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Q. Who do you respect the most?

A. My parents.

Q. Could you share any of your secret tricks?

A. Practice, practice, practice.

Q. What advice would you give to other aspiring DJs?

A. Take a three-month course, at least!

Q. If you could eternal­ly be stuck in one year’s music scene, which year would it be?

A. Definitely 1998.

Q. What is one mis­take you see a lot of up-and-coming DJs making?

A. They don’t focus and just practice a lot on their set.

Q. What is something that bugs you about the DJ scene?

A. Unprofessionalism.

Q. What is one super­power you want?

A. The ability to fly.

Q. What is one track that never gets old for you no matter how many times you hear it?

A. ‘Chyangba hoi Chyang­ba, suna suna hoi Chyangba’.

Q. What is one track that got popular that you can't stand?

A. ‘Gucci Gang’.

The recently appointed 18 High Court judges have taken their oath of office. The five new judges nominated for the Supreme Court will face a parliamentary hearing in the next few days. Yet the storm of controversy the Judicial Coun­cil’s judge nominations kicked up refuses to subside. Rightly so. At stake is no less than the judiciary’s inde­pendence and impartiality.

The all-powerful Nepal Communist Party runs the federal government. Likewise, Nepali Congress is easi­ly the single biggest opposition party. Even as the two parties differ on myriad other issues, they were ready to divide the judicial nominations among themselves, making a mockery of the concept of parliamentary check and balance. The Congress likes to rail against ‘creeping authoritarianism’ of the communist govern­ment. Yet few take it seriously because on matters of mutual interest, it readily colludes with members of the same government. No wonder PM Oli so easily dis­misses the opportunistic NC leaders.

With a clear majority of political nominees, the composition of the Judicial Council that nominates high-level judges is flawed too. In its current form, it is hard to see it acting impartially and picking judges based on their qualification and competence rather than their closeness to this or that political party. A recent conference of judges rightly asked for the coun­cil’s rejigging so that those from a judicial background are in the majority.

What is happening right now is state capture by stealth, as the ruling alliance slowly tightens its grip on all levers of power. The compromised judiciary, instead of being neutral arbiters of disputes, including the con­stitution’s sole interpreter, will increasingly be behold­en to their political masters, to grave consequences for the health of Nepali democracy.

The NCP already has an absolute hold on the execu­tive and the legislative and only the judiciary seemed capable of holding it to account. But on current form we will see an increasingly pliable judiciary that has no authority besides rubberstamping the government position on vital issues. The parliamentary hearing committee can still stop this travesty of justice at the apex court. Even though the committee too is packed with members of the ruling alliance, people’s chosen representatives are expected to act in the public inter­est. Otherwise, why have such hearings at all?

Nanda Ram Jaisi | Jumla  

 It’s surrounded by tall walls with barbed wires on top. The gates are securely locked and guarded by armed police. From inside the rooms of this prison in Jumla dis­trict, all one can see is the sky above. The 84 prisoners here inhabit a different and dark world. No wonder they feel they are like birds in a cage. But ever since the launch of the ‘Books in Prison’ move­ment two months ago, the prisoners have experienced a semblance of freedom and have gotten an opportunity to learn more about the world.

This drive that started from Jumla has been launched in all prisons in Karnali province. After a library was set up in the Jumla Prison, inmates have started develop­ing a reading habit, which has helped bring about positive changes in their outlook.

Siwani Singh Tharu, a nov­elist, formally inaugurated the bibliotheca on April 6. It was followed by an interaction program where Tharu, some prisoners and a few other speakers shared their expe­riences. “The more we read, the more we want to read,” said Tharu.

 “Studying books not only makes us more informed about various topics but also helps develop positive thinking”

Dal Bahadur Karki, an inmate

Deputy Superintendent of Police Sitaram Rijal said that prisoners were becoming more disciplined and urged the inmates to cultivate a fra­ternal spirit. Chief District Offi­cer Durga Banjade requested the prisoners to be content with the services provided by the state and assured them that they would not be mis­treated in the prison.

The library in the Jumla Prison has a collection of var­ious genres of books, which means the prisoners can read the ones that interest them. The number of books is steadily growing.

Dal Bahadur Karki, an inmate, said, “Studying books not only makes us more informed about various topics but also helps develop positive thinking. We have started find­ing freedom and a whole new world in the books.”

Binod Shahi, another pris­oner, said he used to find it dif­ficult to spend his days. Now, he feels days pass quickly when he is reading a book. “Although we inmates have committed different crimes in the past, this initiative will help us emerge from our crim­inal mentality and to think positively,” said Shahi.

The government has adopted a strategy to reduce the rates of recidivism by instilling discipline and civil­ity in prisoners. Raj Bahadur Mahat, a local civic leader, argues that the future of the prisoners who develop a reading habit is bright when they complete their prison sentence. He underscored the need to take this campaign to all districts of Nepal.

On April 6, all other jails in Karnali province inaugu­rated their libraries as well. Libraries were inaugurated in the districts of Surkhet, Dailekh, Salyan, Rukum (Western), Jajarkot, Kalikot and Dolpa. Senior novelist Sanat Regmi, senior novel­ist and storyteller Nayanraj Pandey and poet Nawaraj Parajuli inaugurated the library in the Surkhet Prison. Similary, novelists Yug Pathak (pictured alongside) and Amar Neupane inaugu­rated the libraries in Kalikot and Dolpa respectively.

If you want to try thangka painting, join a class with Man Bahadur Tamang, who is a professional artist with more than a decade of experience. You can choose to have a class as short as four hours, or a longer course. The four-hour class will cost you Rs 2,700, and you will learn to make something basic; basically, you will be taught the cornerstone techniques of thangka art. Learn the significance of thangka designs and patterns in the company of other enthusiastic learners. You can even take home your own hand-painted thangka art.

To book a place, email support@ backstreetacademy.com.

 Lake View Restaurant on Lakeside, Pokhara stages a two-and-a-half-hour cultural show every evening featuring Nepali folk dances, traditional instruments and ethnic songs. Some dances are associated with special occasions and ceremonies. The show ends with a guest participatory dance which provides a good opportunity for you to practice some Nepali steps. Enjoy this complimentary show with Nepali cuisine and local beer!

Contact +977-61-463854 or email info@ lakeviewpokhara.com

The Kamal Thapa-led Rastri­ya Prajatantra Party (RPP) just completed a nation­wide campaign to garner public support for their pet agendas of reinstating the Hindu state and monarchy. Of late senior RPP leaders have been speaking confidently about the prospect of restoring the Hindu state and monarchy, even though doing so would be unconstitution­al. What explains their new­found confidence? Shashwat Acharya and Kamal Dev Bhattarai met RPP chairman Thapa for some insights.

We should honor public sentiment and declare the country a Hindu state

The Kamal Thapa-led Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) just completed a nationwide campaign to garner public support for their pet agendas of reinstating the Hindu state and monarchy. Of late senior RPP leaders have been speaking confidently about the prospect of restoring the Hindu state and monarchy, even though doing so would be unconstitutional. What explains their newfound confidence? Shashwat Acharya and Kamal Dev Bhattarai met RPP chairman Thapa for some insights.

Your party suddenly seems very upbeat about the revival of the monarchy and Hindu state. Why?

Since the very beginning, the RPP has spoken of the utility of the monarchy and democracy for a country like Nepal, and of a Hindu state with complete religious freedom. We have been campaigning on these issues since the party’s establishment. In the past couple of years, because of the growing crisis in the country, people have started showing greater interest in and even support for our agenda. Naturally, when there is a surge in popular support, we are encouraged by the prospect of restoring the monarchy and Hindu state.

Your party just concluded a nation-wide campaign in favor of a Hindu state. What was the response?

Wherever we went, we were greeted by huge crowds—both in Pahad and Madhes and regardless of people’s faith and caste—and they explicitly expressed their support for our agenda. We found people are unhappy with the current dispensation, and are looking for an alternative. Since our agendas differ not only from those of the current government but also from the political ideologies of our major political parties, people are naturally coming out strongly in our support.  

If your agendas have such public support, what explains the RPP’s electoral drubbing in 2017?

Those elections were not referendums on the monarchy or a Hindu state, but a competition between various political parties with different political agendas. We do not think the last election reflects people’s support for or opposition to the monarchy and a Hindu state. Our experience of the past 12 years has also proved that the roadmap the country has followed after the 2006 political change has failed. It has failed to deliver, and people have not been able to feel substantive changes in their living standards. So they are looking for an alternative.

What is wrong with the current political system?

People had expected that after the promulgation of the constitution in 2015 and the elections in 2017, political stability, peace and economic development would be a priority. Unfortunately, even after the three-tier elections, people have not experienced fundamental changes in their lives. Moreover, although the government has a two-third majority in the parliament, that strength has not been translated into concrete action, and public trust has been betrayed. In my opinion, this represents the failure not just of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli or of this particular government. In fact, there are serious flaws in the roadmap we followed after the 2006 political change.

If the 2017 elections were poor indicators of people’s opinion on a Hindu state and the monarchy, what do you propose we do to gauge true public opinion?

During the time of constitution-drafting in 2015, there was overwhelming public support for a Hindu state. When we sought people’s suggestions on the draft constitution, an overwhelming majority were in favor of a Hindu state. But their sentiments were not honored.

As far as federalism is concerned, people still struggle to understand the concept. We are in the phase of implementing the federal formula and we can already see contradictions. The best way out would be a referendum on federalism.

We know a big section of the population is in favor of a republic. We cannot give them short shrift and impose monarchy. Rather we have to arrive at a compromise, which in our view means democracy with a ceremonial monarch. When we talk about the monarchy, we should not forget the geopolitical realities of Nepal. We cannot simply ignore the limitations imposed by geography.

What is the link between monarchy and Nepali geopolitics?

Nepal is situated between two giant neighbors that have completely different political systems. Both aspire to become a global power. It is natural for them to have interests in the neighborhood, including in Nepal. When those interests clash, Nepal runs the risk of disintegration. As a last custodian of sovereignty and national independence, we need an institution which can remain above party politics and issue a clarion call at a time of emergency. We are not talking about going back. It is impossible to have the kind of monarchial system we had before 2006. Considering people’s aspirations, we must give some space to traditional forces. The best solution to the present-day crisis is a blend of revolutionary and traditional forces. That is what we are trying to explain to the people.

Are you confident that if a referendum is held, people will vote in favor of your party?

Let me make it clear that we are not asking for multiple referendums. We are asking for a referendum only on federalism. Religion is an extremely sensitive issue and there should be no polarization in its name. We can directly address the issue of the restoration of a Hindu state without resorting to a referendum. As I said, in our signature campaign across the country, regardless of their caste, faith and party affiliation, people came out in big numbers and expressed their support for a Hindu state. Since such an overwhelming majority are in favor of a Hindu state, we can honor their sentiment and simply declare the country a Hindu state.

On monarchy, we have proposed a roundtable conference, one that includes former king Gyanendra, Biplab Maoists and other political parties. Such a conference could produce a widely-acceptable solution. In the past also, Maoist leader Prachanda had floated the idea of a roundtable, but it could not be realized for various reasons. Now the time has come to seriously consider this option. We cannot hope for lasting peace and stability by neglecting important political forces.

There are reports of your growing proximity with Prime Minister KP Oli and a section of the Nepal Congress on the agenda of a Hindu state.

We are a responsible political party. Although we have fundamental differences on major constitutional issues, we have accepted the charter with certain reservations and are operating within its framework. So we have excellent relations with all political parties. I have good personal relations with all their top leaders. But after the last election, we have not had extensive discussions on the country’s problems and how we should go about solving them.

How is your relationship with former King Gyanendra? Do you have his backing?

There is an ideological relationship with the former king but there is no financial backing of any kind. We run our party on our own and make decisions independently. Before 2006, all major political parties worked with the palace, and maintained relations with the king. But after 2006, they abandoned this relationship and ditched the monarch. We, on the other hand, continued our relationship and ideological links with the king. I meet former King Gyanendra time and again. We exchange ideas and opinions. At the same time, we are cautious because a single party cannot own the monarchy. It has to be neutral. If it leans toward a particular party, its role will be damaged. We do not want to drag the king into our day-to-day affairs.

How do you think the upcoming Indian elections will affect Nepali politics, if at all?

I am following Indian politics with keen interest. The upcoming elections are going to be very competitive. India is the largest democracy in the world, and has supported democratic movements the world over, including in Nepal. We want to see a stable, peaceful India and the upcoming elections will help in that direction. So far as Nepal-India relations are concerned, my experience says India has always been consistent in its neighborhood policy. So regardless of which party comes in power, I do not expect a major shift in Nepal-India relations. Individual priority and working style will have some impact, but so far Indian policy is concerned, I do not expect any major changes.

When the BJP came to power in 2014, there was a perception that it would support the agenda of a Hindu state in Nepal.

My party firmly believes the political, economic and social system of Nepal should be decided by the people of Nepal. Though I have an excellent relationship with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other BJP leaders, we have never discussed Nepal’s internal politics. There are some misconceptions. People think that during the Madhes agitation, I had some understanding with Indian leaders on certain domestic issues. But I only briefed them on the happenings in Nepal when they asked me. Otherwise there was no mention of domestic affairs, including the agenda of a Hindu state.

In retrospect, almost everything seems obvi­ous. The Meteorological Forecasting Divi­sion of the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology should obviously have better pre­dicted the devastating windstorm that swept across Bara and Parsa districts on March 31, killing at least 28 people, destroying 1,000 homes, and rendering 1,200 locals homeless. Why didn’t the division warn on time, even as its Indian counterpart had come up with clear warnings about severe weather events around the same area that day? Our weather center is incompe­tent—it’s tempting to conclude.

But as tragic as the loss of human lives and proper­ty has been, things are not so straightforward. What happened on March 31 was unprecedented. Yes, our weather folks could have been better prepared, but when the weather deteriorates so fast, and over such a limited area, useful predictions are hard to make, even with the best of equipment and manpower. And even if there had been such a warning, would people have heeded it? After all, India’s better warning systems could not prevent the death of 42 people from severe storms in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan last year.

Scientists expect the number of extreme weather events in the world to keep increasing, reaching dou­ble the current levels by the close of the 21st century. Anthropogenic climate change is largely to blame. It’s a bitter irony that smaller countries like Nepal and Bangladesh that are likely to face the brunt of climate disasters can do little on their own to limit the damage. Of course, that does not mean we should be fatalistic and do nothing. We can improve our weather forecast­ing systems, for instance, by quickly installing all three of the proposed radar stations around the country. We should also help those of lesser means to build sturdier houses that can better withstand extreme weather.

Rather than panic about our likely failure to pre­dict the next big one, there is a need for a sober anal­ysis of what is realistically possible to forecast in an increasingly unpredictable global climate system. The US says up to 200 million Americans are at an imminent risk of flooding in their communities in the upcoming hurricane season. Hardly reassuring. Euro­pean weather-watchers are bracing for an equally unpredictable summer. So let us be better prepared. Let us also make a vigorous case for mitigating global warming with the big polluters, for our own good and for the good of the planet.

 Manika Jha, Janakpurdham

 “How much is a life worth? Many say it’s priceless. But life for some Madhesi women has become even cheaper than their sindoor (the vermil­ion powder worn by married Hindu women along their hair parting). This is happening largely because of disputes over dowry.

Sunita Devi from Birgunj is a recent victim. She endured 15 years of torture for failing to bring ‘adequate’ dowry. She succumbed to her injuries on March 29 at Tribhuvan Uni­versity Teaching Hospital in Kathmandu, where she was brought after she was beaten senseless by her husband Sachitananda Yadav, a medi­cal doctor.

Sunita’s family, which hails from Parwanipur in the dis­trict of Bara, spent Rs 2 million to get her married to a doctor. But Yadav’s greed for more dowry was insatiable. He demanded a car and a house from his in-laws, which they could not fulfill. And so tor­ture against Sunita intensified, according to her parents.

Rani Sharma Tiwari, a provincial MP, blames educated parents for keeping the practice alive

In Janakpurdham, 25-year-old Seema Sharma and her 18-month-old daughter were reportedly poisoned to death in January, because her fam­ily could not meet dowry demands. Seema’s family had given Rs 800,000 in cash, two tolas of gold and a motorcycle so that she could get married to an educated man. But a few years into their marriage, Seema’s life was made hell­ish by her in-laws. The dowry demands kept mounting, and so did the mental and physical torture against Seema, says her aunt Sarita Sharma.

The story of 20-year-old Kriti Jha from Dhanusha is similar. Kriti was married to Randhir Mishra, a businessman from Madhubani district in the Indian state of Bihar. Kriti’s family had given Rs 300,000 in dowry. But just four months into their wedding, Mishra’s family started asking for more, and torturing her. “In the end, they killed her,” says Kriti’s brother Rajeev Jha. Kriti’s body was found in a pond in her village in August 2018.

On 22 November 2018, 22-year-old Ranjana Sharma from Janakpur, who was studying to be a nurse, was found dead in her own bed. Her husband Ananda Mohan Sharma, who works at Pokhara Hospital, beat her repeatedly because her fam­ily could not meet his dowry demands. (Neighbors say there had been a bad alter­cation between Ranjana and her husband a day before her death.) Ranjana’s family had given a dowry worth Rs 1.8 million to Ananda, but he kept asking for more.

Rekha Jha, an advocate, says that although asking for a dowry is a crime, it shows no sign of ending as those involved are socially pro­tected. “So long as the society does not boycott the practice, women will continue to face torture and violence,” she says.

Rani Sharma Tiwari, a pro­vincial assembly member, blames educated parents for keeping the practice alive. “Parents whose daughters endure torture due to dowry disputes do not speak up for fear of losing their dignity. Instead they ask their daugh­ters to adapt,” she says.

Likewise, Subhadra Ale, who served in the Nepal Police for 17 years and now works to control gender-based violence, says, “It’s mostly women from educated fam­ilies who are the victims of such violence. When a wom­an’s family cannot meet the dowry demands negotiated prior to the wedding, torture against the newly married bride starts. So long as parents offer dowries, the cycle of vio­lence will not stop,” says Ale.