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 Monsoon is coming. The moment you pass your SLC, you lose all urge to travel on public transport. Even the idea of stepping into a micro bus repulses you. And you come to realize that the only mode of transport that will get you anywhere will run on two wheels and NOT one that you’re going to have to pedal. That’s when you courageously ask your father to buy you the motorcy­cle you’ve been obsessing over, prob­ably the RC 390 or the CBR 250R. Then, your father will laugh at the proposition. Let’s face it, the chances of him agreeing to get you anything that’s expensive, looks good, and is fast is a long shot. Your proposition will be repealed and a new one will be put in front of you: to find some­thing that’s under 200cc and won’t rip a searing hole in your father’s wallet.

Then you begin to look for some­thing you both agree on. Something that’s under 200ccs but not too underpowered, something that isn’t too aggressively designed but still stylish, something that will get you around town without guzzling too much fuel, and something that will impress both you and your father.

That was what Yamaha had in mind when they designed and launched the FZ16 in 2008. It helped revolutionize the commuter motor­cycle segment from something only your dad could enjoy to something young people could appreciate. With its aggressive street naked styling, fat rear tire and a fatter fuel tank, the bike raised the bar for other manu­facturers.

The Fz16 styling was inspired from the global FZ series and a decent amount of grunt to go with the mean, naked streetfighter looks. But it also had a balance of features that appealed to the mature crowd.

It boasted of a high torque engine that was good for aggressive city riding but a monocross suspension also ensured it handled well and provided a stable and decent experi­ence for the pillion. It could get you around town safely, but it could also do well on the highways. Because of these, and many other factors, the Yamaha FZ gained massive populari­ty. And it still remains one of the best products in the Yamaha roster.

Which brings us to the third gener­ation of the macho streetfighter, the Yamaha FZ-S FI V3. Does it still have what it takes to call itself the Lord of the Streets?

The looks

It maintains what the first FZ start­ed out with. The designs are still macho and rugged. Very streetfight­er. The muscular tank is sculpted like the Greek gods and they carry out the design language throughout the body. You can see that plenty of inspiration has been taken from the FZ 250, from the headlights to the switchgears.

We like the stubby exhaust. How­ever, the chrome finish on the air intakes is a little tacky for our taste.

While it does not get split seats, it is designed to be comfortable. The pillion seat has a 16 percent larger seating surface area with an added 5mm of thickness for more comfort. There is a new LCD cluster which has a black background with white let­tering for better visibility in daylight and at night.

Visually, it looks great and it does have the street fighter appeal. It’s wider, taller, and more muscular.

The experience

But does it live up to expectations when you turn on the ignition?

It does not disappoint. Although there is an increase in weight, you don’t really feel it affects perfor­mance. In fact, it is light and spirited with plenty of low end grunt and a lively midrange. You might not be breaking any speed limits, but you’re definitely not going to be bored with it as well.

The 150cc engine churns out a healthy 13bhp at 800rpm and the torque peaks at 600RPM with an output of 12.8NM. This is more than decent for city riding and supple­ments overtaking duties sufficiently. On the highways, the power is suffi­cient. However, you will have to pre­meditate your overtaking maneuver.

The suspension is supple and soaks up the tattered roads in Nepal with ease. The 5mm increase in ground clearance is a welcome addi­tion too. But what really takes the cake in terms of upgrades is the single channel ABS and the rear disc brake that comes as standard. It takes your stopping abilities to the next level and that is what really inspires the confidence to make it feel like you’re not just riding a com­muter motorcycle.

But JUST a commuter bike?

Not by a long shot. While it is per­fectly fit for city riding and can take you around town the entire day, it is also very capable of navigating out of the city limits. It is comfortable to ride, has decent power delivery, and the ABS gives you the ability to tackle the highways and city jaunts more confidently.

In terms of competition, the FZ takes on the likes of the Honda CB Hornet 160R, TVS Apache RTR 160 4V, Suzuki Gixxer, and Bajaj Pulsar NS160. And it does put up a good fight.

The FZ is one of Yamaha’s most successful motorcycles and the update makes it fresher and safer as well. We feel like the tank is a little too large and bulky, and the chrome intakes could have been skipper. Yet it is still a great motor­cycle and one which should rein­vigorate the segment. Overall, the Yamaha FZS-FI V3 is an above aver­age commuter motorcycle for the average guy.

1) What are the two things you love about being a vlogger?

Ability to capture beautiful memories with my loved ones that I can always come back to relive. Second is being able to show my fans the raw side of me to connect with them more.

2) What is your pet peeve?

People who procrastinate. Everyone is entitled to it. However, it grinds my gears when their procrastination gets in the way of me getting my work done on time. I like to do my work first and then relax.

3) A Nepali celebrity you admire, and why?

I loved the old days when Hari Bamsha-Madan Shrestha duo was untouchable. Every skit they put together had a beautiful life lesson.
 

4) Your favorite getaway?

A quiet place devoid of city noise but where the nature’s sound is loud enough to wake me up from my sleep. If I have to name one, that would be Pokhara.

5) What are the three things that are important for a good video?

Originality, a video that evokes humor, and at the same time portrays the seriousness of the subject at hand.

6) Most special thing a fan has ever done for you?

A sweet guy at my meet-and-greet in Kathmandu had made me and my loved ones Soltisquad t-shirts with our names on the back of them. I still wear that t-shirt.

8) What is the craziest thing a fan has done for you?

During my meet-and-greet in Kathmandu, a fan from Butwal made plans with her friends to come all the way from Butwal to meet me despite the fact that her parents were against it and she might have gotten into trouble at school. So much love!

7) How do you deal with negativity on social media?

By ignoring it. I’m pretty good at it. Only opinions of your loved ones should matter. I welcome positive vibes from everyone. I tend to stay away from negativity.

9) Who would make it to your dream team?

I think I thrive when I do things alone. Although I love collaborations and working with others, I am a loner in certain things. YouTubing is one of them.

10) What would be your superpower?

I don’t know what people will think but majority of gut instincts I have of new people I come across is true. I’m 99 percent of the time accurate about being able to tell how he/she is doing.

 Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli returned home on June 16 from a nine-day visit to a number of European capitals. Both Oli and his office claimed the visit was a success. The PMO issued a long statement recounting his successful engage­ments, which looked more like a detailed itinerary. Surely the prime minister and his entou­rage had a busy schedule, yet the visit raised more questions than it answered.Let’s start with his trip to the United Kingdom. While one could argue about the wisdom of meet­ing outgoing Prime Minister The­resa May, what sticks out as a sore point is Oli’s failure to meet the British monarch. Our mandarins should have pressed their Brit­ish counterparts for a meeting with the Queen. The inability to ensure diplomatic reciprocity is a serious failure—particularly when even low-ranking British officials routinely meet our PM and the President.

Despite all the hype about marking 203 years of diplomatic relations, Oli had to settle for a meeting with Prince Harry, who is sixth in line to the British throne. By our prime minister’s own admission, the UK also cold-shoul­dered Nepal’s proposal to review the 1947 tripartite agreement gov­erning the recruitment of Nepalis into the British Army.

The interview with the BBC was ill-advised too. Why would Prime Minister Oli agree to an interview that focused on the issue of traffic jam on the Everest? It would have been more fitting for the Tourism Department’s spokesperson.

Oli’s trip to France was also anything but memorable. He did not meet French President Emmanuel Macron and failed to sign the two agreements his minister for Information and Communications had pushed for.

Lapses during the Europe vis­it are a result of poor planning, lack of accountability and par­ty functionaries prevailing over career officials. Overall, these are symptoms of a severe weakening of state capability and an absence of adequately-trained human resources in the public sector.

Post 1990 mess

There is a convergence of opin­ion on the erosion of the Nepali state’s capability post-1990. Anecdotal evidence suggests that seems to be the case in many areas. That process picked up pace in the post-2006 arrange­ment—as political accommoda­tion and expediency took priority over state principles, expertise and experience.

Many argue that despite its flaws, and the uneven play­ing-field the Panchayat regime created, it did promote a certain level of meritocracy. They point to high-profile diplomats and plan­ners the system nurtured; despite its authoritarian structure, it fos­tered a learning culture and even tolerated dissent within certain confines—while making long-term strategic investments that the regime considered important. I am no apologist for the Panchayat era, but there is no harm in pick­ing good lessons from the past.

Broadly speaking, a state’s capa­bility is its ability to govern inter­nally while projecting strength externally—reflected in the nature and level of engagements abroad. Internal governance encompasses the abilities to deliver results for citizens, bureaucratic processes, and maintenance of social cohe­sion, ideally through democratic processes.

While the government’s abili­ty to collect taxes and increase development spending in terms of sheer volume has increased since the 1990s, anecdotal evidence suggests a waning of state capa­bility to deliver. Having a bigger revenue base and the ability to earmark an increasing amount of money for different projects is not enough; being able to spend it meaningfully is a better indicator of state capacity.

Even though this government projects bold ambitions, it has not made steady efforts to build state capacity to deliver on its prom­ises. Again, some of us might be confused with the government trying to legislate on internal affairs better—as reflected in the rush to introduce different laws. But that’s not the same as having the capacity to turn those intents into reality.

Short-termism

The point being that there are inadequate human resources within the government system to follow through on the high-pitched rhetoric around pros­perity and good governance—and the government is doing little to generate skilled human resources. For instance, rail­way connectivity seems to be our national priority, yet what has the government done in the past year to create skilled human resources to maintain and run a railway network?

Bureaucratic processes are in a shambles with neither upward nor downward accountability. And a massive increase in the number of political appointees continues to promote ad-hocism and short-term thinking. This has been further aggravated by a constitutional restructuring of the state—without the de-facto devolution of power to the prov­inces and local bodies. The state restructuring should have been followed by an informed push toward revamping the structure, size and work culture of the civil service. Ideally, this should have started with an honest organiza­tion and management survey by an independent third party—nei­ther connected to the politicians nor to the civil service.

The net result of all these are systematic weaknesses in the state’s delivery mechanism even when there is a strong govern­ment at the helm. To be fair, the government inherited much of the problem and should not be blamed for the accumulated mess. But the tragedy is that it is continuing down the same path of short-term thinking that the previous short-lived governments were driven by.

 The federal government and its head can learn many things from the recent Guthi bill fiasco. One is that decisions with far-reaching conse­quences should be made only after extensive consultations with key stakeholders. Frankly, in its year and a half in office, the federal government, and Prime Minister KP Oli in particular, have acted like a law onto themselves. PM Oli makes vital decisions without informing senior leaders of his own party, much less the opposition parties. The advice of a small coterie of party hacks seems enough.

Broad consultations are at the heart of the democrat­ic process. But for the self-described democrat who fought autocracy half his life, Oli seems to have inter­nalized some authoritarian tendencies himself. Again, seldom does he consult other experts and seek a sec­ond opinion. Take his recent Europe trip, which turned out to be a disaster. The prime minister was keen on visiting Europe and shoring up his international image even as there had been no preparations. The expected agreements with France and the UK could not mate­rialize; the heads of the state of these two European powers did not even bother to see him.

Had the prime minister consulted some foreign pol­icy experts, or even read an oped or two on the topic on the eve of his Europe trip, he could have figured out that instead of buttressing his international image, the meaningless tour would have just the opposite effect. More important, it would harm the standing of the country he represents. But just like he did not bother to consult the Guthiyars—the age-old custodians of the country’s precious heritage—before introducing the Guthi bill, the self-assured prime minister did not see the need to seek expert advice on his foreign travel.

The forced withdrawal of the Guthi bill is possibly the biggest blow to the prime minister’s seemingly unassailable image. He perhaps does not realize that if he continues on his unilateral course, the press, the opposition parties, the intellectuals, and hundreds of thousands of his voters—could all be alienated. It is a reminder that in a democracy you can rule only by a broad consensus and trying to ram through unpopu­lar measures invariably backfires. Perhaps the retreat on the Guthi bill will make PM Oli realize the power of the collective.

By Ranjan Hari Koirala | Kathmandu

 As part of its plan to expand broadband networks across the country, Nepal Telecom has called applications for build­ing such networks and pro­viding internet services in 14 additional districts. With this, Nepal Telecom expects all rural municipalities of Nepal to have broadband internet access within a year.Nepal Telecom plans to make use of the Rural Tele­communications Develop­ment Fund (RTDF) to expand broadband connection to the 14 districts via optical net­works. Under the plan, broad­band hybrid networks will be built and internet/data access connectivity provided in all municipalities, rural munici­palities, ward offices, health centers, health posts and pub­lic educational institutions (secondary and higher sec­ondary schools). The call for application states that com­panies interested in apply­ing should have contributed a minimum of Rs 1 million to the RTDF in the past three years. They should also have a minimum of 1,000 km trans­mission networks in operation and 25,000 (fixed) internet or data subscribers.

The project is expected to cost Rs 2.8 billion for the four districts in Province 1 (Ilam, Jhapa, Morang and Udayapur), Rs 600 million for the four districts in Province 5 (Gulmi, Palpa, Argakhachi, Pyuthan) and Rs 1.2 billion for the six other districts. Two years ago, NT had signed contracts with various companies for similar work in 60 districts. Purush­ottam Khanal, chairman of Nepal Telecom, claims 60 percent of the work has been completed.

Internet connection is now available in 15 earthquake-af­flicted districts under Broad­band Access Network, accord­ing to NT data. But there have been complaints that some of these districts remain uncon­nected.

Under the project, the first contract was with World­link Communications Pvt Ltd. Among the projects that Worldlink bagged, one is com­plete. NT informs more than 85 percent of the work has been completed in the north-east­ern districts of Dolpa, Mugu, Jumla and Humla.

Subisu Cablenet Pvt Ltd is supposed to start providing internet services in 1,205 loca­tions in 8 Tarai districts (Dha­nusha, Siraha, Saptari, Mahot­tari, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat and Sarlahi) from July 16. As only 55 percent work is complete, the company has extended its deadline by 6 months.

Vianet Communications Pvt Ltd also has been unable to finish work on time. By the deadline day last December, only 50 percent work had been completed.

Mercantile Communications Pvt Ltd had bagged two proj­ects, under which it would make internet access avail­able in 1,183 locations in six districts (Achham, Bajhang and Bajura in the west and Taplejung, Sankhuwasabha and Solukhumbu in the east). While one project has been completed, work on the sec­ond one is still ongoing.

Similarly, Techminds Net­work Pvt Ltd had bagged the contract to provide broadband services in three mid-western districts (Surkhet, Dailekh and Salyan). Work was stalled in the initial phase due to a court case. Although the case has been settled for a while now, Nepal Telecom informs that the company has only recently submitted ‘Network Diagrams’ for approval.

 “Have you ever wished you could tell your favorite books just what they mean to you?” reads the first two lines of the blurb and, as a reader, you can’t help but think the book is going to resonate with you in so many ways. It does, just not as much as you had initially thought it would. But that’s not the author’s fault at all. She’s candid and honest and writes well too. The thing is, when you haven’t read all the books she talks about (who has heard of a book called The Calculating Book: Fun and Games With Your Pocket Calculator?) then you don’t know what and how to feel about it. And when reading is all about the different emotions it evokes, that kind of sucks.

In ‘Dear Fahrenheit 451’, the author’s debut work, Spence con­fesses her love for certain books as well as her satisfaction in breaking up with some works when their time comes. Covering books from a vast range of subjects and genres, Spence writes heartfelt letters to some of her absolute favorite titles like ‘The Time Traveler’s Wife’, ‘The Goldfinch’, and ‘Matilda’, while expressing her fury at romance novels by Nicholas Sparks, ‘The Twilight’ series, and ‘The Fifty Shades of Grey’ books by E.L. James. She expresses her exas­peration and disappointment at see­ing them get checked out constantly at the library while good books sat on the shelves.

Spence writes not only to indi­vidual titles but also things that are associated with it like the library in ‘Beauty and the Beast’ and the book collection she hopes to have in the future. It is while reading these let­ters that you find yourself vehement­ly agreeing with the author’s views, almost feeling like she has somehow gotten inside your head. You might not have agreed with how she felt about a particular book but her love for books is completely relatable and that makes you forgive Spence even for the useless and repetitive list of references, recommendations, and resources in the second half of the book. Yes, we know you love ‘The Virgin Suicides’, Ms. Spence. There’s really no need to tell us that over and over again. But then again, do we, as avid readers, ever stop talking about a book we love?

Book: Dear Fahrenheit 451 (A Librarians Love Letters + Break-up Notes to her Books)

Genre: Non-fiction

Author: Annie Spence

Publisher: Flatiron Books

Published: 2017

Language: English

Pages: 243, Paperback

 The chemistry between the real life couple of Priyanka Karki and Aysuhman Deshraj Joshi is so strong that it oozes out on the screen every time they’re together in the film “Prem Diwas.” Everything else falls flat though. Priyanka playing Sapana and Ayushman playing Sagar are both brilliant. But instead of using this chemistry to create a memorable Nepali film, the filmmakers have made an almost forgettable movie.

Prem Diwas is a romantic drama with a love-triangle between the poor and unconfident Sagar, as poor but self-assured Sapana and the rich and kind-hearted Yuvaraj (Bishal Kharel). Sagar, who suffers from a phobia of losing the people he loves forces his girlfriend Sapana into a fake relationship with her boss Yuvaraj, who is exuberantly rich and gullible. That’s basically what the 1h 56m movie is all about, with predictable twists and turns. Again, the movie feels stretched, save for the brilliance of the Priyanka-Ayushman duo and the beautiful cinematography that follows them across the hills of Ilam.

Priyanka shines with her ability to bring every emotion required to the forefront. As Sapana, a girl who works as a laborer at a tea estate in Ilam, she is cute, bubbly, free-spirited and compassionate. Ayushman, a newcomer in the industry compared to Priyanka, nonetheless complements her well. As the confused and dejected Sagar, Ayushman can be both loveable and despicable. Together, the couple are so into the zone that they make up for most of the movie’s lackluster plot and juvenile storytelling.

The weakest link in the love triangle has to be debutant Bishal Kharel as Yuvaraj who is a total disaster. He can’t even change his countenance in line with the different emotions required in different scenes. We don’t understand his character at all. Add some fake American accent to it and uncertain dialogue delivery and Bishal completely messes up what could have been a strong, imposing character. Playing a rich owner of a tea estate in Ilam, Bishal looks uncomfortable and can’t quite emulate the natural confidence rich people project.

But he couldn’t do worse than a few recognized faces who’re in the movie for comic relief. They’re loud, cheap and unfunny. In fact, the only comic relief is provided at times by Ayushman himself. Maybe Kollywood should forget the usual suspects of the industry and find fresh talent who can make people laugh without being loud.

As mentioned earlier, the only other positive about the movie, besides Priyanka and Ayushman’s acting, has got to be the excellent cinematography. With extensive use of drones and choicest framings, the beauty of Ilam and its peripheries is just breathtaking. Also, the title track “Phoola Diye Timilai” is subtly catchy and used as background scores to make some scenes more compelling.

Who should watch it?

The trolls who went after Priyanka for her Cannes appearance and the haters who labelled the Priyanka-Ayushman relationship fake, should definitely watch this movie. Priyanka shows why she deserves the Cannes invitation and how she could do with a little support from the industry. Ayushman and Priyanka prove their popularity individually and together in “Prem Diwas.”
 

Movie: Prem Diwas

Genre: Romance/Drama

Cast: Priyanka Karki, Ayushman Deshraj Joshi, Bishal Kharel

Director: Yogesh Ghimire

Length: 1 hr 56 m

Rating: 3/5

 Nepali Congress leader Deep Kumar Upadhyay is a former two-time Nepali ambassador to India. He led the Nepali mission in New Delhi at a difficult time of the great earthquake and the economic blockade in 2015. Upadhyay is credited for his role in the restoration of political level engagement between India and Nepal following Narendra Modi’s ascent as prime minister in 2014. Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Upadhyay about the prospects of bilateral relations under Narendra Modi, when he has been reelected as prime minister for the second term.

As Nepal’s ex-envoy to New Delhi, how do you evaluate the prospect of bilateral relations in Modi’s second term?

Modi has been reelected and stability in India is a good opportunity for us. Diplomacy is a craft and a skill should not be evaluated based on what we read in books. Diplomacy is all about results. People in both countries want to see improved Nepal-India relation in Modi’s second term. This means Nepal’s trade imbalance with India would be minimized, flood and inundation in Tarai would be addressed, both countries would benefit from shared waters as per national and international treaties, and other bilateral pending projects would move ahead. 

In my experience, Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself oversees India’s Nepal policy and I expect this state of affairs to continue in his second term. In the first term, PM Modi, Minister for External Affairs, Indian Ambassador in Kathmandu, his Foreign Secretary and his National Security Advisor were the key persons on Nepal policy. I was officially told by the Indian side not to listen to anyone besides these five. The Indian side requested me to convey the same message to Nepali leaders saying that India is big country where there are many people and organizations that speak with different voices, which may not be the official line. 

In 2014, Modi tried to restore political level engagement with Nepal. But it is now said that Indian bureaucrats are once again starting to call the shots on Nepal.

The restoration of political engagement was evident when Modi addressed Nepal’s Parliament in 2014. However, there were also questions about him. Just because he is a prime minister with single-party majority and a towering personality, it was alleged, he could not change the system. Honestly, Nepal-India relation was in conflict mode at the start of 2015. That is why our Prime Minister Sushil Koirala wanted to send a top politician as the Nepali ambassador to India. India’s foreign policy is better managed than ours. In every foreign policy issue, the foreign ministry would be involved. And in every ministry, there is a joint secretary of foreign ministry. The power of foreign ministry is high. Before I was appointed ambassador everything used to be conducted from Indian Embassy in Kathmandu.

There was no tradition of informing Nepali embassy in New Delhi. When I tried to increase my political access in Delhi, the Indian side cautioned me: There are over 200 missions there and it would be difficult for them if we started bypassing the foreign ministry desk. They used to convey in sweet words that the concerned division at the Ministry of External Affairs was ready to give us any service, hinting us not to directly approach politicians. Despite all these, we succeeded in restoring relationship at the political level. This helped minimize the conflict. The blockade could have been even more detrimental had the conflict mode not been removed at the political level.

Are you suggesting the Indian bureaucracy was unhappy about Nepal’s efforts to restore political level engagement?

They felt uncomfortable, which was normal. During the blockade, Rajnath Singh was home minister and all security agencies were under him. I helplessly sought his help to resolve the border dispute. He gave me a very good advice. Despite having a cordial relationship at the top political level, he told me that he could not do anything as it was solely the remit of the Ministry of External Affairs of India. He suggested I talk to Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj instead.  

Even Swaraj used to call joint meetings with foreign secretaries and other senior officials on bilateral issues. Now, we have a relationship at political level and we can thank Modi. Various joint mechanisms are active but there are still doubts about how to make them deliver. If we see the bureaucracies of the two countries, they always engage in blame-game. Senior ministers from Modi cabinet used to tell me to utilize this time as Modi wants to see a prosperous Nepal. They also proposed a video conference between the ministers of two countries to find the bottlenecks in bilateral projects and immediately remove them. Indian ministers were in favor of resolving bilateral issues without delay.  

It is often said that clashes between political leadership and bureaucracy creates problems in Nepal-India relations.

There is negativism in the bureaucracies of both countries. I nonetheless had good relations with the Indian bureaucrats. The Nepali bureaucrats used to tell me that the Indian side was good with sweet words. “But will India really support us?” they asked me. I urged them to be specific and deal on a case-by case basis, forgetting what happened yesterday. But they were not convinced and used to say that India only holds project with no intention of completing them. The Indian bureaucracy on the other hand said several projects were not moving because of the Nepali side. We should make our foreign ministry effective. Without a strengthened foreign ministry, we will never have sound foreign and defense policies. Global politics is changing fast. There is the Indo-Pacific Strategy. There is the BRI. We should be smart to handle those issues.

You talked about the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Traditionally, India has not looked kindly on greater western presence in Nepal. So will it really toe the American line in South Asia, including in Nepal?

Those issues should be viewed in detail. Certain countries of this region, excluding China, are under the Indo-Pacific Strategy. India is more concerned about its neighbors. For example, if there are problems in Nepal’s Tarai, the first impact would be on India. So they are very sensitive. There could be convergence of mind on the overall interest of Indo-Pacific Strategy but India is more concerned on its core issue of neighborhood. In this context, we have to put forth our position clearly. We should not accept the wrong proposals floated by others. We cannot afford to say ‘yes, yes’ everywhere.

So the Indians won’t be guided by the Americans in their immediate neighborhood?

India looks after its interest and security. For example, India was aware that if the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) continued to highlight ethnic issues in Nepal, it could ultimately affect its own interests. This is why it lobbied for its closure. We have to be clear on our bottom-line with India, the US, China, and the EU. There is a systematic attack on Nepal’s culture and ethnicity. Time has come to review our past mistakes and move ahead.

How does New Delhi view Nepal-China relations? Are there any redlines that Nepal cannot cross?

The Chinese diplomats I used to meet in New Delhi were very clear. They wanted cordial Nepal-India relations and cordial Nepal-China relations. They were of the view any rail or road project that come to Nepal should also support Indian population. That such routes should help both India and China.

But what about the Indian perception of Nepal-China relations?

S Jaishankar, who has been appointed the Minister for External Affairs, is an expert on India-China and India-US relations. They are very clear about Nepal-China ties. Narendra Modi started courting the Chinese long ago and brought many Chinese companies into his home state of Gujarat. I also asked Chinese companies in Gujarat to invest in Nepal. India is not serious about the Nepal-tilting-towards-China narrative. They are aware that Nepal is a sovereign country that can make its own decisions. For 17-18 years, India left Nepal in the hands of administrative entities with a free hand to do whatever they wanted. Our ministers used to run after second and third class officers of Indian Embassy. Now, there has been a drastic change.

When Nepal signed the BRI agreement with China in 2017, there was Indian pressure not to do so. How did you resist this pressure as Nepal’s envoy in New Delhi at the time?

They had some apprehensions. We told them that the agreement we were signing is just a framework agreement. That, at the decision-making level, i.e the phase of selection of projects, we would be selective and Nepal would be careful about its payback capacity. During the BRI talks, the Indian side used to raise the issue of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which passes through disputed territory.  

How did you convince the Indian side?

The BRI is a necessity of our time. All other countries in this region had signed on to the BRI. I told them if Nepal did not, it would give an impression that Nepal is in a tussle mode with its next-door neighbor, which does not send a positive message. We told them that we would be careful with the BRI loans. I further told them that Nepal is aware of the experiences of other South Asian countries on the BRI. Finally, they said as a sovereign country, Nepal is free to arrive at its own decisions.

During the Doklam crisis, you were in India. What sort of pressure does Nepal feel if India-China relations are confrontational?

That particular issue was related to Bhutan. Bhutan was very clever; it stayed behind the scenes. Some people were saying that there could be a war between India and China. After a meeting with Jayashankar, then foreign secretary, I was clear that war was not happening. There was no pressure on us to take sides in these disputes. Nor does the top Indian leadership expect that from us.  

What should PM Oli and Modi do to improve bilateral ties?

Both countries should be honest in implementing agreements reached at the top political level. There should be transparency on who is dishonest on this. If we do everything according to a system, there will be progress. Modi himself is very positive on Nepal.

There are also fears that Hindu forces in Nepal would be emboldened under a more assertive Modi.

The Indian leadership works within the framework of their constitution. The people holding official positions cannot provide prescriptions or impose things. We ourselves imagine stuff and speak on it publicly. I do not see such a possibility.

But top leaders who were engaged in constitution drafting say Modi always wanted to restore the Hindu state in Nepal.

The Indian leadership could have said that when our own leaders sought advice on it. But Modi has broken with the tradition of imposing agendas on Nepal. There is no need to drag outside forces into our internal politics.