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 One year after the formal unification of the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist Center), the new Nepal Commu­nist Party (NCP) has only now finalized the chiefs and secre­taries of its 77 district commit­tees. Party leaders hail this as a major achievement toward full-fledged organizational unification. However, there is still considerable dissatisfac­tion in the party over the deci­sion-making of its top leaders, and organizational issues at the local level are yet to be settled. This is happening against the background of growing public frustration with the functioning of the communist government. Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Shyam Shrestha, an analyst of left politics in Nepal, for his insights.

 How do you evaluate the federal government’s performance thus far?

Latest data show the country’s Gross Domestic Product is growing by 6.8 percent, a definite increase from previous years. So the size of the national economy has grown. In terms of economic stats, the gov­ernment is not so weak. But expec­tations with this government were high because of its two-third com­mand in the national parliament and because of the ruling party’s effec­tive control over six of the seven pro­vincial governments. The NCP made big promises in its election manifes­to and people are judging it on that basis. Another basis of evaluation is how the government is handling the country’s key priorities. These two bases give us grounds for objective analysis. For one, serious problems have emerged in the implementa­tion of federalism.

What problems are you referring to?

The first problem is related to budget allocation. Provincial and local governments cannot fully exer­cise the rights bestowed on them by the constitution if they face a funding crunch. They are short not only of financial but also of human resources. Provincial governments were not given enough financial resources. In last year’s budget, 71 percent was captured by the cen­tral government even though the center does not have many rights. Only 29 percent of the budget has been allocated to provincial and local governments. The alloca­tion is not compatible with federal structures, with a center without many rights keeping more than two-thirds of the budget. This has created a serious problem in the implementation of federalism. Sim­ilarly, the government has failed to mobilize enough staff. The provin­cial government does not have the right to mobilize the police forces, and provincial level home ministries are without any role. The constitu­tion, on the other hand, envisages powerful provincial governments.

What is the state of the local gov­ernments?

They are not doing well either. Let’s take the example of education. Local governments are empowered to exercise rights related to edu­cation but the center is recruiting the teachers. Recently, the National Education Commission submitted its report to the federal government. The commission has outlined areas that need to be separately imple­mented by federal, provincial and local governments. It has been over three months since the government received the report but it has not been made public yet. This is a cen­tralized, anti-federal mentality. Par­ty co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has himself expressed displeasure at this state of affairs.

Is it because those in power now are not committed to federalism?

This is a reality. Earlier, KP Oli used to say publicly that federal­ism was not his agenda. But now that he has become the country’s prime minister, the onus is on him to implement the constitution. British Prime Minister Theresa May cam­paigned to remain in the EU before Brexit, but she now has the respon­sibility to implement it. The same applies here. Sincere and effective implementation of federalism is the prime minister’s political and consti­tutional responsibility.

You mean PM Oli himself is not honest about the implementa­tion of the constitution?

Yes. There is inadequate bud­get for the effective functioning of federal structures. The center has monopolized the budget but devel­opment expenditure is low. Most of that budget will be spent at the end of the fiscal. The NCP mani­festo promised radical change in agriculture by ensuring irrigation facilities. The manifesto also states that the country will be self-reli­ant on food within two years. But the budget allocated for agri­culture has been slashed by more than half. This shows the true intent of our prime minis­ter. Farmers are getting very low prices for their produce and yet consumers are overburdened. The government has failed to lessen the role of brokers who are capturing the market. Another problem is that the NCP base is the lower and lower-middle classes but the gov­ernment is serving the interests of the middle and high classes. It seems unaware of the class it represents and how it should function to keep its constituencies intact.

In a separate context, a year after formal party unification, NCP leaders claim to have settled dis­puted issues. What do you think?

Top leaders did not take unifi­cation seriously. Party unification does not mean two leaders coming together. First, there should be ideo­logical unification. Second, there should be amicable unification of organizational structures. They announced party unification despite differences on ideology and orga­nizational structures, which was a blunder. Now they are facing the consequences. They should resolve both ideological and organizational issues through serious discussions.

But you could argue ideological coherence was never their prior­ity and that unification was just a quick way to get to power.

Yes, ideology is not their prior­ity. There has been no discussion or debate on party ideology after unification, even though the two parties came from separate back­grounds. The Maoists glorified the armed insurgency and they believed in bullets. The UML prioritized the parliamentary front. One party glo­rifies the 10-year-long insurgency while another condemns it. They need to think of how to bridge this ideological gap. Still, they have huge differences, which is why Maoist leaders still talk about Janabadi Kranti (People’s revolution) while former UML leaders adhere to the parliamentary path.

How do you see the NCP? Is it a communist or a democratic socialist party?

It would be a big thing if the NCP could be a democratic socialist par­ty. That would be revolutionary. In many Scandinavian countries run by democratic socialist par­ties, the government is responsible for education and health. Norway, Switzerland and Denmark are not communist nations but their govern­ments nonetheless look after senior citizens, and health and education. In our case, Dr. Govinda KC has to stage a fast onto death to improve the health sector. KC, who belongs to the bourgeoisie, is demanding health reform and the communist government listens to him only at the eleventh hour. It is a matter of shame for the government. The constitution clearly mentions that health and education should not be left in the hands of businesses. The government puts on a mask of com­munists but it is pushing a capitalist agenda in practice.

Even in capitalist countries, the state takes the responsibility of health and education. Political ide­ologies are immaterial. But in Nepal crucial areas such are health and education are captured by business­men while the government looks on helplessly. This is not the working style of a communist government with a two-third majority.

Do you think the unification will last?

If they do not take immediate steps to resolve ideological and other dis­putes, unification will be in grave jeopardy, for three reasons. First, ideological and other backgrounds of the two parties are different. Sec­ond, there is growing dissatisfaction over party functioning. Third, even top leaders are saying that justice has not been done. There are com­plaints that a few leaders exercise a monopoly. Madhav Kumar Nepal’s command over the party is strong as he served as its general secretary for more than 15 years. Similarly, Bam Dev Gautam and Jhala Nath Khanal also have a strong hold. Maoist min­isters are not happy with PM Oli. The ideological as well as organizational issues remain unresolved. The orga­nizational structure is becoming more complicated. There also are questions of intra-party democracy.

How do you assess the supposed power-sharing formula between Dahal and Oli?

There may be a dispute as Oli is not ready to step down easily. The party is not working according to a system, and there is a bureaucratic mindset. If a communist party func­tions in a bureaucratic way, it cen­tralizes power at the upper level and creates anarchy at lower levels. Only a participatory approach will sustain unification. The way the party is currently functioning will deepen dissatisfaction among the rank and file, ultimately leading to a split.

There are reports that top lead­ers are ganging up against Oli.

This is because of Oli’s own behavior. I see the possibility of big changes in internal alliances. Dahal, Nepal, Khanal and Gautam have all suffered at Oli’s hands. If these four leaders come together, there would be a change in power balance in favor of this alliance. There are high chances of such an alliance and PM Oli fears this. The power balance is unstable. If the four leaders come together, Oli, already in a minority in the politburo, will face the same situation in the Central Committee and other organizational structures.

Now, the party is like an alliance of different factions, which are based more on differing interests than on ideological differences. Now they are united only because they are in power and disunity could throw them out of power. There are many ways to sustain party unity but senior leaders don’t seem serious about it. So it will be hard to keep the party unity intact.

Is the rift between Oli and Dahal widening?

Yes, due to some pressing issues related to federalism. Similarly, there are reports that PM Oli has not given much importance to min­isters of former CPN (Maoist Center) and constantly interferes with their work. Minister for Education Giriraj Mani Pokhrel, Minister for Industry Matrika Yadav and other ministers have expressed dissatisfaction over the PM’s working style.

Swayambhu Recreation Center, Kathmandu

If you are looking for a quick swim for a reasonable price, this deal is for you. The entry fee for this swimming pool in Swayambhu is just Rs 350! If you want to get a membership, the monthly charge is Rs 4,500 and you can go for a swim anytime. If you wish to learn how to swim, they have coaches who will give you a full swimming course for Rs 9,500. The pool is open from 6 am to 9 pm. Of course, you can first go around Swayambhu stupa, and visit this recreation center later for some rest and a refreshing splash!

Hyatt Regency, Kathmandu

At Hyatt Regency, you can enjoy not just the pool but also admire the lovely gardens and the beautiful ambience. A day at the 25-meter swimming pool here costs Rs 1,500 for adults and Rs 1,100 for children. If you wish to get membership card for swimming at the Hyatt, it will cost you Rs 22,000 a month. When you swim here, you forget that bustling Boudha is right around the corner. The pool is open from 7 am to 8 pm. Give your body this cool treat this summer!

Shangri-La Village Resort Hotel, Pokhara

This is just about the perfect swimming location in Pokhara. With such a beautiful ambience and eye-pleasing view, swimming in this pool is guaranteed to be very relaxing. You can see the beautiful Annapurna Range from this resort. The prices are affordable too. It will cost you Rs 1,000 a person for an entire day in the fancy pool. If you want to get a monthly membership, you pay Rs 8,000. The pool is open from 7 am to 7 pm every day!

The no-less-than legendary Pokhara Pizza House has had a branch in Kathmandu for a couple of years now. With its pizzas priced at just Rs 300 a pop, its luscious offerings are already winning the hearts of the Valley’s food connoisseurs. Popular among budget tourists and locals of the Lake­side area, the Pokhara Pizza House’s Kathmandu branch at Dhumbarahi serves the same fire-wood pizzas they’ve been selling since 2009. The mid-sized, decently priced pizzas can be eaten at the quaint little venue, ordered online or via phone, and the delivery is free.

We recommend you visit the place though, with its exotic placement in the middle of a small plateau formed between Dhumbarahi Chowk and Sukedhara. You can gulp on some chilled draught beer at the joint too.

 THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Firewood Pizzas

- Chicken Wings

- Draught Beers

Opening hours: 11 am-9 pm

Location: Dhumbarahi

Cards: Not accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 1000

Reservations: 014377722, 9851240267

Q. What is your biggest pet peeve?

A. Poor customer service at restaurants and supermar­kets.

Q. If you had just one day left to live, how would you spend that day?

A. Party, time with family, cook great food and enjoy it.

Q. When you are down, what keeps you going?

A. The fear of failure.

Q. What does your perfect day consist of?

A. Drinking warm water, yoga, good lunch and praise at work.

Q. How do you deal with negativity on social media?

A. I have never received nega­tivity on social media. And even if I did, I don’t think I would care.

Q. What is the best thing a fan has ever done for you?

A. Make a fan art. It still hangs on my room wall.

Q. What would be your superpower?

A. Power mimicry.

Q. What is an issue you feel deeply about and wish to highlight?

A. Human-wildlife conflict in conservation areas.

Q. One Nepali celebrity you absolutely admire and why?

A. Anuradha Koirala for the tremendous work she has done for our society and for being idolized worldwide

‘Avengers: Endgame’ is not a movie so it cannot and should not be treated like one. It is, rather, a carnival, a conclusion to 10 years of character and plot develop­ment. It’s like an episode of the final fight of the Mahabharata; you can’t evaluate the battle without under­standing the weight of events like humiliation of Duryodhan, marriage of Draupadi and the game of dice that led up to it. Directed by two brothers, Antho­ny and Joe Russo, Endgame is a direct sequel to ‘Infinity War’ and it picks up where the last movie ends. The Avengers, now less in number, are faced with a task of bringing back their ‘reality’ which they lost in their battle with Thanos (Josh Brolin). The movie starts with Iron Man (Rob­ert Downey Jr.), Captain America (Chris Evans), The Hulk (Mark Ruf­falo), Thor (Chris Hemsworth), and Black Widow (Scarlett Johansson) all getting back together, reassem­bling the Avengers team in good old Nick Fury style. Thanos, our super powerful alien antagonist, has a very noble philosophy of balancing the economics of finite resources and seemingly infinite population growth. However, neither is Thanos an esteemed economist nor a poli­cy researcher; just another weirdo trying to find a quick solution to a complicated problem.

 Every second was an experience in itself, the constant hooting and whoops of the audience indicative of how good a movie this was

And in a very no spoiler fashion, that’s the endgame this ‘Endgame’ deals with: The reality of Thanos’ quick solution to this problem.

I might have made the prem­ise boring with those parallels but I swear the movie’s not. It’s a superhero movie that packs all the punches, literally. It’s electrifying. It’s marvelous. It’s … Okay, enough with the puns.

First off, the movie has an invest­ment of $300-400 million, double of what a typical blockbuster movie costs. So I expected it to be colossal, from its VFX to battle sequences, and it did not disappoint.

Every second was an experience in itself, the constant hooting and whoops of the audience indicative of how good a movie this was. In the typical MCU style, the movie can go from being insanely funny to insanely serious, while excelling in both. And it strikes that cord again. Following the suit of Infinity War, the movie also has its share of emo­tional moments. Also, be it a super­hero showdown or an emotional scene, the background score was perfect and just what you’d expect from Marvel.

I won’t go into details, but as you’d expect, there’s a very big battle sequence and it was at least three times as thrilling as I imagined it to be. Hands down, the best battle sequence in entertainment history. It tells a story of perseverance, of resilience, duty and unity, in the grandest possible way.

There’s also this scene in the bat­tle where all the superhero ladies of Marvel get together and get their hands dirty with the aliens. And no, these women don’t just play a sup­porting role, or semi-important side chicks; they’re in the frontline of the story, because a superhero doesn’t have a gender.

If you’re ready to leave out some plot loopholes and enjoy the movie as it narrates itself, it’s a 3 hour 1 minute movie that feels too short. It’s entertaining while it’s emotion­al. It’s funny while it’s serious. This movie will be remembered for gen­erations to come and will go down in history books as a display of both the cultural and financial prowess of cinema,

 Who should watch it?

Everyone. If you are unfamiliar with Marvel characters and have not watched Infinity War, you may struggle to follow the plot a bit. The movie, as good as it is, may also be a little too long for some. Whatever. Just go and watch

Movie: Avengers Endgame

Genre:  Sci-fi/Action

Cast: Robert Downey Jr., Chris Evans, Mark Ruffalo

Direction: Anthony Russo, Joe Russo

Rating: 4.5/5

The latest forecast of the Central Bureau of Statistics that the national economy will grow by 6.81 percent this fiscal is encouraging. The above-six percent growth, for the third year in a row, has never been attained in over two decades. This kind of sustainable (and increasing) growth is partly the outcome of political stability. The ending of load-shedding has also boosted our industries and businesses. As tourism picks up after the low of the 2015 earthquake and the subsequent blockade, hotels and restaurants are doing a roaring business. Good rainfall has ensured plentiful harvests.

Thus 6.81 percent growth is something to celebrate, any way you look at it. It has, for instance, contribut­ed to an increase in the annual income of a Nepali by around Rs 14,000 in a year. The proportion of those living under the poverty line is steadily declining. So far so good. But it would be an incomplete assessment of the Nepali economy if we don’t dig deeper into these numbers. A big reason for the high GDP growth is the boom in construction, which is fueled by loans from banks and financial institutions. Such loans also boost vehicle ownership. Economists warn that the econ­omy is overheating because of such unproductive spending, and a crash might be imminent. The good numbers do not reveal the whole picture.

The only way to achieve long-term economic pros­perity is to ensure more, and timely, investment in the productive sector: rather than erect credit-supported private apartments, build good roads and airports. Instead of spending most of our foreign reserves on imports, channel more into improving the local busi­ness climate. The state should also invest in quality education and healthcare for all Nepalis. But the oppo­site is happening. Over the past few years, the spending in productive sectors has been half the level of spend­ing in unproductive activities.

While the federal government seems committed to handing out various kinds of benefits and subsidies to the old and the needy, it has made little progress in mass-scale job-creation. Most of our youth in rural areas continue to go abroad in search of well-paying jobs. Yet much of the hard-earned money they send to Nepal is quickly repatriated to pay for our burgeon­ing imports. A growth of 6.81 percent means there is enough money sloshing around for all kinds of produc­tive investments. Too bad the communist government is busy gloating about its high numbers than in laying down the right economic fundamentals.

By Shambhu Yadav | Siraha

 Province 2 government has spent millions on the ‘Save daughter, educate daughter’ campaign. Meanwhile, in a blatant travesty of the cam­paign, Provincial State Min­ister for Industry, Tourism, Forest and Environment Suresh Mandal has paid for the wedding of a 14-year-old girl from Siraha. In the past few months, the police have prevented as many as seven child marriages in the district.

On April 24, Radha Mal­lik (Dom), a Dalit girl from Kalyanpur municipality, was married to Ajaya Mallik from the district of Dhanusha in the presence of Mandal. Hun­dreds of thousands of rupees were spent on tents, food, jew­elry and clothes by the minis­ter and ward chairman Ashok Mandal. Minister Mandal has been consistently defending his action, arguing that arrang­ing a wedding ceremony for a poor Dalit’s daughter is no sin.

The bride is nowhere close to the legal age for marriage in Nepal. The General Criminal Code Act, which came into effect on 17 August 2018, stipu­lates that a man and a woman can get married only after they turn 20. Radha’s birth certifi­cate says she was born on 23 April 2005—which means she turned 14 only a day before the wedding.

Nobody has reported Radha’s marriage to the police yet. If someone files a complaint, we will initiate action against the alleged culprits

Madhav Raj Kharel DSP of Siraha

Rights activists enraged

The wedding has attracted the attention of several human and child rights organizations in Siraha. On April 27, they issued a press release stating that child marriage is unjusti­fiable and demanding action against minister Mandal. Arranging a child marriage is punishable by law. Every year, many mothers and infants die because of the severe adverse effects of this social scourge. Countless other women are deprived of educational and other opportunities.

Locals say Radha stopped going to school when she was in Grade 2. Rajkumar Raut Kurmi, a human rights activ­ist, says that it is unfortunate that a girl, instead of being encouraged to study further, has been married off. He adds that minister Mandal’s action has dented the provincial government’s ‘Save daughter, educate daughter’ campaign. “A minister should be actively fighting a social evil like child marriage. But here is one who helps arrange it. This is wrong,” says Kurmi.

Waiting for a complaint

DSP Madhav Raj Kharel, the spokesperson for the District Police Office Siraha, says that if someone files a complaint, his office would initiate action against the alleged culprits. “But nobody has reported Radha’s marriage to the police yet,” says Kharel. It is possible that people fear the repercussions of registering a complaint involving a minister.

One of the Sustainable Development Goals that the Nepal government hopes to achieve by 2030 is to end child marriage in the country. The ‘Save girls, educate girls’ campaign is meant to aid the abolition of child marriage in Province 2.

 His eyes are moist as he looks at his new ‘model’ house. Ram Bahadur Ghaley, 77, has bitter memories of the 25 April 2015 earthquake in which he lost many of his relatives as well as his ancestral home. The Barpak village in Gorkha district was the epicenter of the 7.8 magnitude earthquake.

 All the homes of the small village were destroyed, with 70 of its residents dying. It has been exactly four years since the devastating earthquake and the villagers of Barpak are still in the process of rebuilding their homes with the help of the Rs 300,000 in compensation from the government.

 Having spent many nights under the open sky, Ghaley has just finished building his new home. Even if he cannot get back the loved ones he lost in the earthquake, says Ghaley, he nonetheless wants to bring some happiness to those who remain.

 In the Dharche rural municipality in Barpak, 6,149 families have already rebuilt their homes while 1,033 families are still homeless. Their traditional abodes have been replaced by modern, earthquake resistant houses. One storied, quaint little houses with blue tin roofs are in fact the new signature feature of Barpak. The Barpak residents, who do not want to remember April 25, are forcefully reminded of the catastrophic day by the recurring aftershocks. But Barpak is slowly regaining its vitality, one blue tin roof at a time