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Q. Three words you would use to describe yourself?

A. Persistent, genuine, realist.

Q. One quality of yours you would like to work on?

A. I have a habit of getting anxious in certain situations. I would like to work on remaining calm.

Q. An actor you would want to do a film with?

A. Shahrukh Khan.

Q. Who inspires you the most in the entertainment industry?

A. Aishwarya Rai and Dipika Padukone.

Q. What is that one thing you enjoy the most about your profession?

A. I get to travel!

Q. What superpower would you like to have?

A. Being able to teleport.

Q. If you had only one day left to live, what would you do?

A. I would spend that day with my family and my boyfriend.

Q. If you could wish for anything, what would it be?

A. To see more genuineness in this generation.

Q. What would you like to say to your fans?

     A. It is not necessary to go to a foreign country to earn money. There are many problems in Nepal but then it is important to create opportunities in           Nepal.

We’ve read hundreds of arti­cles describing the miserable condition of the Maoist guerillas, the state security personnel, and ordinary citizens alike. But not much has been written about the journalists who were tortured, disappeared or brutally murdered during the war, and even less about their families who continue to live with the wounds that may never heal. Children of the slain journalists not only lost a parent but also an opportunity for a hap­py childhood.

With the government paying little attention to these children, an unnamed organization under The Asian Journalist Association has been financing their education since the war ended with the help of funds from the Australian Press Association.

We tried to interview some of these children to find out their current situation and their aspi­rations for the future, but most of them chose to stay mum because of security concerns. Only two were willing to speak on record.

Dev Kumar Acharya and Navraj Sharma were two of the journal­ists murdered during the war. Their children who, despite hav­ing to overcome trauma since a tender age, are still fighting for justice for their families.

Born in Jhapa, Trishna Acharya is the second daughter of Dev Kumar Acharya, who worked in several newspapers like ‘Janaastha’, ‘Janad­isha’, and ‘Swadhin Samwad’. Acha­rya was abducted on 23 July 2002 on the accusation of being a Maoist and his corpse was delivered to the family the following day. “When we got his dead body, his thumbs were mutilated and it was clear that he was hung upside down and tortured for an entire day,” says Trishna. Then began the struggle for her family as they had to face social ostracism and even rape threats. A small cottage industry of light snacks on which the family depended was also seized. Trishna left the village with a traumatized brother, an agonized mother, and a confused elder sister.

Trishna then came in contact with the organization under the Asian Journalist Association which assisted her financially to pursue her studies. She recently com­pleted her Masters of Arts degree from Tribhuvan University with a gold medal. “My father dreamt of becoming a gold medalist and was working on his Master’s thesis just prior to his murder, so I dedicated my medal to him,” says Trishna.

Her case was filed with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in September 2014 with the assistance of the organization itself.

“My family members—and even my nephew—still get threats. All I want now is to regain the identi­ty and dignity that my family lost years ago. I want to be the last girl with a tragic story like mine,” says Trishna.

Born in Kalikot, Sangita is the second daughter of Navraj Sharma, who is considered the first journalist killed during the insurgency. He was the editor of a weekly named ‘Kadam’ and also worked at a radio station. Sharma was well liked in the community and his murder came as a complete shock.

“There was a program in my village from where lots of men including my father were abducted. All were released except my father,” says Sangi­ta. What makes the case more disturbing is the fact that the reason behind the abduction and murder of her father is still unknown. After the passing away of her mother a few years later, Sangita came in contact with the organization which then helped her pursue her studies.

She is currently pursuing a Bachelor’s degree in business management and is in her sec­ond year. She wants to work in the banking sector, but is also considering a career in the civil service. Her two siblings have been taken under the wings of the SOS Children Village at San­othimi where they are pursuing their studies.

Sangita’s case has also been registered with the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, but justice has proved elusive so far.

Besides Trishna and Sangita, the organization currently sup­ports 24 other children of con­flict victims. But with the fund­ing from the Australian Press Association coming to an end in 2020, the children’s future is far from secure. “Even when the funding stops, we’ve decided to personally contribute to edu­cate these children,” says one of the two chairmen of the orga­nization, who prefers to work quietly and remain anonymous.

But the question of how long these children can depend on an NGO remains unanswered. The state has a responsibility to take care of these children who have already suffered so much O

The integration and rehabilitation of Maoist combatants were major parts of Nepal’s peace process that started in 2006. Of around 19,000 Maoist combatants eligible for integration, around 1,300 were integrated into the Nepal Army. But many child soldiers who went through the verification process were disqualified for integration and for rehabilitation packages.
In January 2010, 3,000 young ex-combatants who were under 18 at the time of the ceasefire were let go as minors. They were assured of formal schooling, vocational training, and help with setting up small businesses. Lenin Bista, a child solider who had joined the Maoist insurgency at the age of 12, was among those disqualified because of his age. In the past few years he has been fighting for justice for minor Maoist soldiers and other disqualified personnel.
He has sought to internationalize the issue of the use of child soldiers in Nepal, a war crime. He currently serves as the President of Peace Envisioners, an NGO. Bista talked to Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai about his campaign.

In 2010 the Madhav Kumar Nepal-led government had decid­ed to discharge minor soldiers in the Maoist ranks with some kind of compensation. What did you get?

At that time, the state had assured us jobs and education. There was a tripartite agreement between the government, the Maoist party and the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) on our issues. But they did nothing for us. They made commit­ments but did not keep them. We were discharged with no more than Rs 10,000 in cash.

You mean there was no follow-up from the state after you were discharged?

Yes, there was no follow-up. We waited for six or seven months before we organized ourselves and formally made our demands. First, we urged the Maoist leaders to settle our issues. Later, we tried to draw the government’s attention by sub­mitting a Memorandum of Under­standing, but again to no avail.

How many of you were disqual­ified as minor soldiers in the UNMIN verification process?

Around 4,000 were discharged after being labelled ‘disqualified’. Of them, 2,973 were child soldiers and the remaining were late recruits. There were also more than 10,000 minors who had served as child soldiers during the insurgency but were not part of the verification process. Many child soldiers were killed. The first Maoist cadre killed by the police was Dil Bahadur Ram­tel, who was 12 when he was shot dead. After their discharge from the cantonments, eight of our friends committed suicide as they faced social humiliation due to the ‘dis­qualified’ tag.

Similarly, there were no jobs, and there was the question of live­lihood. Many of our friends, fearing humiliation and harassment, did not return to their original homes and stayed in other places to hide their identity.

We had joined the Maoist move­ment to change the society but we ended up being tagged ‘disquali­fied’. It was not easy to adjust in the society. Around 25 percent of child soldiers went to Gulf countries and India in search of jobs. Around 15-20 percent have joined the Biplav-led Maoist party believing that the objec­tives of Maoist movement remain unfulfilled.

But child soldiers were offered either continuation of educa­tion or vocational training. Why didn’t you take them?

That was not the case. I am a witness. After the peace process began, I completed my Plus Two studies from inside the canton­ment. In a meeting at the UN, I expressed my desire to pursue a Bachelor’s degree. They said they could not help me with that. No one was given such an option. We had been told we would be part of the national army. With that mind­set, we could not accept training to become mechanics and cooks. Such trainings were a humiliation. We had been told that verification was just a show for foreigners and we would all be integrated into the national army.

Now you are raising the issue of child soldiers in international forums. What are your demands?

The first thing is responsibility for and justification of the Mao­ist war. Another is accountability. Many people were killed and several child soldiers were used but who is accountable for that? We also want a guarantee that child soldiers will never be used in Nepal again. We should also get some kind of a package that’s enough to support our lives.

Some in the government say international organizations are using you to wreck the peace process.

It is the responsibility of state agencies to find out who is using us. I would welcome such an inves­tigation.

You threaten to register cases against former Maoist leaders in international courts. On what basis?

First we should be clear that the issue of child soliders relates to war crimes. In this case, international law can be invoked because Nepal is a signatory to several international treaties and conventions. We want­ed to resolve these issues through national mechanisms but they closed all doors for us. At the same time, the issue of human rights does not have borders. No one can pre­vent us from filing cases in interna­tional courts. If we settle this issue, we can set an example for the rest of the world.

You have been making many for­eign trips of late. Why?

My purpose is to raise the issue of child soldiers. The Nepali state and political parties wanted to wipe out the history of the use of child soldiers, which amounts to erasing our contributions. So I informed the International Criminal Court, the European Union, the German Parliament and other several organi­zations of the same. Now, the world knows the issue of child soldiers is alive in Nepal.

What did you learn on those trips?

Some in Nepal are saying that the cases of rights violations during the war cannot be taken to interna­tional courts. But that is not true. Even the cases of Iraq and Myanmar have reached international courts. First, the UN Security Council can take such cases to the ICC. Second, some state party can take such cas­es to international courts. Third, the victims themselves can register such cases. This last option has been concealed in Nepal. But we want to settle the case within the country, and we child soldiers want high-level security trainings.

What type of high-level training do you want?

We could opt for various trainings such as fire-control, industrial secu­rity, forest security and hydropower security. Our friends have knowl­edge and expertise in these fields. We cannot be taxi drivers and bar­bers. We need training in keeping with our abilities.

Have you given the Nepali gov­ernment a deadline to fulfil your demands?

We have given it three months to meet our demands. The Acts relat­ing to the Truth and Reconcilia­tion Commission and the Commis­sion of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons should be amended to incorporate the provi­sion of child soldiers. We want to settle the issue domestically. There should be a political consensus on it. If they are reluctant, we will reg­ister our case in the International Criminal Court.

What kind of resistance are you facing?

It is all about political will. They do not want to resolve this issue.

Why didn’t you lodge your com­plaints with the TRC?

We have objected to the TRC pro­cess right from the start. The Act does not address the issue of child soldiers. We submitted a memoran­dum but our voices were not heard. On the other hand, appointments to the TRC were based on political consensus. The commissioners can­not act against political leaders who appoint them.

EXPLORE ANCIENT KALASH IN KATHMANDU
Kalash (Gha) is a traditional Newar ‘material culture’ that dates back at least to the Licchhavi period. What can be better than a walking tour of Kathmandu valley to catch a glimpse of the rich ancient heritage of Kalash, and explore its connection with the people of old Kathmandu? As this free walking tour is conducted in Nepali, it may not be relevant for people who do not understand the language. The SherpaShah Heritage fund-facilitated tour that happens every Wednesday starts at 2:30 pm from Sigal and ends at 4 pm near Basantapur, Kathmandu. Call 9843241490 for details.

RISE HORSE RIDE IN POKHARA
Horse riding is a great way to explore the beauty of the Pokhara valley. If you wish to go to World Peace Stupa or Sarangkot, you may want to travel on a horse. The Pokhara Horse Riding Tour starts from Lakeside and ends at Sarangkot or World Peace Stupa, as per your choice. ‘Pokhara Tour, Pokhara Sightseeing & Adventure Activities’ organizes these tours every morning starting 7 am. The tour is for 6 hours and costs around Rs 10,000. To book, call 9802014557.

LEARN TO PLAY SARANGI IN LALITPUR
Project Sarangi Center has opened registrations for Sarangi classes for its July intake. Located at the Arun Thapa Chowk in Sanepa, this music lesson and instruction school has been providing formal classes to promote the melody of the handmade Nepali Sarangis. The school also organizes various “Sarangi Bhela” musical nights for the purpose of awareness and recreation through the mesmerizing traditional music. The project is ideal for students with an interest in traditional Nepali music, specifically the “Sarangi”. Classes run from 10 am to 6 pm on workdays. For details, contact 015553511.

 ‘Sabin Rai and the Pharaoh’ released their first studio album “Dhanyabad” this week at Tangalwood and the band’s fans can’t thank them enough for the music they’re distributing for free through Facebook and other digital music platforms.

The seven-track album is an ode to the band’s fans and supporters, the band says, and it has been made completely free to reach out more to their audience. “We do not want to reserve the album and wait for our listeners to buy it,” says Binod Lama Tamang, drummer and manager of Sabin Rai and the Pharaoh.

“We want our fans from all over the world to listen to it right now.” The band took over a year to complete the album amid their packed schedule of shows and tours, Binod informs, and all the recording, mixing and mastering was done locally in multiple studios.

In this album, Sabin Rai’s music has advanced technically and it completes his metamorphosis from a pop icon to a rock star. With accomplished musicians in the Pharaoh, Sabin’s style of singing and performing has evolved in virtuosity and the audience can feel the power he packs with the band in his recordings as well as live performances.

Comprising the Pharaoh are John Shrestha on guitars and Jeevan Lama on bass—both good students and educators of music—along with the versatile Nikesh KC on guitars, accompanied by Binod, who is one of the steadiest hands on the drums in the current music scene.

Just two and a half years of playing together as a band has brought them unprecedented success with the band already touring all over Nepal and extensively in India, UK, Bahrain and Australia. “This is the best lineup I have ever performed with,” Sabin tells APEX.

“The guys are extremely talented and supportive. We understand each other perfectly and hence have been able to give our very best in this album”.

Republic Weekend with Sugam Pokharel and Girish Khatiwada in Kathmandu

Celebrate this day at Trisara, Lazimpat listening to your favorite artists Sugam Pokharel and the band (Gaja Baja) along with Girish Khatiwada. The objective of the event is to promote music and culture as well as Nepali artists and talents. Celebrate this day with great music, food and delightful ambience. Entry ticket is Rs 1,000 per person. Contact 9807033809.

Fête de la Musique: Music Day 2019 in Kathmandu

The Alliance Française de Katmandou is presenting the 2019 Edition of the Fête de la Musique at Chhaya Center courtyard in Thamel. As with the previous years, get ready to sing along and dance to an amazing line-up of new as well as senior artists from 3 pm to 9 pm. There are even snacks and drinks to keep you energized. This will be followed by an after-party at House of Music from 9 pm, and DJ Ranzen will keep you dancing all night. Contact 01-5009221.

World Music Day Special: Flekke + KJC Folk Choir in Lalitpur

Flekke is an electronic experimental pop project comprising of Irina Giri, an Acer laptop, a hand me down Juno G, and a blind surrender to her instincts. The KJC Folk Choir is an acapella ensemble led by Maria Fajardo. They recreate and perform folk songs from around the world. Flekke and the KJC Folk Choir are presenting a new kind of performance where their two very different musical worlds come together. Be there at Base Camp: Outdoor Lifestyle from 7:30 pm to 9:30 pm. Contact 9841226397.

Let the Good Times Roll–10 in Lalitpur

Celebrate 10th anniversary of the Midnight Riders as well as the World Music Day at Hardik Lounge in Jhamsikhel. There will be live Blues and Rock and Roll along with good food. To attend, you pay Rs 500 and also get a free drink coupon! So get ready for a night full of fun and be a part of the celebration. Contact 9803859320.

 Professor Wang Dehua wears many hats. He is presently the director of the Institute of South and Central Asia Studies, Shanghai Municipal Center for Inter­national Studies; the director of the Center for South Asia Studies, Tong­Ji University; an advisor to China Association for South-Asia Studies; and a senior fellow at the Center for International Energy Studies, Shang­hai Jiaotong University. The South Asia expert has authored 18 books including “Dragon and Elephant: A Comparative Study of Rising China and India in 21st Century”, “The Contending Powers and Securities in the Asia-Pacific Region”, and “Sov­ereignty Dispute over Islands and Water of the South China Sea”. Pro­fessor Wang has travelled extensive­ly, including to Nepal twice. Ajaya Aloukik of the Annapurna Media Network recently did this e-mail interview with him.

There have been no high-lev­el visits from China to Nepal in recent times, but there are always rumors about Chinese President Xi Jinping coming to Nepal soon. Why has President Xi visited almost all other South Asian countries except Nepal?

It is natural that Nepali people expect President Xi Jinping to visit Nepal as soon as possible. In the past year, Indian PM Modi visited China twice and President Xi met Pakistani PM three times in China or in other countries. Likewise, Nepali President Bidya Devi Bhandari vis­ited China in April this year. As per international diplomatic practices, President Xi will visit India or Paki­stan soon. He may in the process also visit Nepal, if your country sends an invite now.

How did you evaluate the China trip of Nepali President Bidya Devi Bhandari back in April?

Nepali President Bhandari paid a very successful visit to China in April. She was in Beijing to attend the Sec­ond Belt and Road Forum for Inter­national Cooperation. This is the first visit of the Nepali head of state to China since she was re-elected as the country’s president. I think it was a landmark visit, which will strength­en Sino-Nepal friendship, especially Nepal’s engagement under the BRI framework. Participation in the sum­mit will help fulfill Nepali people’s longing for development. In other words, it will expedite the extension of the Tibet railway to Nepal, as part of the Sino-Nepal Trans Himalayan Multi-Dimensional Connectivity net­work. China will also benefit a great deal from this connectivity.

Separately, what do you think accounts for India’s reluctance to join the BRI?

India has been concerned about China’s growing influence in what New Delhi considers its neigh­borhood. It sees the BRI funding schemes in Pakistan, Nepal and Sri Lanka as problematic. India refused an invitation to be a part of the initia­tive. But in my personal view, India has emerged as the biggest benefi­ciary of the Chinese-led Asian Infra­structure Investment Bank, soaking up a quarter of its investment com­mitments to date, despite continuing tension between the two countries. Some friends of mine believe India’s participation in the AIIB is a precur­sor to its acceptance of the BRI. I had told a correspondent of Global Times last year: “China simply needs to be patient. I am sure India will eventu­ally participate in it, with some con­ditions to be addressed later through dialogue.”

In your books you refer to Chi­na as a dragon and India as an elephant. How would you char­acterize Nepal? Is it a bridge between these two powers or just a region for their geopolitical competition?

I am cautiously optimistic about the future of China-India relations, judging by the recent Xi-Modi meet on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. It is a landmark move to sustain the good momentum in the significant yet fragile bilateral relations. President Xi mentioned that China and India should not look at each other as threats. He said the two countries should rather work together to speed up the Bangla­desh-China-India-Myanmar Forum. With regard to what role Nepal can play between the dragon and the elephant, Nepal can be like a cattle that goes to and fro on the bridge between India and China.

India has traditionally been the predominant foreign actor in Nepal. But China seems to be catching up, be it in terms of FDI, people-to-people exchanges, or the number of Nepalis learning Chinese. How do you see this development?

I think China and India can coop­erate to develop harmonious rela­tions on all fronts. In Nepal’s case, there is great potential to develop tourism as many Chinese Buddhists dream of visiting Lumbini, the birth­place of the Buddha, as well other beautiful places in Nepal.

Even while there is India-China geopolitical competition in Nepal, they also cooperate, sometimes to Nepal’s detriment. In 2015 for example, India and China agreed to develop their tri-junction point with Nepal at Lipulekh, with­out even consulting Nepal. How does Nepal deal with and balance these two rising powers?

It is unnecessary to fear the rise of China and India. Of course, Nepal is coping with these rising powers with its non-alignment policy. Lipulekh as a trade and transit point is ideal for China-India-Nepal trilateral trade. Other contradictions can be solved through negotiations.

How do you see the involvement of other powers like the US, Japan and the EU in Nepal?

China is paying close attention to this. We hope they don’t start inter­fering in Nepal’s internal affairs.

 Monsoon is coming. The moment you pass your SLC, you lose all urge to travel on public transport. Even the idea of stepping into a micro bus repulses you. And you come to realize that the only mode of transport that will get you anywhere will run on two wheels and NOT one that you’re going to have to pedal. That’s when you courageously ask your father to buy you the motorcy­cle you’ve been obsessing over, prob­ably the RC 390 or the CBR 250R. Then, your father will laugh at the proposition. Let’s face it, the chances of him agreeing to get you anything that’s expensive, looks good, and is fast is a long shot. Your proposition will be repealed and a new one will be put in front of you: to find some­thing that’s under 200cc and won’t rip a searing hole in your father’s wallet.

Then you begin to look for some­thing you both agree on. Something that’s under 200ccs but not too underpowered, something that isn’t too aggressively designed but still stylish, something that will get you around town without guzzling too much fuel, and something that will impress both you and your father.

That was what Yamaha had in mind when they designed and launched the FZ16 in 2008. It helped revolutionize the commuter motor­cycle segment from something only your dad could enjoy to something young people could appreciate. With its aggressive street naked styling, fat rear tire and a fatter fuel tank, the bike raised the bar for other manu­facturers.

The Fz16 styling was inspired from the global FZ series and a decent amount of grunt to go with the mean, naked streetfighter looks. But it also had a balance of features that appealed to the mature crowd.

It boasted of a high torque engine that was good for aggressive city riding but a monocross suspension also ensured it handled well and provided a stable and decent experi­ence for the pillion. It could get you around town safely, but it could also do well on the highways. Because of these, and many other factors, the Yamaha FZ gained massive populari­ty. And it still remains one of the best products in the Yamaha roster.

Which brings us to the third gener­ation of the macho streetfighter, the Yamaha FZ-S FI V3. Does it still have what it takes to call itself the Lord of the Streets?

The looks

It maintains what the first FZ start­ed out with. The designs are still macho and rugged. Very streetfight­er. The muscular tank is sculpted like the Greek gods and they carry out the design language throughout the body. You can see that plenty of inspiration has been taken from the FZ 250, from the headlights to the switchgears.

We like the stubby exhaust. How­ever, the chrome finish on the air intakes is a little tacky for our taste.

While it does not get split seats, it is designed to be comfortable. The pillion seat has a 16 percent larger seating surface area with an added 5mm of thickness for more comfort. There is a new LCD cluster which has a black background with white let­tering for better visibility in daylight and at night.

Visually, it looks great and it does have the street fighter appeal. It’s wider, taller, and more muscular.

The experience

But does it live up to expectations when you turn on the ignition?

It does not disappoint. Although there is an increase in weight, you don’t really feel it affects perfor­mance. In fact, it is light and spirited with plenty of low end grunt and a lively midrange. You might not be breaking any speed limits, but you’re definitely not going to be bored with it as well.

The 150cc engine churns out a healthy 13bhp at 800rpm and the torque peaks at 600RPM with an output of 12.8NM. This is more than decent for city riding and supple­ments overtaking duties sufficiently. On the highways, the power is suffi­cient. However, you will have to pre­meditate your overtaking maneuver.

The suspension is supple and soaks up the tattered roads in Nepal with ease. The 5mm increase in ground clearance is a welcome addi­tion too. But what really takes the cake in terms of upgrades is the single channel ABS and the rear disc brake that comes as standard. It takes your stopping abilities to the next level and that is what really inspires the confidence to make it feel like you’re not just riding a com­muter motorcycle.

But JUST a commuter bike?

Not by a long shot. While it is per­fectly fit for city riding and can take you around town the entire day, it is also very capable of navigating out of the city limits. It is comfortable to ride, has decent power delivery, and the ABS gives you the ability to tackle the highways and city jaunts more confidently.

In terms of competition, the FZ takes on the likes of the Honda CB Hornet 160R, TVS Apache RTR 160 4V, Suzuki Gixxer, and Bajaj Pulsar NS160. And it does put up a good fight.

The FZ is one of Yamaha’s most successful motorcycles and the update makes it fresher and safer as well. We feel like the tank is a little too large and bulky, and the chrome intakes could have been skipper. Yet it is still a great motor­cycle and one which should rein­vigorate the segment. Overall, the Yamaha FZS-FI V3 is an above aver­age commuter motorcycle for the average guy.