coalition means the bargaining power of the Maoist party will increase and Dahal will no longer be at the mercy of the second largest party in the parliament to remain in power. This lifeline will be crucial for Dahal and co if the UML-Maoist alliance comes under strain and headwinds begin to blow, especially after 2.5 years, the Constitution-set embargo for a change of guard. In such a case, if push comes to shove, Dahal will have a lifeline ready. Anyway, with Rastriya Swatantra Party (20 seats), Rastriya Prajatantra Party (14), Janata Samajvadi Party (12), CPN-Unified Socialist (10), Janamat Party (10), Loktantrik Samajvadi Party (4), Nagarik Unmukti Party (3) and five independents, a good number of political equations are possible even if Nepal Workers’ and Peasants’ Party and Rastriya Janamorcha—one seat each—choose to remain firmly in the opposition. After the euphoria over this victory is over, the Dahal-led government would do well to look back a little bit. Let’s just cite a few examples from Nepal’s contemporary history. In 2018, the KP Oli-led ruling coalition had a two-third majority in the parliament. However, it came crashing down barely three years later, thanks mainly to rifts within. In the 90’s, the NC got majority to form the government twice. But these governments became castles in the wind with the party riven by internal feuds. In the general election held after the establishment of a multiparty democratic polity in 1958, the BP Koirala government (NC) garnered a two-third majority in the parliament. But the government did not last long. Feuds within the party had a role in this collapse, apart from the then monarch’s ambitions. None of the majority governments formed in a space of six decades or so have survived full term. In such a context, the Dahal government would do well to tread with caution.  

Kathmandu:  For the first time after the Nepali Congress-led five-party ruling coalition fell like a house of cards despite garnering a majority in November 20 federal and provincial elections, the party organized a press conference in Kathmandu, on Wednesday. Helming the conference was none other than party Spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat. While whodunit over the collapse of the erstwhile coalition continues, Mahat tried to wash his party’s hands of the debacle. Instead, he accused CPN (Maoist Center) Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and CPN (Unified Socialist) Chair Madhav Kumar Nepal of betrayal that caused the collapse of the NC-led ruling alliance and made way for a new ruling alliance.   The NC did not get enough time to hold talks with Maoist Chair ‘Prachanda’ for giving continuity to the pre-poll alliance under the latter’s leadership, Mahat maintained. While talks on continuing with the erstwhile coalition were underway, Prachanda joined forces with the CPN-UML at the last minute, he noted and objected to the move. Mahat had an answer for those wondering as to what his party was doing after the debacle. “We are assessing the impact of this switching of sides,” he said.  The leader hastened to add that NC was not trying to cobble together a coalition for returning to power. Further, the NC leader said: The current coalition consists of monarchists and anti-monarchists, federalists and anti-federalists, glued together for positions of power. This coalition may come crumbling under its own weight, Mahat forecasted. Talking about his party’s future plans, Mahat offered a glimmer of hope, saying: The Congress will play the role of a strong opposition.  Easier said than done, but here’s hoping that the party will walk the talk. After all, hope springs eternal even during a grim winter like this, doesn’t it?

President Bidya Devi Bhandari on Monday administered the oath of office and secrecy to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal at Sheetal Niwas. Seven other members of the Dahal Cabinet, including three deputy prime ministers, also took the oath from the President in the presence of PM Dahal. Of the Cabinet members, two are from the CPN (Maoist Center), four from CPN-UML and one each from the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and the CK Raut-led Janamat Party. They are deputy prime ministers Rabi Lamichhane, chairman of RSP; Narayan Kaji Shrestha, senior vice-chair of CPN (Maoist Center); and Bishnu Poudel, vice-chairman of UML. Lamichhane holds the additional portfolio of the Ministry of Home Affairs, whereas Poudel and Shrestha hold the portfolios of the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Physical Planning and Infrastructure, respectively. For Lamichhane, who formed RSP about seven months ago, it was a meteoric rise to power. Earlier, there were reports that the party had two minds about joining the upcoming government. But Lamichhane put those doubts to rest by staking claim on the Home Ministry. The Cabinet has Damodar Bhandari, Jwala Kumari Sah, Rajendra Rai from the UML and Abdul Khan from the Janamat Party as ministers without portfolio. The work division of these ministers is to be decided later, probably in the second round of Cabinet expansion. PM Dahal, chair of the Maoist party, had struck a deal with UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, ditching a ruling dispensation with the Nepali Congress. The deal materialized after indications that the NC, which led the erstwhile five-party ruling coalition and emerged as the largest party in Nov 20 federal and provincial elections, appeared unlikely to give the Maoist party any major role in the upcoming dispensation. NC’s last-ditch effort to salvage the coalition failed, effectively relegating the largest party in the House of Representatives to the opposition bench. RSP, Janamat Party and the Laxman Tharu-led Nagarik Unmukti Party also came on board at Sunday’s Dahal-Oli meet at the latter’s residence in Balkot, ensuring a 170-strong majority in the House of Representatives that has a total of 275 seats. Unlike in the beginning of his earlier stints as prime minister, Dahal this time took the oath donning Daura-Suruwal, capping it all with the Bhadgaunle Topi. Is this minor change an indication of a more effective and efficient premiership in the offing? Or the adage that the more things change, the more they remain the same will hold true, again? Only time will tell.

The Timal region was always on my mind, especially after the start of the coronavirus pandemic toward the end of the year 2019. The region had seen far better days before the pandemic. Why would it not? After all, it is said to be the only place on Planet Earth where the magical Buddhachitta trees grow. The trees bear those round, beautiful, magical things called the Buddhachitta that cost (or used to cost in those heydays) a small fortune. There’s an interesting folktale about the Buddhachitta tree. It goes something like this. The Shakyamuni Buddha came on a visit to this abode of peace and bliss once. Before leaving, he wanted to bless the place and the wonderful people living there. When asked, the local people asked for his rosary. The kind and the compassionate one gave the locals more than they had asked for. He gifted them the plant that would bear the fruits used to make his rosary. Apparently, for the faithful, the Buddhists from around the world in particular, Buddhachitta rosaries are a must-have. Many look for the finest ones having perfect shape and size and the ones that bear some sort of ‘natural engravings’ associated with the Buddha and his life. There was a time when the demand for the Buddhachitta was soaring, enabling local communities to make hay and have a party. Bottles of alcoholic drinks finely stacked by the entrance to those inns are perhaps a reminder of both the good and the bad times that have passed Timal by. At the height of the boom came reports about local farmers keeping guards to prevent the theft of their magical tree crops. Amid burgeoning trade and open hostilities, fights became common. But good things don’t last, or do they? First came the 2015 Gorkha Earthquake, then came the coronavirus pandemic and the Russia- Ukraine conflict, in a space of barely four years, pushing both the pandemic-infected global and national economies into deeper crises amid feeble signs of recovery. Against the backdrop of hard times, I went to meet Timal (Remember, I had a promise to keep) on a rain-soaked evening in May, to find that adverse weather conditions were already having an impact on the magical crop. The Kot Timal Bazaar appeared half-asleep (Or was it me, tired to the bone at the end of an hours- long journey?). To shake off sleep, I went around town, chatted with a couple of people, feasted on Ainselus/Chautaris (Chutro) by the roadside and managed to capture the dying ‘northern lights’ of the day from the meadows. Even on a piece of heaven, venturing out too far on your own was not a wise idea, so I retreated. At the ‘guesthouse’, as it turned out, I was the only human guest! For most of the night, a bumblebee trapped in the room kept buzzing from I don’t know where, giving me some company. As ventilation was almost non-existent, I feared for my breath and remained awake for the most part. The next morning, a rather chatty bird started his/her bird-talk long before the first tweets from Elon Musks, KP Olis and Donald Trumps of this world. Initially, I thought it was the bird’s way of wanting to know whether I was impressed with the room service. As the morning matured, the talk became faster and more intense, making me wonder if these chirpy little things imitate heated verbal exchanges that take place in families. The next day, my footloose streak continued well into the afternoon, taking me to places like the Raktakali Temple, Timal and Narayansthan on foot. Through conversation with some locals, I came to know about the shortage of water in their areas and how they were tapping rainwater to use it for irrigation, washing and for the cattle. Their hope was on a project that aimed to draw water from the Sunkoshi and distribute it to households through a network of water tanks and pipelines. During my wandering into the woods, the sound of a one-odd vehicle passing by occasionally would disturb the meditative peace of the woods that were in perfect harmony with chirps of birds and the roar of the Sunkoshi flowing down below. Even on this lap of Mother Nature, scars of development were clearly visible under the watchful eyes of Father Sky. Close to the Sunkoshi banks, earth-moving equipment were roaring, perhaps for the construction of some export-oriented hydel. Landslides by the roadside dampened my spirit a little bit. It is no secret that bulldozer-led works have often wreaked havoc and given development a bad name. Now that the local, provincial and federal elections are over, one hopes that the elected representatives will be a little more mindful of the environmental fragility of their constituencies. How about starting with environmental audits of past development works, learning vital lessons and moving on at albeit slow pace with environmental well-being, and not bulldozers, on the driving seat of development? Here’s hoping that this will help places like the Buddhachitta capital remain at peace with themselves and the rest of the world, even in hard times like these. With peace and bliss, other good things such as progress and prosperity will follow, won’t they?  

How to personify—deify, rather—wrath? Who would know this better than the celebrated sculptor, Kalu Kumale? After all, he is the Krodh Shiromani, an expert sculptor of repute on portraying the divine anger. On the ground floor of the Nepal Art Council Building at Babar Mahal, his deification of red-hot anger adorns the pride of place. There stands a blazing, fire-breathing image of Megasamvara with a female deity, copulating, with flames forming a perfect background. All this, even as other deities like Bhairav, Aryatara, Harit Tara, Lokeshwars, Ganesh and Akash Bhairavi look on from their respective corners. Did I hear them whispering? Even if I did, there’s no way I can decode all that. In the divine scheme of things, is love-making in the public is perfectly normal? And what just caused Megasamvara to breathe fire? Is it the portrayal of Lord Shiva acting as the destroyer during the Yagya of his father-in-law Dakshyaprajapati? Or is it something else? First, a bit about that incident involving the two in-laws. Per scriptures, Dakshyaprajapati once organized a big Yagya by inviting distinguished guests like the sages, gods and goddesses. But he made it a point to not invite his son-in-law, Lord Shiva, and daughter Satidevi. The idea was to settle an old score with Shiva. From their hut, Satidevi could see the guests in all their majesty flying to the Yagya venue in their ultra-divine flying objects (UFOs). Seeing all this, an unstoppable desire to visit paternal home took root in her. So, without heeding her husband’s wise words, she chose to be the uninvited guest at the Yagya where she demanded to know from his father as to why he snubbed them. On his part, Dakshyaprajapati used the choice of words to humiliate Shiva, pointing that a destitute and an outcast was no match for a person of immense wealth like him. Satidevi, unable to bear with wanton disrespect for her husband, jumped into the Agnikund (the fire lit for the Yagya) and ended her life thus. But the story did not end there. Shiva, upon coming to know about the incident, headed to the venue with his army, where it wreaked havoc and chopped off the head of Dakshyaprajapati, forcing several of the who’s who among the divinities to flee for their dear lives. So much for the story, for now. Let’s return to the art exhibition titled Deities of Nepal, where Megasamvara has been hogging the limelight. Beneath the feet of Megasamvara are the subdued lot, pleading for mercy. Some of them are recognizable (like Ganesh the remover of obstacles), while others need keener eyes. Megasamvara, of course, has his hands full. Why wouldn’t they be? They have things like severed heads, a severed hand, speared male body and several other weapons seized from the subdued lot. In subsequent writings, focus will be on finding out the cause of the divine wrath that has the whole floor literally ablaze, as if that hot posture were not enough. While the master sculptor’s artwork has not just the ground floor but the entire exhibition ablaze, an engaging conversation will surely bring the real story behind the artwork to light. Staying hungry, staying foolish Being uninitiated has its distinct advantages. Endowed with the lack of knowledge about, say, artworks, one can pore over them for hours. That way, the images make an imprint on your mind and things unravel, a tiny bit at a time in a matter of days, months or years. Unable to figure out what this piece of metalcraft was all about meant observing it from different angles, sitting and racking your brains to know what on earth it really meant. That is far better than staying hooked to the screen for hours, isn’t it? A brief description of the statue and what it represents (beyond wrath, of course) would surely have helped. Without it, the giant statue stood before you like a math problem, following you wherever you went. Creation/destruction But then came a chance encounter with another celebrated artist SC Suman and off we went to the adjacent chamber after reviewing artworks, including the one depicting the game of creation and destruction in the form of the Shriyantra. The ante chamber had a distinct Mithila feel to it, with the Mithila Sun burning bright and depicting the life and times of Goddess Sita, the daughter of King Janak of Ayodhya and the wife of Lord Ram, the Crown Prince of Ayodhya. Through his artwork on display, Suman tells the story of the creation of the Universe. Scriptures have indicated how the Universe came into being. The Bible states: In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. That Word, at least for large parts of the East, was Om. How Brahma created this vast Universe out of the void? After this creation, how we the silent majority have helped create our own small worlds—from tiny dots to lines to a myriad geometric shapes—is well before our eyes in the form of a world and a country that’s fast atrophying. This is evident in the form of global warming, climate change, wars, slumps, rising crimes and miseries for the multitudes. As things stand now, great sacrifices of successive generations for epoch-making changes have brought one set of carpetbaggers after the other to power, making for great rags to riches stories. The artwork in question is a microcosm of the universe with the imprints of the word Om. During casual conversation, the artist pointed out that we all are the Brahmans (the creators) in our own right as we build our own worlds. In his vast Universe, there’s a small object that’s mostly dark but not without some glowing things like a crown and other jewels. Those glittering things are his works, his achievements, the honor and recognition that he has received as an artist. As for the dark part, we all have them, don’t we? Otherwise, who would stop us from being the Supreme Being? Walking like a bull in a china shop has its distinct advantages and so do looking at artworks for hours on end, as if it were some math problem challenging the intellect of a hobbyist. Had it not been for that trait, Suman the celebrated artist may not have found time to explain the artworks on display at the exhibition and what they meant. Apparently, most of what he said has passed this onlooker and become Shadba Brahma. But not to worry, for the word is Akshyara, something that is indestructible, isn’t it? It will surely return in the form of knowledge and wisdom to the deserving as all previously told tales return to the storyteller from Baikuntha (the abode of Lord Vishnu), as our belief system suggests. Unhyphenated art and craft Wouldn’t it be wonderful to act like a bull in a china shop one more time, chance upon the Krodh Shiromani and ask him some unintelligent questions about his artwork, his long and illustrious journey as a master sculptor? In the meantime, putting detailed descriptions about some of the works won’t be a bad idea. With or without descriptions, the exhibition has shown once again that Nepali art and craft can stand tall on their own without hyphenation. All they need is more love and support for the art and craft and the artists.