By Parmananda Pandey | Tikapur

 Setraj Budha’s family moved to Tikapur in Kailali, a district in the western plains, from the hill district of Achham, in 1964. Many from his village had migrated to Tikapur around the same time. Together, they cleared the forest and have been farming and living in the land ever since. Interestingly, none of them have land own­ership certificates.

Bhim Mahar lives and does farming in the same ward. His father Gagan Singh Mahar had migrated there from the hills. He had made the area his home after the District Forest Office, Kanchanpur, back in the mid-60s, gave migrants the go-ahead to “clear forest areas and settle”. Gagan Singh then built a house and raised his children there, but passed away without getting a land certificate.

Around 2,000 hectares of land in Ward 8 of Tikapur is officially not owned by anybody

Settlers in 80 percent of the land in Ward 8 of Tikapur are without a land certificate, even though they have been living there for years. Some have a certificate, but their land cannot be found in offi­cial records. Around 2,000 hectares of land in the ward is officially not owned by any­body.

“We made several efforts to solve this problem but to no avail,” says Ammar Bahadur Saud, a local, who does have a land ownership certificate, but his land is not found in official records.

Ward chair Dirgha Thakulla says, “Officials from the sur­vey department have visited us multiple times, and taken measurements thrice, but they are yet to issue certifi­cates.”

Lack of certificates greatly inconveniences the locals. For instance, they do not get subsidies from the agricul­ture ministry. “We have been unable to split or sell the land that we have had from our grandfather’s time. This has even led to family feuds,” says Sher Bahadur Budha, another local. Tikapur also shares a border with India and dis­putes over border issues erupt from time to time

‘Land ownership certificates for everyone within the next four years’

By Laxman Pokhrel | Butwal

 The federal government has expressed its commitment to provide land ownership cer­tificates within the next four years to all landless squatters living haphazardly in various urban settlements across the country. Minister for Land Management, Cooperatives and Poverty Alleviation Padma Aryal promised that the gov­ernment would give priority to squatters who own land but do not have certificates to prove ownership, and to those living in unmanaged settlements.

 On May 26, 464 land ownership certificates were distributed in Sainamaina municipality

She informed that the gov­ernment’s drive to distribute land ownership certificates has already started. It began on May 26 from Buddhanagar in Sainamaina municipality in Rupendehi district. On that day, as many as 464 land own­ership certificates were dis­tributed. Minister Aryal said the drive would be expanded to other districts as well and reiterated the government’s promise to solve the problem of landless squatters during its tenure.

Q. When you are down, what keeps you going?

A. The love I get at the very next step.

Q. What does your perfect day entail?

A. Giving my best shots on the set.

Q. Who would be your dream crew?

A. Working with Deepak Raj Giri dai and Deepa Shree Niraula di, which has already come true for me!

Q. How do you deal with negativity on social media?

A. I consider it, if I think it will improve me and ignore it otherwise.

Q. What is the weirdest or the best thing a fan has ever done for you?

A. Going crazy over my social media posts and fighting with each other over negative comments people make on my posts.

Q. What would be your superpower?

A. Vanishing whenever I want and reaching places where nobody can see me.

Q. What is an issue you feel deeply about and wish to highlight?

A. Equal pay for both genders.

Q. What comes to your mind when you hear the word ‘fame’?

A. Love and care. Getting recognized wherever you go.

Q. One Nepali celebrity you absolutely admire and why?

A. Priyanka Karki for being unapologetically herself.

 General Nara Shumsher Rana was aghast when he heard K.I. Singh’s plan to oust the king. Singh had made Rana swear on the Gita to keep the plan a secret. But the vow did not stand a chance in the face of such an enormous conspiracy. When Rana revealed the plan to King Mahendra, the monarch said to him, “I didn’t think Singh was such a bad egg. Don’t worry, I’ll take care of it.” A few days later, Mahendra dissolved Singh’s cabinet.

Singh claimed he was made a victim of a conspiracy because he wanted to take action against those who plundered state coffers. He was trying to initiate a property audit by setting up a ‘Transaction Examination Commission’, which the palace had okayed. But his government was dissolved before he could do so. He had also tried to legally challenge his defeat in the 1959 general elections, including by inviting Indian legal experts to Nepal, again to no avail.

K.I. Singh desperately wanted to be prime minister again, but the palace—considering his rebellious nature—did not oblige

K.I. Singh was among the first politicians to welcome the December 1960 royal coup against the elected government. He was happy and optimistic about the downfall of the multi-party system and the advent of the Panchayat regime. Singh considered the parliamentary system ‘inauspicious’.

Although he was arrested in the royal coup, he was released after eight days. As a reward for his support to the Panchayat regime, King Mahendra nominated him as the chairperson of the Royal Council, a post that Singh had coveted. Singh also wanted to be placed higher in the political hierarchy than the deputy chairperson of the royal cabinet. According to Surendra Pratap Shah, then Royal Council Secretary, Singh asked King Mahendra whether he would be above “that sanyasi” in the hierarchy. (Singh was referring to Tulsi Giri.) Mahendra replied, “Each person is important in their own place. You will preside over the Royal Council, which Giri will attend. But he will be above you in hierarchy.” (Nepal Weekly, 23 October 2011).

Singh had been declared chairperson of the Royal Council, but before he took the oath of office, he announced his resignation, saying, “I cannot work under such a sanyasi. I would rather not be the chairperson.” The palace did not take Singh’s resignation favorably. Public expressions demanding action against those who defied royal edict were also being voiced.

Singh became disenchanted with the Panchayat regime when he could not get what he wanted. In February 1964, he announced a Satyagraha (passive resistance), arguing that corruption had worsened under the regime, that people were imprisoned without trial and that citizens were declared anti-national and barred from entering the country. This posed a challenge to the regime, which responded by arresting Singh.

He served a two-year prison sentence, after which he again joined the royal regime—first by entering local politics in his home district of Doti and subsequently by being elected a member of the National Panchayat. Singh desperately wanted to be prime minister, but the palace—considering his rebellious nature—did not oblige.

On 9 July 1979, he resigned from the National Panchayat and began advocating a multi-party system in the run up to the May 1980 national referendum. He made fiery speeches and left no stone unturned to discredit the Panchayat regime, going so far as to sling mud at high-level Panchas and accuse particular individuals of being ‘smugglers’ and ‘characterless’.

But after the referendum produced a victory for the Panchayat system, Singh saw that the days of the regime were not numbered. And he contested an election to the National Panchayat from the district of Rupandehi, where he had once waged a democratic rebellion. He won with flying colors, and was even considered a strong candidate for prime minister. But the palace wanted to continue with Surya Bahadur Thapa, as a reward for his role in the Panchayat’s victory in the referendum.

K.I. Singh died of cancer on 4 October 1982 while undergoing treatment in Bangkok. He was 75. In his political life, he received many appellations, such as ‘revolutionary’, ‘rebel’, ‘dacoit’, ‘capitulator’, ‘compromiser’ and ‘opportunist’.

The next column in the ‘Vault of history’ series will discuss the Indian military posts set up on the border with China, partly to contain K.I. Singh who was thought of as close to Beijing

Did you know that playing tennis is just about the perfect whole-body exercise? If you are a fan of Roger Federer or Serena Williams, you know it’s a fun sport too. So why don’t you pick up a racket and start today? Here are three places you can both play and train in this global sport.

Hem’s Tennis Academy In Kathmandu

Open from 6 am to 6 pm, Hem’s, located at Tukucha Marg, Baluwatar, is the place to go if you want to learn tennis as a novice. The academy offers tennis lessons every morning from 7 am to 8 am on weekdays for just Rs 5,000 a month. Not a morning person? You may also choose when you want to practice or learn tennis and join an hourly class. Per hour charge is Rs 700, whether you play by yourself or choose a coaching option. They will even customize training for you! Call 986-1944476 for further inquiries.

Nepal Tennis Association In Kathmandu

This tennis court in Chapagaun Marg, Satdobato, Lalitpur, being run by Nepal Tennis Association, a non-profit, is easy to spot. Play or hone your tennis skills under the guidance of the official guardians of Nepali tennis. Hourly classes starts from Rs 500. The rate varies depending on who you are learning from. If you want to just play tennis, the hourly rate is Rs 150. For more information, call 01-5202144.

Pokhara-Kaski District Lawn Tennis Association In Pokhara

This association aims to provide all tennis-related facilities to people of Pokhara from all ages and social backgrounds. Located at Pokhara Rangasala in Prithivi Chowk, the association organizes a number of local tennis events you can participate in. If you want to book the court for an hour, it will cost you Rs 500. If you want to join classes, monthly fee ranges from Rs 5,000 to Rs 15,000 depending on the coach. Call 980-6563478 for further information.

Q. If you could have coffee with one celebrity, who would it be and why?

A. Akshay Kumar, because he blurs the line between an on-screen hero and a real life one.

Q. What makes a perfect day for you?

A. Hitting the gym, having a healthy diet and rest!

Q. What suggestion would you like to give to people who are hitting the gym right now?

A. Don’t give up. Push yourself harder and remember that the pain you feel today is the strength you will have tomorrow.

Q. What would be your superpower?

A. To detect lies. Not the flashiest superpower, but it would get the job done.

Q. If you had only one day left to live, how would you spend it?

A. In spite of being a foodie, I follow a very strict diet plan. If it was my last day, I would eat all food that I crave.

Q. What is the most difficult thing for you as a model?

A. The attention and the pressure to maintain a perfect body. Skin and hair needs to be always ready for the job!

Q. How do you maintain the discipline required for bodybuilding?

A. By ignoring negativity and working hard on myself.

Q. What would you like to say to people who are unhappy with their bodies?

A. You are never too late to do anything. Start a healthy life from today!

Khim Lal Gautam and Rabin Karki, the government surveyors on a mission to measure the height of Mt Everest and collect other data, successfully reached the summit at 3:15 on May 22. A team of three Sherpas—Chhiring Jangbu Sherpa, Dawa Sherpa and Lakpa Thindu Sherpa—guided them to the top.

 This is the first time Nepal is measuring the height of Mt Everest. The current measurement of 8,848 meters was finalized by an Indian survey team in 1954. Back in 1999, an American expedition team had claimed that the height of the world’s tallest mountain had increased to 8,850 meters.

 The government sent the team of surveyors to measure the height of Mt Everest to establish the real height, which may or may not have changed following the 2015 earthquakes. The team is said to have spent half-an-hour on the peak, also collecting the temperature, humidity, gravity and other data.

 The survey team was helped extensively by helicopters from Simrik Air which carried important equipment to high altitudes. The rough terrains of high altitude mountains make it impossible to carry all the required equipment for such an expedition on foot. Simrik Air made more than 50 flights on this expedition.  

Singers, musicians, artists, businesspersons, socialites and people from all walks of life gathered at the Oskar Bar & Grill, Panipokhari on May 18, to be a part of one of the most unique videos of an evergreen Nepali song.

 The music video of Narayan Gopal’s “Kehi Mitho Baat Gara” was shot amid active participation of the invitees at the event organized by Digipay—a soon to be launched digital wallet—and hosted by Oskar Bar & Grill. The participants interacted with each other and lip-synced to the iconic song to record the one-of-its-kind music video.

“The idea was to bring people together and celebrate the music of Narayan Gopal,” Diwakar Pandey, the managing director of Digipay told APEX. “We’re especially thankful to Music Nepal, who hold the copyright of this song, for making it possible. This is the first time they’re sharing the rights of the music they own with a third party.”

The music video will be launched in less than a month, Pandey informs, together with the official launch of the Digipay app.

 Except for a section of the former Maoist gue­rillas and some Madhesi outfits, the rest of the Nepali political parties were always reluctant federalists. It made sense too. Before the 2007 Madhesi uprising, few Nepalis had heard of federalism. So wedded were they to a unitary state, the federal concept sounded alien, even as its proponents were trying to explain that it was just another way to ensure proper distribution of power and resources away from Kathmandu. It was natural that the political parties, the articulators of public aspirations, were also unsure about federalism. That was then.

Today, federalism, firmly enshrined in the Nepali constitution, is a fait accompli. The country has seven provinces and 753 local level units, each with its own government, besides the federal government at the center. The constitution sees each of these 761 govern­ments as autonomous, self-governing entities, even as it envisions a high level of cooperation and coordina­tion among them. Thus when Prime Minister KP Oli says that Nepal is “one country with one [federal] gov­ernment” with seven provincial and 753 local “subordi­nate” governments, he is walking on thin ice.

It was one thing for KP Oli the leader of the erstwhile CPN-UML to publicly express his skepticism of feder­alism. (Even that stand was not entirely unproblematic because he was among the top leaders who had put pen to the draft constitution that instituted a federal Nepal back in 2015.) But to do so as the head of the federal government is not just unseemly; it is also trou­bling for the nascent federal republic. It suggests either the prime minister does not fully understand his role as the head of the federal government, or he is know­ingly abusing his powers.

In the past year and a half Oli has tried to central­ize powers and shown his unwillingness to transfer power and resources to the provinces and local levels. This is as clear in the center-heavy budget allocations as it is in the continued existence of the parallel bod­ies under the old unitary structure that have created many problems for the provincial governments. The country expects better of Oli, the chief custodian and the embodiment of the federal constitution. He should realize that the federal formula can work only with high levels of delegation and trust between the three tiers of the government. On the other hand, the sham federal­ism that Oli and co. seem to be promoting imperils all the recent political gains.