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High government officials of Nepal holding talks with foreign leaders without a note-taker has ceased to be newsworthy stuff. Such is the scenario, literally or otherwise, that we the sovereign people of Nepal may no longer be surprised even if our highest representative fumbles in his pocket in a frantic search for a pen and a piece of paper to write a summary of the meeting at a foreign capital. Ambassadors from heavyweight countries calling on top political leaders in the latters’ private chambers or other convenient locations even during odd hours has become a normal thing (sort of). And so has the tendency of our leaders to visit some foreign mission for talks and get caught, sometimes. Also, foreign diplomats visiting nooks and crannies of this country has become an in-thing, in the God’s Own Country. What transpires during such exchanges? What is the purpose of such outings? With no information forthcoming, rumors make rounds. Conspiracy theories abound. Do our men/women in foreign capitals enjoy such luxuries? The luxuries of visiting, say, some scenic locations, hip and happening places? Or even calling on the head of the state or the government to discuss some pressing issues, for that matter? That too at the eleventh hour? They do, but in their daydreams, perhaps. It’s not that our laws promote such conduct. They don’t. Clause 4.1 of the Diplomatic Code of Conduct, 2011 states: Ministers of the Government of Nepal or officials of the constitutional bodies or other senior officials should invite representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other related ministries while meeting ministers, ambassadors or senior officials of the foreign governments. The representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should prepare the record of talks held on those occasions. In case of the inability to invite the representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or other Ministries concerned to the meeting under special circumstances, the agency concerned should make available to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs summary report of the talks held during the meeting. Likewise, summary report(s) of meetings, contacts and discussions held by officials of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be sent to the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. Clause 4.2 states: Ministers of the Government of Nepal or officials of the constitutional bodies or other senior officials should, as far as possible, give prior intimation to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs while receiving foreign diplomats or other officials for courtesy or farewell calls, formal talks and meetings. Summary report(s) of the talks and discussions held during such meetings should be made available to the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The supervisor of the individual concerned should be informed verbally or in writing before holding such meetings and talks. In the case of Secretaries to the Government of Nepal, the Chief Secretary to the Government of Nepal shall be the supervising official. During his previous term as deputy prime minister and foreign minister in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led Cabinet, Narayan Kaji Shrestha tried to enforce the code at least in part, to little avail. Fast forward Jan 18, 2023. During its first meeting, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led Cabinet on Wednesday decided that government ministers should ensure the presence of foreign ministry representatives during their meetings with foreign diplomats and other representatives of foreign countries. This came in the wake of complaints that government ministers were holding parleys with diplomats and other representatives of foreign governments without informing the government of Nepal. An afterthought: Was this decision followed at a high-level meet held on Wednesday itself? Once again, the government has taken an initial step in a bid to ensure adherence to its own diplomatic code and other international practices. The government will need tremendous political will to go the whole hog. Let the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and the Diplomatic Code of Conduct 2011 be its guide.

With generous support from political parties and individual lawmakers across the board, a nascent ruling coalition under Pushpa Kamal Dahal won a crucial vote of confidence in the House of Representatives with an unprecedented majority, securing 268 votes in the 275-strong parliament that had 270 members present on the important day. Paradoxically, the victory in the parliament with a fractured mandate appears to have unseated the 78-member-strong CPN (UML) from its position of the kingmaker, with the largest party, the Nepali Congress, throwing its weight behind the coalition under the CPN (Maoist Center), which has 32 members in the parliament. Out of 89 NC lawmakers, 85 voted for the coalition, while one NC member could not vote as he had a court case pending against him. Lawmakers Kishor Singh Rathaur, Manoram Sherchan and Ambika Basnet were absent. Pashupati Shumsher Rana JBR, lawmaker from the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, could not vote as he was chairing the session. The NC supporting the ruling coalition means the bargaining power of the Maoist party will increase and Dahal will no longer be at the mercy of the second largest party in the parliament to remain in power. This lifeline will be crucial for Dahal and co if the UML-Maoist alliance comes under strain and headwinds begin to blow, especially after 2.5 years, the Constitution-set embargo for a change of guard. In such a case, if push comes to shove, Dahal will have a lifeline ready. Anyway, with Rastriya Swatantra Party (20 seats), Rastriya Prajatantra Party (14), Janata Samajvadi Party (12), CPN-Unified Socialist (10), Janamat Party (10), Loktantrik Samajvadi Party (4), Nagarik Unmukti Party (3) and five independents, a good number of political equations are possible even if Nepal Workers’ and Peasants’ Party and Rastriya Janamorcha—one seat each—choose to remain firmly in the opposition. After the euphoria over this victory is over, the Dahal-led government would do well to look back a little bit. Let’s just cite a few examples from Nepal’s contemporary history. In 2018, the KP Oli-led ruling coalition had a two-third majority in the parliament. However, it came crashing down barely three years later, thanks mainly to rifts within. In the 90’s, the NC got majority to form the government twice. But these governments became castles in the wind with the party riven by internal feuds. In the general election held after the establishment of a multiparty democratic polity in 1958, the BP Koirala government (NC) garnered a two-third majority in the parliament. But the government did not last long. Feuds within the party had a role in this collapse, apart from the then monarch’s ambitions. None of the majority governments formed in a space of six decades or so have survived full term. In such a context, the Dahal government would do well to tread with caution.  

Kathmandu:  For the first time after the Nepali Congress-led five-party ruling coalition fell like a house of cards despite garnering a majority in November 20 federal and provincial elections, the party organized a press conference in Kathmandu, on Wednesday. Helming the conference was none other than party Spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat. While whodunit over the collapse of the erstwhile coalition continues, Mahat tried to wash his party’s hands of the debacle. Instead, he accused CPN (Maoist Center) Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ and CPN (Unified Socialist) Chair Madhav Kumar Nepal of betrayal that caused the collapse of the NC-led ruling alliance and made way for a new ruling alliance.   The NC did not get enough time to hold talks with Maoist Chair ‘Prachanda’ for giving continuity to the pre-poll alliance under the latter’s leadership, Mahat maintained. While talks on continuing with the erstwhile coalition were underway, Prachanda joined forces with the CPN-UML at the last minute, he noted and objected to the move. Mahat had an answer for those wondering as to what his party was doing after the debacle. “We are assessing the impact of this switching of sides,” he said.  The leader hastened to add that NC was not trying to cobble together a coalition for returning to power. Further, the NC leader said: The current coalition consists of monarchists and anti-monarchists, federalists and anti-federalists, glued together for positions of power. This coalition may come crumbling under its own weight, Mahat forecasted. Talking about his party’s future plans, Mahat offered a glimmer of hope, saying: The Congress will play the role of a strong opposition.  Easier said than done, but here’s hoping that the party will walk the talk. After all, hope springs eternal even during a grim winter like this, doesn’t it?

President Bidya Devi Bhandari on Monday administered the oath of office and secrecy to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal at Sheetal Niwas. Seven other members of the Dahal Cabinet, including three deputy prime ministers, also took the oath from the President in the presence of PM Dahal. Of the Cabinet members, two are from the CPN (Maoist Center), four from CPN-UML and one each from the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and the CK Raut-led Janamat Party. They are deputy prime ministers Rabi Lamichhane, chairman of RSP; Narayan Kaji Shrestha, senior vice-chair of CPN (Maoist Center); and Bishnu Poudel, vice-chairman of UML. Lamichhane holds the additional portfolio of the Ministry of Home Affairs, whereas Poudel and Shrestha hold the portfolios of the Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Physical Planning and Infrastructure, respectively. For Lamichhane, who formed RSP about seven months ago, it was a meteoric rise to power. Earlier, there were reports that the party had two minds about joining the upcoming government. But Lamichhane put those doubts to rest by staking claim on the Home Ministry. The Cabinet has Damodar Bhandari, Jwala Kumari Sah, Rajendra Rai from the UML and Abdul Khan from the Janamat Party as ministers without portfolio. The work division of these ministers is to be decided later, probably in the second round of Cabinet expansion. PM Dahal, chair of the Maoist party, had struck a deal with UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, ditching a ruling dispensation with the Nepali Congress. The deal materialized after indications that the NC, which led the erstwhile five-party ruling coalition and emerged as the largest party in Nov 20 federal and provincial elections, appeared unlikely to give the Maoist party any major role in the upcoming dispensation. NC’s last-ditch effort to salvage the coalition failed, effectively relegating the largest party in the House of Representatives to the opposition bench. RSP, Janamat Party and the Laxman Tharu-led Nagarik Unmukti Party also came on board at Sunday’s Dahal-Oli meet at the latter’s residence in Balkot, ensuring a 170-strong majority in the House of Representatives that has a total of 275 seats. Unlike in the beginning of his earlier stints as prime minister, Dahal this time took the oath donning Daura-Suruwal, capping it all with the Bhadgaunle Topi. Is this minor change an indication of a more effective and efficient premiership in the offing? Or the adage that the more things change, the more they remain the same will hold true, again? Only time will tell.

The Timal region was always on my mind, especially after the start of the coronavirus pandemic toward the end of the year 2019. The region had seen far better days before the pandemic. Why would it not? After all, it is said to be the only place on Planet Earth where the magical Buddhachitta trees grow. The trees bear those round, beautiful, magical things called the Buddhachitta that cost (or used to cost in those heydays) a small fortune. There’s an interesting folktale about the Buddhachitta tree. It goes something like this. The Shakyamuni Buddha came on a visit to this abode of peace and bliss once. Before leaving, he wanted to bless the place and the wonderful people living there. When asked, the local people asked for his rosary. The kind and the compassionate one gave the locals more than they had asked for. He gifted them the plant that would bear the fruits used to make his rosary. Apparently, for the faithful, the Buddhists from around the world in particular, Buddhachitta rosaries are a must-have. Many look for the finest ones having perfect shape and size and the ones that bear some sort of ‘natural engravings’ associated with the Buddha and his life. There was a time when the demand for the Buddhachitta was soaring, enabling local communities to make hay and have a party. Bottles of alcoholic drinks finely stacked by the entrance to those inns are perhaps a reminder of both the good and the bad times that have passed Timal by. At the height of the boom came reports about local farmers keeping guards to prevent the theft of their magical tree crops. Amid burgeoning trade and open hostilities, fights became common. But good things don’t last, or do they? First came the 2015 Gorkha Earthquake, then came the coronavirus pandemic and the Russia- Ukraine conflict, in a space of barely four years, pushing both the pandemic-infected global and national economies into deeper crises amid feeble signs of recovery. Against the backdrop of hard times, I went to meet Timal (Remember, I had a promise to keep) on a rain-soaked evening in May, to find that adverse weather conditions were already having an impact on the magical crop. The Kot Timal Bazaar appeared half-asleep (Or was it me, tired to the bone at the end of an hours- long journey?). To shake off sleep, I went around town, chatted with a couple of people, feasted on Ainselus/Chautaris (Chutro) by the roadside and managed to capture the dying ‘northern lights’ of the day from the meadows. Even on a piece of heaven, venturing out too far on your own was not a wise idea, so I retreated. At the ‘guesthouse’, as it turned out, I was the only human guest! For most of the night, a bumblebee trapped in the room kept buzzing from I don’t know where, giving me some company. As ventilation was almost non-existent, I feared for my breath and remained awake for the most part. The next morning, a rather chatty bird started his/her bird-talk long before the first tweets from Elon Musks, KP Olis and Donald Trumps of this world. Initially, I thought it was the bird’s way of wanting to know whether I was impressed with the room service. As the morning matured, the talk became faster and more intense, making me wonder if these chirpy little things imitate heated verbal exchanges that take place in families. The next day, my footloose streak continued well into the afternoon, taking me to places like the Raktakali Temple, Timal and Narayansthan on foot. Through conversation with some locals, I came to know about the shortage of water in their areas and how they were tapping rainwater to use it for irrigation, washing and for the cattle. Their hope was on a project that aimed to draw water from the Sunkoshi and distribute it to households through a network of water tanks and pipelines. During my wandering into the woods, the sound of a one-odd vehicle passing by occasionally would disturb the meditative peace of the woods that were in perfect harmony with chirps of birds and the roar of the Sunkoshi flowing down below. Even on this lap of Mother Nature, scars of development were clearly visible under the watchful eyes of Father Sky. Close to the Sunkoshi banks, earth-moving equipment were roaring, perhaps for the construction of some export-oriented hydel. Landslides by the roadside dampened my spirit a little bit. It is no secret that bulldozer-led works have often wreaked havoc and given development a bad name. Now that the local, provincial and federal elections are over, one hopes that the elected representatives will be a little more mindful of the environmental fragility of their constituencies. How about starting with environmental audits of past development works, learning vital lessons and moving on at albeit slow pace with environmental well-being, and not bulldozers, on the driving seat of development? Here’s hoping that this will help places like the Buddhachitta capital remain at peace with themselves and the rest of the world, even in hard times like these. With peace and bliss, other good things such as progress and prosperity will follow, won’t they?  

How to personify—deify, rather—wrath? Who would know this better than the celebrated sculptor, Kalu Kumale? After all, he is the Krodh Shiromani, an expert sculptor of repute on portraying the divine anger. On the ground floor of the Nepal Art Council Building at Babar Mahal, his deification of red-hot anger adorns the pride of place. There stands a blazing, fire-breathing image of Megasamvara with a female deity, copulating, with flames forming a perfect background. All this, even as other deities like Bhairav, Aryatara, Harit Tara, Lokeshwars, Ganesh and Akash Bhairavi look on from their respective corners. Did I hear them whispering? Even if I did, there’s no way I can decode all that. In the divine scheme of things, is love-making in the public is perfectly normal? And what just caused Megasamvara to breathe fire? Is it the portrayal of Lord Shiva acting as the destroyer during the Yagya of his father-in-law Dakshyaprajapati? Or is it something else? First, a bit about that incident involving the two in-laws. Per scriptures, Dakshyaprajapati once organized a big Yagya by inviting distinguished guests like the sages, gods and goddesses. But he made it a point to not invite his son-in-law, Lord Shiva, and daughter Satidevi. The idea was to settle an old score with Shiva. From their hut, Satidevi could see the guests in all their majesty flying to the Yagya venue in their ultra-divine flying objects (UFOs). Seeing all this, an unstoppable desire to visit paternal home took root in her. So, without heeding her husband’s wise words, she chose to be the uninvited guest at the Yagya where she demanded to know from his father as to why he snubbed them. On his part, Dakshyaprajapati used the choice of words to humiliate Shiva, pointing that a destitute and an outcast was no match for a person of immense wealth like him. Satidevi, unable to bear with wanton disrespect for her husband, jumped into the Agnikund (the fire lit for the Yagya) and ended her life thus. But the story did not end there. Shiva, upon coming to know about the incident, headed to the venue with his army, where it wreaked havoc and chopped off the head of Dakshyaprajapati, forcing several of the who’s who among the divinities to flee for their dear lives. So much for the story, for now. Let’s return to the art exhibition titled Deities of Nepal, where Megasamvara has been hogging the limelight. Beneath the feet of Megasamvara are the subdued lot, pleading for mercy. Some of them are recognizable (like Ganesh the remover of obstacles), while others need keener eyes. Megasamvara, of course, has his hands full. Why wouldn’t they be? They have things like severed heads, a severed hand, speared male body and several other weapons seized from the subdued lot. In subsequent writings, focus will be on finding out the cause of the divine wrath that has the whole floor literally ablaze, as if that hot posture were not enough. While the master sculptor’s artwork has not just the ground floor but the entire exhibition ablaze, an engaging conversation will surely bring the real story behind the artwork to light. Staying hungry, staying foolish Being uninitiated has its distinct advantages. Endowed with the lack of knowledge about, say, artworks, one can pore over them for hours. That way, the images make an imprint on your mind and things unravel, a tiny bit at a time in a matter of days, months or years. Unable to figure out what this piece of metalcraft was all about meant observing it from different angles, sitting and racking your brains to know what on earth it really meant. That is far better than staying hooked to the screen for hours, isn’t it? A brief description of the statue and what it represents (beyond wrath, of course) would surely have helped. Without it, the giant statue stood before you like a math problem, following you wherever you went. Creation/destruction But then came a chance encounter with another celebrated artist SC Suman and off we went to the adjacent chamber after reviewing artworks, including the one depicting the game of creation and destruction in the form of the Shriyantra. The ante chamber had a distinct Mithila feel to it, with the Mithila Sun burning bright and depicting the life and times of Goddess Sita, the daughter of King Janak of Ayodhya and the wife of Lord Ram, the Crown Prince of Ayodhya. Through his artwork on display, Suman tells the story of the creation of the Universe. Scriptures have indicated how the Universe came into being. The Bible states: In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. That Word, at least for large parts of the East, was Om. How Brahma created this vast Universe out of the void? After this creation, how we the silent majority have helped create our own small worlds—from tiny dots to lines to a myriad geometric shapes—is well before our eyes in the form of a world and a country that’s fast atrophying. This is evident in the form of global warming, climate change, wars, slumps, rising crimes and miseries for the multitudes. As things stand now, great sacrifices of successive generations for epoch-making changes have brought one set of carpetbaggers after the other to power, making for great rags to riches stories. The artwork in question is a microcosm of the universe with the imprints of the word Om. During casual conversation, the artist pointed out that we all are the Brahmans (the creators) in our own right as we build our own worlds. In his vast Universe, there’s a small object that’s mostly dark but not without some glowing things like a crown and other jewels. Those glittering things are his works, his achievements, the honor and recognition that he has received as an artist. As for the dark part, we all have them, don’t we? Otherwise, who would stop us from being the Supreme Being? Walking like a bull in a china shop has its distinct advantages and so do looking at artworks for hours on end, as if it were some math problem challenging the intellect of a hobbyist. Had it not been for that trait, Suman the celebrated artist may not have found time to explain the artworks on display at the exhibition and what they meant. Apparently, most of what he said has passed this onlooker and become Shadba Brahma. But not to worry, for the word is Akshyara, something that is indestructible, isn’t it? It will surely return in the form of knowledge and wisdom to the deserving as all previously told tales return to the storyteller from Baikuntha (the abode of Lord Vishnu), as our belief system suggests. Unhyphenated art and craft Wouldn’t it be wonderful to act like a bull in a china shop one more time, chance upon the Krodh Shiromani and ask him some unintelligent questions about his artwork, his long and illustrious journey as a master sculptor? In the meantime, putting detailed descriptions about some of the works won’t be a bad idea. With or without descriptions, the exhibition has shown once again that Nepali art and craft can stand tall on their own without hyphenation. All they need is more love and support for the art and craft and the artists.

This year’s festive cacophony is well past us. Finally, you can read, write, think or take a walk under the influence of thoughts, without worrying as to when another cracker blast would shake you from within.  What a relief, isn’t it? Looking back, one can hardly forget the peaceful and environment-friendly manner in which the nation used to celebrate festivals. With the imported cacophony getting louder and louder, gone are the days, especially in mega cities, of Deusi, Bhailo, Maruni naach (dance), Sorathi, swings of different types like Charkhe (shaped like the Charkha, the spinning wheel) and Rote (round) and many other traditional features of our festivals. The rapid fading of our soothing Maalshri and other features amid thunderous blasts does not augur well. The environment and public health are what suffer the most during festivals of different hues and shades. This festive season too, the tidings were not that encouraging in terms of the above-mentioned factors.   Indian media outlets reported about worsening air quality in major cities like New Delhi, Mumbai and Lucknow, thanks to celebratory firecracker blasts mainly during Tihar/Deepawali (Diwali in their parlance). Our own mega cities hardly slept, with cracker blasts every now and then, despite a ‘blanket ban’ on the import of these explosive materials, as if pollution bound to enter the country from the neighborhood were not enough, apart from ‘homegrown’ pollution. Did these blasts, which took place despite the ‘draconian measure in place against cracker imports’, give our law enforcement a tough time? Perhaps they did, or they didn’t. With provincial and federal elections around the corner, law enforcement has its hands full anyway; it has more important things to attend to rather than bothering about celebratory blasts and their impact on the environment as well as public health. Who cares about the quality of air we all breathe? Who cares about the deafening noise? Who cares about the poor old environment and our lives, in their totality? The Indian government did its precious bit by releasing air quality index regularly, but what did our government do? Let the government speak for itself.                    After these blasts came what is, most probably, the world’s largest man made fire event. Air quality was bound to deteriorate further in Nepal as well, with farmers in Punjab and Haryana burning stubble post-harvest in large swathes to provide ‘nutrients’ to the soil, even as the Indian government looked on instead of intervening. Isn’t it some relief that our farmers have yet to learn this ingenious way of ‘keeping’ the soil fertile? Interestingly, all this was happening amid the Climate Change Conference 2022 in Shram El-Sheikh, Egypt. On the heels of it came the season of election campaigns riding on the wheels. Streets and neighborhoods reverberated with patriotic songs blared through loudspeakers mounted on campaign vehicles of different political parties and independent candidates.  Wonder of wonders, cities and rural areas of the country reported the sighting of the rarest of the rare breed of homo sapiens—the political leaders, especially the repeat offenders (in reference to the leaders’ repeated failure to keep their promises to the electorate) with their henchmen in tow along with some new, some old promises.  Thanks to upcoming elections, a former prime minister is busy canvassing in his constituency in Gorkha after crossing a brook riding piggyback on a lesser mortal (where’s the bridge, comrade?), while another former PM is at his rhetorical best while campaigning, firing counter-salvos at a journalist-turned-politician. Will his salvos translate into gains for the political party he leads? Citing the last election, some reports have pointed out that the party in question lost in constituencies where the party chief had addressed campaign rallies! Ironic if these reports are true, isn’t it? Still, other candidates—new and old—are trying to reach out to local communities with whom they have a disconnect of about five years or so, in a desperate bid to win hearts and minds. These days, you can find these candidates doing things like playing cards, harvesting paddy, plowing the fields, having tea and chit-chat with local communities, making up for years of growing apart. So much so, even the head of the government has found time to visit his constituency in Dadeldhura in the Far-Western Province, days after a 12-year-old died on the banks of the Mahakali river. The boy died when one of those shrapnel-like stones flying from an Indian contractor-operated site hit him in the course of work meant to develop a road link between Uttaranchal and Tibet via Lipulek. Remember? Lipulek forms part of the 400-sq km Limpiadhura-Lipulek-Kalapani region that Nepal says belongs to her.  This came barely a year after a local youth from Darchula district in the same province, Jaysingh Dhami, went missing into the Mahakali river as Indian security personnel allegedly untied the metal twine despite desperate SOS from the people waiting to cross the river via the same thing. Talking about the Lipulek-Kalapani-Limpiadhura region, Mahesh Singh Dhami, a young engineer and independent candidate for the Provincial Assembly from Dadeldhura constituency-3(A), said in a recent interview with this journalist that border disputes fester on because Nepal’s rulers raise the issue only when untoward incidents take place instead of bothering to resolve the disputes through sustained talks.        Amid the rising election fever, media outlets showed the prime minister clad in Daura Suruwal walking along a dirt road stretch in his constituency with the security detail and the first lady, with much difficulty, in a reminder that time wounds all heels as Groucho Marx rightly said. While the incumbent is intensifying his election campaign, a rival candidate, Sagar Dhakal, has leveled serious allegations against the incumbent government. In a recent social media post, the engineer-turned-politician accused government authorities of not allowing him to campaign. On its part, the district administration office has refuted the charges.  For obvious reasons, Dadeldhura is the epicenter of federal and provincial elections. Distress calls coming from the epicenter may have a bearing on the credibility of the elections, so the Nepali state should probe them with due seriousness and address genuine grievances.  The country as a whole is faring no better than the road in question. The road is a powerful satire on political leaders, who got the popular mandate time and time again to transform the country for the better but ended up making the country and the people more and more miserable.  In the novel Gone with the Wind that centers on the American Civil War (April 12, 1861-April 9, 1865), Rhett Butler explains to Scarlett O’Hara, the heroine: “I told you once before that there were two times for making big money, one in the up-building of a country and the other in its destruction. Slow money on the up-building, fast money in the crack-up. Remember my words. Perhaps they may be of use to you someday.” Our leaders, barring a few exceptions, have put the Carpetbaggers of the civil war to shame, prospering while pushing the country on a downward spiral for decades on end.   This time around, though, there are signs of the electorate awakening, if media reports and social media posts are any indication. In the course of the above-mentioned interview, Dhami, the Darchula-3 (A) candidate, had expressed confidence about his victory. This gives us hope, albeit faint, that an untried, un-tested and uncorrupted crop of leaders will get a fair chance this time.  Our political system is rotting, thanks to our decades-old political leadership that is rotting from the head, bothered, as it is, only about partisan, familial and individual interests. The system needs a thorough cleansing; spring cleaning won’t be enough.  Who will do the dirty work if not the electorate?

Regardless of his performance as prime minister during his decades-long political career, a small constituency in Dadeldhura district in the Far-Western Region may continue to elect Sher Bahadur Deuba as their representative till eternity. Another small constituency in Jhapa district in the Eastern Region may continue to elect KP Sharma Oli as their true representative, without bothering to assess his performance as prime minister during his long political career. Yet another constituency in Rautahat or Kathmandu in the Central Region may stick to another former prime minister Madhav Kumar Nepal as their representative for reasons best known to them. Another constituency in Gorkha may choose to have Pushpa Kamal Dahal alias Prachanda as their lifelong representative, regardless of his not-so-smashing performance as prime minister. Various factors may be at play behind these constituencies’ possible selection of their representatives. Money and muscle matter. Clan allegiance matters. Party loyalty matters. The surety that their candidate will become prime minister of the country, come hell or high water, may have driven—and continue to drive—a constituency to opt for the same candidate over and over again. Which constituency knows this better than the constituency in Dadeldhura, which has elected Sher Bahadur Deuba not once, twice but seven times?   Every constituency, of course, has every right to choose their favorite candidate as their representative. But here we are talking about the head of the government, not a representative of a constituency. Once elected to the parliament, powerful candidates can easily bend the rules to quench their thirst for state powers. They can make their respective parties toe their lines and buy support through the lure of the lucre. They can resort to all sorts of means to manufacture a majority in the Parliament in their favor. Our parliamentary history is full of incidents of horse-trading, intimidation of lawmakers, floor-crossing and use of several other unparliamentary measures that have harmed this country big time while serving the interest of influential prime ministers and, in turn, deep-entrenched foreign interests. In such cases, the parliament has become a mere stable full of beasts of burden that do the bidding of a whip-cracking executive. The whole nation saw this during the endorsement of the much controversial Mahakali Treaty, during the passage of the Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact and the controversial Citizenship Amendment Bill. Who among the lawmakers bothered to air their voice of conscience during those events? These days, the so-called sovereign Parliament acts as a mute spectator even when the executive chooses to sell the country down the river by giving her lifelines away, much to the detriment of the country and her people. We saw it during the gifting of the Upper Karnali Project, Arun III, Arun IV, Lower Arun, West Seti and Seti VI projects. Decades before, the country saw the same spectacle during the sellout of the Koshi, Gandaki and Mahakali rivers. Many times since the 1950’s, most of us have looked into the menu for hours on end and decided not to give new taste and flavor a try. We have wasted the time of the poor waiter and the restaurant (Do we value our own time as well? I seriously doubt it). We have decided to vote for our ancestors’ parties time and time again despite their miserable performance. Yet we expect the tried, tested and corrupt-to-the core parties and their leaders to do magic and transform the country. All this takes us to some important questions.    Isn’t it time for a thorough cleansing of this system? Should we again vote for the parties and the leaders that have failed us repeatedly? Look how these leaders have picked up their PR candidates, straight from their pockets. Doesn’t this selection make a mockery of representative democracy? Doesn’t it make a mockery of inclusiveness? Should not a prime minister of 30m people, representing seven provinces, different ethnicities, faith and age groups have a national appeal? Should the candidate for the top job be an all-time favorite rep of a particular constituency and nothing more? Should the maker of our destiny necessarily be a darling of those handpicked birth chart readers and stargazers? Should we vote accordingly when some dubious ‘reader of the future’ says that candidate X will be the prime minister for the nth time?    Should our prime minister not have a long-term vision for the country? Should the candidate not be an expert of repute in some important walks of national life, like national defense and security, geopolitics and geo-strategy, economics, water resources, artificial intelligence, the internet of things, et al? Should he not have a proven track record? Not in institutionalizing malgovernance, corruption, political instability, anarchy, of course. Should the candidate be physically, medically and spiritually fit enough to govern?  Above all, should not the whole electorate elect a prime minister with a majority? Should this task fall on the frail shoulders of constituencies that cannot rise above their our-own-candidate-for-PM and blood-is-thicker-than-water mentality? The Nepali electorate should ask these questions repeatedly before the elections slated for November 20, 2022. Let your conscience guide you through and give this country a truly deserving prime minister, this time around.