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(UPDATED INTERVIEW)
To prepare for the likely Nepal visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping, many Chinese security teams have visited Kathmandu to take stock of the security measures here. Our security bodies are making their own plans. APEX’s Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Retired Deputy Inspector General of Police Hemant Malla, who was himself closely involved in preparing security plans for many visiting foreign dignitaries, on whether the current preparations are enough. And are there specific threats to Xi while he is in Nepal?

How do you evaluate the security preparations for Chinese President Xi Jinping’s planned Nepal visit?

There are two aspects to security preparations. The first involves providing training and guidance to security personnel who will be deployed during the visit, which include how to provide ground security and handle possible unpleasant situations. The second involves identifying and assessing likely security threats. Currently, preparations are focused on these two areas.  

Are these preparations adequate in your view?

When we talk about security preparations, only the preparations of Nepal Police are being highlighted. Some political issues related to China, like the one related to Tibetan refugees, are beyond the jurisdiction of the police. The National Investigation Department (NID) is mandated to handle those issues. In my observation, the NID is not effective enough to handle those issues. The intelligence agency cannot fulfill its responsibility based on its current strength. Their respective strength may vary, but the Nepal Army (NA), the Nepal Police, the Armed Police Force and the NDI should act in a coordinated way to gather and analyze information. This would make the security arrangement more effective. The army is also involved in overall process as it takes the responsibility of providing security in core areas of visit. I feel that all security agencies are not functioning on an equal footing.

What are the possible areas of threat to Chinese President XI during his Nepal visit?

One major concern for China has always been the activities of Tibetan community in Nepal, labelled anti-China activities. The Tibetans could demonstrate during Xi’s visit. Earlier, there were extreme causes of self-immolation by Tibetan refugees in Kathmandu. There are chances of protestors going to the same extreme, thereby raising Chinese concern.

Another less discussed issue is related to the Uighur Muslims. They are connected to the Al-Qaeda and Taliban through the Turkistan Islamic Party (TIP). This TIP in turn is connected to Jaish-e-Mohammed and Indian Mujahideen, both of which are operating on Indian soil. The concern is that several people connected with Jaish-e-Mohammed and Indian Mujahideen have been detained in Nepal as well. They have used Nepal as a shelter to communicate with their people and to infiltrate terrorists inside India. We have detained several of them and handed them over to India. So this could be another security threat.

Are there specialized groups in our security agencies for such high-level visits?

The army has a specialized team dedicated to providing personal security to VIPs. This team provides security to the president and the prime minister. Other agencies also deploy their members. The problem with other security agencies is lack of specialized or devoted group for such highest level visits. Given our growing engagement in internal forums, the number of such high-level visits will further increase in the days to come, which highlights the need for a separate permanent and specialized team. For example, India has the Special Protection Group (SPG) which provides proximate security to its President, Prime Minister and other VIPs. Time has come to prepare a dedicated and specialized manpower within Nepal Police and Armed Police Force.

Has there been no effort to prepare such specialized forces in Nepal?

In Nepal Police, a separate unit was established for such security issues. But what we need is a specialized and permanent unit. Frequent transfers do not help. We have to think long-term.
 

How do you assess the recent visits of Chinese security officials?

It is a normal practice for security teams from respective countries to visit host countries prior to high-level visits. For example, many security officials from China have come to Nepal ahead of Xi’s planned visit. Some believe that foreign security agencies can work in Nepal without consulting us, which is not true. Home Ministry ensures such coordination. In case of high-level visits, the joint security team discusses the movements of VIP, routes of travel, and other security aspects. A team consisting of the Nepal Army, the Nepal Police, the National Investigation Department and the people of the respective embassy work in a coordinated way.
 

Can the visiting delegation also bring their own weapons for self-protection?

There were unnecessary rumors during the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Nepal. Ex-officials of security agencies also made unnecessary noises. When our president or prime minister goes abroad, they can take security forces and weapons with them. It is not true that only foreign dignitaries bring weapons. But you need to take prior approval. There is a tradition of declaring the types and amount of weapons at custom points. When the visit is over, all weapons should be taken back informing the same custom points.  

Regarding this visit, the rule of engagement is not clear. For example, if something happens during the VIP visit, who will be the first responder? Their team or our security agency? The two governments should be clear over the security. Due to unclear rules of engagement, there have been problems abroad, but luckily, not here. But clarity is always desirable. If something happens to the VIP, who is responsible? What will we do? We have to resolve these issues.
 

Highest-level foreign dignitaries like Narendra Modi also bring their own transport vehicles. Why?

I had been deployed at the airport during the visit of Hilary Clinton. They too had come with all the vehicles necessary for motorcade. For the security of the VIP, they modify the vehicles. The VIP vehicles are modified based on individual threat perception. The exact type of a vehicle a visiting VIP personal needs may not be available in Nepal. But, again, this is a normal practice.
 

When it comes to VIP security, the intelligence agencies always have an important role. How do you assess the capability of our intelligence agency?

There is no government support for our intelligence agency. Right intelligence is crucial in this day and age. And information is the currency of that intelligence. Yet there has been little government investment in this sector. There is a mindset that information comes without investment, and that information is easy to collect. That is no longer the case.
 

Do you think the Chinese President has more reasons to be wary about visiting Nepal than a leader of some other country?

I do not think so. Since the Panchayat days, we have had countless high-level visits from China, including of their president and prime minister. And we have never had any problem. In my opinion, the Chinese are concerned about the Tibetan issue. Besides the old problem of possible protests by the Tibetan community, now there is also the issue of finding the right successor to the Dalai Lama. This could also contribute to protests here.

Are there any chances of pro­tests in Kathmandu in support of the anti-government protests in Hong Kong?

I see such a chance. In my anal­ysis, there are possibilities of pro­tests from two quarters. First, some supporters of the Hong Kong pro­tests could launch a small symbolic protest here. Second, some tourists from Hong Kong who are visiting Nepal could also protest. Security forces should keep a close eye on this aspect of security.

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Q. What is your favorite travel destination?

      A. Sandakphu in Ilam.

Q. What is your favorite cuisine?

A. The food my mother cooks for me.

Q. What is your hidden talent?

A. Even I have not discovered it yet.

Q. If you could go back in time, what would tell your younger self?

A. Spend as much time as you can with your father.

Q. Which is your favorite movie?

A. Dilwale Dulhaniya Le Jayenge.

Q. What role would you like to play?

A. Roles that improve my acting skills.

Q. If you could wish for one thing and one thing only, what would it be?

A. To do one project with Saugat Malla.

Q. What is your favorite childhood memory?

A. When my father came home in the evenings.

Q. Do you have any celebrity crushes at the moment?

A. Anna Sharma.

Q. Would you date a fan?

A. Yes!

Our constitution does not allow us to adopt the Chinese model. The Chinese obviously have an open economy but their political sys­tem is closed. Nepal cannot emu­late that. So, if the Oli government wants to copy the Chinese model, it can copy only their economic policies. And not all Chinese eco­nomic policies can be copied. For example, China allows factory or firm owners to almost exploit their workers, and labor unions there are very weak.

It has been four years since the promulgation of the new consti­tution. How do you see the evo­lution of Nepal’s economic policy in this time?

An unpublished World Bank study says that after the earthquake and the Indian blockade, Nepal’s pover­ty increased significantly, almost by eight percent, but then it was soon reversed. The economy bounced back well. We have more than six percent year-on-year growth for three consecutive years; we have unprecedented peace, and we held the elections peacefully with the participation of almost all parties. The parties outside the mainstream are not strong.

What we lack right now are: a) For­eign Direct Investment, b) exports, and c) jobs. The government has been unable to inspire people and get businesses to invest.

The constitution states that the country is socialism-oriented. And you also pointed to healthy growth rates of late. But has the level of inequality in the society gone down as well?

We have not measured inequality lately. Even Nepal’s first budget in 1951 had the twin goals of growth and reduction in inequality. Our policy has since consistently been to reduce inequality irrespective of which system we follow. However, the problem, historically, has been: how do we measure inequality? Three years ago, if you had asked me this question, I would have probably said inequality is grow­ing as the stock market at the time was growing, and the rate of return on capital was higher than GDP growth. Right now, the stock mar­ket is plummeting, and the interest rate is high, so the rate of return on capital is mixed.

If you are a rich person today, you put your money in a bank and get 10 percent on it. But the income of ordinary people is growing by only six percent, the GDP growth rate. Given about four percent infla­tion rate, inequality may not be increasing. But we need precise economic data to clearly see what is going on.

Earlier you talked about Foreign Direct Investment. Why do we need FDI at all?

FDI is not only about monetary investment; it also brings with it transfer of technology and manage­ment. There is high rate of return for initial investment as we do not have much of it. We do not have money to build roads and industries, which at this stage of development obviously have a very high rate of economic return. That is why we need invest­ment from abroad.

We do not have enough money to realize our potential in hydropower and tourism, both of which require high investment. We may also want to improve our industries, most of which use old technologies and machinery. When FDI comes, bet­ter—hopefully state-of-art—technol­ogy comes along. In that case, our products will also be competitive.

What are the major reasons behind the paucity of FDI in Nepal?

Our FDI-related regulations are not investor-friendly. Unless a com­pany has special arrangements with the government, it can hire a maxi­mum of three people or five percent of its total workforce from abroad, which is very small.

Although the government denies it, some firms complain that it takes a long time to repatriate their prof­its. Many also complain that taxa­tion is cumbersome. The new For­eign Investment and Technology Transfer Act (FITTA) is still without regulation. And investors hate the new investment threshold of Rs 50 million. If I had the power, I would reduce the threshold to $1.

This year, the government came up with new FDI regulations, and there have already between two investment summits. But they don’t seem to have borne fruit, have they?

It is too early to say that the sum­mits have been a failure. There has been some wonderful proposals in the investment board and they are doing some follow-up. I am hopeful Nijgad Airport will be built as there were six or seven proposals, and a Swiss company has been shortlisted as well. But I am worried about the lack of delivery of this government, which also undercuts its credibility.

You also expect foreign workers regulations to be relaxed. Many IT companies suffer from these regulations. The threshold of Rs 50 million came out of nowhere and this will affect investment in SMEs. FDIs and New technologies and new ways of doing things that come along with them can actu­ally help domestic SMEs. Sup­pose a Starbucks opens in Chit­wan or Pokhara; other locals then learn how to run a good café.

You also talked about the impact of local syndicates. How do they hamper FDI?

Take the cement industry. The existing cement factories are unhap­py with the arrival of foreign invest­ment in this industry. I think two big cement investment proposals have already been turned back. I talk to hotel owners. Many five-star hotel owners think there should be no FDI in hotels. But when you bring FDI in five-star hotels and cement factories, they will also come up with new technologies and also look for other businesses and custom­ers to tie up with. We also need to market our country as a liberal, welcoming place.

If you could do only three things to attract more FDI, what would they be?

First, come up with good and lib­eral foreign investment regulations for FITTA and other acts that would welcome all foreign investors. Sec­ond, I would sell these regulations in target countries. Sometimes, we make really good regulations but fail to sell them. Our embassies in places like China, India, Bangladesh, and Thailand are not interacting with local entrepreneurs. Finally, there are some areas we should do better in, irrespective of our FDI focus. For example, anti-competitive behav­ior and syndicates that affect both local and foreign businesses should be curbed

Attend art festival  In Kathmandu

The Himalayan Art Festival by E-Arts Nepal, an online art gallery, takes place from 29 September to 3 October at the Nepal Art Council. The gallery promotes contemporary Nepali art in the global market. This year’s festival will orient different sectors in the aesthetic value of art, create a Nepali art platform for local collectors/buyers, and aim to make it an annual festive event. The vibrant festival will see musical performances, art talks, panel discussions, kids’ art education programs, a ceramic-firing workshop, and will showcase a wide range of artists. Call 9841211297 for more details.

Go to a music fest In Lalitpur

Do you want to party all weekend? Then this music festival is just for you! Spark Music Festival Nepal 2019 is happening in Lele, Lalitpur from 11 am on September 21 to 12 pm on September 29. This yearly festival aims to be Nepal’s premier electronic festival, inspired by Tomorrowland, one of the dreamiest global festivals. Amid breath-taking nature, surrounded by forests and beautiful jungle and topped with a panoramic view of the mystical snow-capped mountains, this open-air electronic festival will feature around 50 national and international artists offering different depths of electronic dance music. This proceeds from this not-for-profit event will benefit the local community in Lele, Lalitpur. Entry ticket costs Rs 1,500, which you can buy from eSewa. Call 9860862220 for more details.

Bar the recent Bidya Bhandari-Sher Bahadur Deuba verbal war, the problem is not that people don’t understand the spoken words of senior Nepali Congress leaders. It is that most Nepalis don’t trust these old leaders. The Oli government exhibits a clear authoritarian bent. The economy is wobbly, and the welfare state the left government promised out of reach. There have also been some dubious foreign policy decisions. Yet the main opposition’s criticism of the ruling parties rings hollow. For the opposition’s voice to be so completely ignored both by the government and the people is an unhealthy development for a democracy.

There seems to be no easy fix. The Nepal Communist Party (NCP) got an overwhelming majority in free and fair elections, and will run the federal government at least for another three years. In this time, Nepal’s democratic freedoms could be further curtailed. Yes, besides the Congress and Madhesi outfits outside the government, there is also a free press and a vocal civil society that have been repeatedly pointing out the government’s mistakes. But while PM Oli assures his countrymen he listens to his critics, his government has pretty much gone its own way.

Again, the forces outside the parliament can do only so much. It is primarily up to the opposition parties to hold the government to account. After the recent lovefest between the ruling NCP and the CPC, its Chinese counterpart, Congress leaders accused the NCP of trying to impose a totalitarian system. “Its leaders promise to adhere to the ‘socialist-oriented’ constitution, but they have no clue what socialism is,” senior Congress leader Ram Chandra Poudel complained. But that is rich coming from a representative of a party that has completely abandoned its socialist roots.

Moreover, rather than individual Congress leaders making random comments about the authoritarian streak of the federal government, their criticism will be more credible if they all spoke with one voice, and conveyed the same message consistently. They cannot regain their lost credibility overnight. But by firmly standing up for democratic norms and values, and holding the reckless government to account, they will at least make a start in this uphill journey, and keep the country away from a draconian path.

Visit Fitness Forever

Presented by Nepal Wellness Festival, Fitness Forever is an event illustrating how dance, fitness, and music form a divine synergy. Dance and fitness instructors will demonstrate how these three elements are interrelated.

Listen Midival Punditz Nukhta Tour

The Punditz are back in Kathmandu! The Midival Punditz are easily India’s biggest electronica act. The past two decades have seen the rise of the electronica scene within India and no single band has had more influence on its growth than Midival Punditz.
 

Party Corona Sunsets Ft. Jimi Jules

Jimi Jules—the one and only Watergate Records prodigy—makes his way to Nepal for the first time to kick off the #CoronaSunsets! Supported by Nepal’s very own Finzok, Enhancify and Fat Frog.

Celebrate Changa Chait-2076

It’s that time of the year again. Welcome the festive vibe and cherish the moment together with your family and friends, along with good food, DJ sessions, fun games, and many more surprises.

There seems to be confusion over whether or not Nepal subscribes to the American Indo-Pacific Strategy. What do you think?

Our neighbors and other big pow­ers often come up with such ini­tiatives that push their strategic, political and economic interests. Now, the US has come up with its Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS), which was earlier called ‘Asia Pivot’. Chi­na has its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and India its Look-East policy. So new policies and initiatives will continue to be launched. We do not have the luxury of rejecting such ini­tiatives outright, so we should adopt a cautious approach. Our reality also does not allow us to extend uncon­ditional support to any such initia­tive. From the Chinese perspective, the BRI increases two-way invest­ment, trade volume, and flow of tourists, and China takes the respon­sibility of building connectivity infrastructure.

It also emphasizes that the BRI strengthens member countries’ energy security, transit economy and strategic independence. On the other hand, the IPS talks about transparent and open investment and protecting individual sovereign­ty. The US is saying that, unlike Chi­na, it does not force any country to sign a document. It also says that it does not provide cumbersome loans but easy grants and aid, and as such there is a clear distinction between the IPS and the BRI.

Do you think our government is struggling to juggle between these two visions of China and the US?

Now there is some confusion. The government is making some effort to clarify its position. Our support for the BRI is conditional, in that the BRI should be in our national interest. When we select some proj­ects we should see that it helps us economically, increases our connec­tivity, and works to our interest. This applies to both the BRI and the IPS.

Should Nepal join the IPS only when its non-military nature is confirmed, if that is at all the case?

On the IPS, we have not been asked to be a member or sign a document. So there is no need to consider whether to join it or not. The question right now is whether we support it. The US is describing it as a geographical construct. If so, there are questions about whether we should support it, as Nepal lies between two big countries and the IPS is a strategy of a third country. There is some confusion because we are yet to draw a fine line. Now, there is a tendency of saying okay to both sides without taking a clear position. This approach does not work. Somewhere, we have to draw a clear line.

When there is a new strategy or initiative, we have to make four con­siderations. First, we have to stick to our national interest. Second, the initiative should be based on certain principles as Nepal is a non-aligned country and has certain norms. Third, we have to weigh the extent of economic benefits. Fourth, we should not compare one with another. We have to frankly tell our foreign friends that our approach on any initiative would be based on these four principles, which would also be a straight-forward approach.

How does Nepal handle the com­peting interests of China and the US?

There is new polarization in the world. China is emerging fast and there is a cold war-like relationship between China and the US. China is pushing for an alternative leader­ship of the world system. Whenever a new power emerges, the tussle between old and new is inevitable. We should not be a victim of their competing interests but rather look to protect our own. The problem right now is that we are yet to draw a clear outline. We are receiving huge economic assistance from the US. It is a superpower and has a big role in the operationalization of the world system. But China is also a big pow­er and our neighbor. And India has reservations over the BRI. Due to these factors, we haven’t made ade­quate progress. So my advice would be to move ahead with the help of the principles I talked about earlier.

So it really does not matter whether the IPS is a military strategy?

The Americans emphasize that it is not a military strategy and I trust them. They have not asked us to be a member of a certain military block. But they want other countries to be on their side, which is natural. The IPS seems to be aimed against China. Again, we have to clearly tell our foreign friends that we will always act in our national interest and won’t allow Nepal to be used against any other country. The prob­lem right now is that our approach is reactive, and even so we are not reacting the right way. If we come up with a clear policy on neighboring countries and big powers, it is not difficult to deal with these policies and strategies.

What could India’s role be in the Indo-Pacific Strategy and what would be its impact in Nepal?

India seems to be indifferent to the conflict in Nepal over the IPS and the BRI. India seems to have realized that it has been sidelined. In fact, this may be the first time that India feels sidelined in Nepal. Though India is a part of the Indo-Pacific, it does not seem too keen on it. Perhaps India is in a mood to work from behind the scenes for a change.

How does Nepal fit in the IPS?

After our foreign minister’s visit to Washington, the US State Depart­ment issued a press statement high­lighting Nepal’s central role in the Indo-Pacific. Before that, there was not much talk about our part in the IPS. Our foreign minister says he made no commitment vis-à-vis the IPS, and I believe him. A foreign minister cannot decide on such a big issue on his own. But there is no clarity on how we deal with it. We have to clearly say we would not join any alliance or block, whether it is led by India, China, the US, or any other country, but we support initiatives that are in line with our national interests. We have to clearly convey what is compatible with our interests and what is not. Yet, up until now, we have been afraid to take such a clear stand.

It appears that all American assistance to Nepal will be chan­neled through the IPS from now on. How do you see this?

Even before the BRI was unveiled China was supporting Nepal’s infra­structure development. So it would be problematic if it now decides to keep all past and present projects in a single BRI basket. Likewise, there is long-standing cooperation with the US, including military cooper­ation. It would again to unwise to put everything into one IPS basket. Only specific projects should be dealt with under the BRI because we have several other long-term projects which China. And with the US, the Millennium Challenge Coop­eration agreement was signed well before the the IPS was unveiled. So why see it as part of the IPS? If the BRI and the IPS become these all-encompassing strat­egies, people will natu­rally think that they are mutually exclusive.

Would you link the expected visit of Chi­nese President Xi Jin­ping to Nepal to the growing American activism here?

In his first term, Chi­nese President Xi visited many South Asian coun­tries but not Nepal. In my view, Xi’s visit did not take place due to the anti-China activities in Nepal after the 2008 Beijing Olympics and due to our volatile inter­nal political situation. Now there have been multiple high-level vis­its from Nepal to China and several agreements have been signed. As you mentioned, the US activism could be a rea­son for the visit. But our focus should be on how to advance Nepal-Chi­na bilateral cooperation during his visit, and not how a third country will be affected by it. There has been no progress on the BRI projects. First, we took a long time to sign the MoU and now there is a long delay over project selection. It would be wonderful if there is progress on these projects during Xi’s visit.

Some speculate that Xi will make a stop­over visit while oth­ers think he could stay here for a night. Whether he is coming here via Tibet or India seems to be another point of debate. How important are these things in diplomacy?

They matter a lot. For example, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi came here from Pakistan. This is meaningful. Likewise, our Presi­dent stayed in Beijing for nine days. When the Chinese foreign minister was in Nepal recently, he went on a trek, which suggests a lack of agen­da. But I think just the fact that the Chinese president will be coming after such a long time is significant in itself. And even if he is here only for eight or nine hours, that should be sufficient to talk to the Nepali president, meet the prime minister, attend a state dinner, and sign some agreements.

Finally, do you think Nepali negotiators somehow don’t understand their Chinese coun­terparts, which in turn hinders bilateral cooperation?

We have a long experience of working with the Chinese. On the BRI, I think most problems are due to a lack of clarify among our political leadership. After joining it, we were confused about the types and number of projects. Initially, we selected three dozen projects which have now been trimmed down to nine. Out of three doz­en projects, one dealt with build­ing a view tower in Nagarkot. This was laughable. When we deal with China, we have to think of how to secure connectivity, transit, and about maintaining our strategic independence

Nepal Drives

Mahindra have a certain degree of quirkiness to their designs, and they have had both hits and misses in their lineup. We’d say they hit the nail right on the head with the Mahindra XUV 500 and the Scorpio. The Thar has amassed a cult following and even the Scorpio Pik Up looks absolutely amazing. However, there are models like the Mahindra KUV 100 and the Quanto that are difficult to love.

Regardless, Mahindra have always had a certain air of nonconformity to their products. And now there is the new XUV 300: Mahindra’s newest representative for the compact SUV segment. We thus have in front of us a completely non-quirky premium crossover.

Exterior

The XUV 300 adopts a conventional design language that looks classy and sporty, but still has a robust feel to it thanks to the boxy design. The car is solidly built with 68-percent high-strength steel. Thumb down on the door metal and there is very little flex.

Mahindra have had to keep the length of the XUV300 to under-four meters for tax savings, but they have not compromised on the profile design. The floating roofline with the blackened pillars improves the dynamism of the vehicle. The larger wheels give it a robust look and the side cladding and roof rails enhance its crossover appearance.

Much like the grilles seen on the XUV 500, the XUV 300 gets a piano black grille featuring a large Mahindra badge, a chrome strip on the top, and multiple small chrome inserts. Sleek DRLs are integrated in the projector headlight cluster and in a very unique way extend into the bumper, merging with the fog lights. Maybe they haven’t lost their quirkiness completely.

The rear haunches are one of our favorite things about how the XUV 300 looks. They add character to the appeal of the compact XUV 300. The rear has a neat little spoiler with integrated LED HMSL (High Mounted Stop Lamp). The taillights are beautifully styled and sit on either side of the well-sculpted tailgate. A large silver skid plate adds a sporty character to the rear.

Interior

On the inside you do see that a lot of hard plastic is used, but it is of high quality. The dashboard’s styling is functional. It has a ‘beige & black’ theme with silver inserts, while piano black has been used on the center fascia (climate control panel) and air-con vents. While the lower part of the dashboard is beige, the carpets and floor mats are black. Ergonomically, the cabin is well laid out and all controls are easy to find and reach. 

If you and your passenger usually have trouble with the cabin temperature, you are in luck with the XUV 300 because you get a first-in-segment dual zone fully automatic climate control. You also get an option of a sunroof.

On the center console you get a 17.78cm touchscreen infotainment system (not available on the base variant) equipped with Bluetooth, AUX & USB connectivity, and it is compatible with Apple and Android Auto. It also doubles as a reversing camera display. On the instrument console display you get all the information you need. A useful one that comes to mind is the tyre position display for when you park and start out. The instrument console (with speedo and odometer) gets multicolor illumination, which is great.

Although the functionality is limited, you also get a Blue Sense App with Smart watch connectivity.

The leatherette (artificial leather) seats are comfortable and provide adequate support to the thighs and back. All three passengers get adjustable headrest and three-point seat belts, which are cool to have. You can comfortably seat three people in the rear, even with taller individuals out on the front. These rear seats can be split 60:40 for flexible boot space. The boot space, however, is only 257 liters, the smallest in the segment, and the loading lip is also pretty high.

Fun to drive

On our hands we had the 1.5-liter diesel variant, one that claims to have the best in segment torque of 300Nm produced at 1500-2500rpm. These impressive numbers translate well when you’re driving. The unknowing heavy right foot of an unsuspecting driver will catapult you forwards with surprising menace. The engine properly wakes up at around 2,000 rpm and you instantly fall in love with it. And because of the strong torque reserve at the bottom end you will notice that you are not shifting gears too often.

You will also notice that the XUV 300 is geared more towards tarmac driving. Although it isn’t too fazed by unexpected road undulations, the suspension is definitely on the firmer side. Luckily, this makes it a peach for driving on pitched roads and on corners.

Speaking of corners, the XUV 300 gets the segment-first smart steering system that gives you the option of choosing between Comfort, Normal, and Sport modes. Although there isn’t a huge world of differences between the modes, we definitely noticed that the steering firms up and gives better feedback when put on sport mode. For open stretches and corners we stuck to the sport mode as well. In the city, we chose to try out the other two modes, which worked well, but we ultimately went back to sport mode again.

With a kerb weight of 1,360 kg, the diesel has a power-to-weight ratio of 85 BHP/ ton, is class-leading, and the power is handled well. Till date, all offerings from Mahindra in this segment have been old-school SUVs with body-on-frame constructions. This worked against them because most urban buyers today prefer more modern monocoque-based crossovers.

The XUV300 is the first with a monocoque construction, making it more car-like to drive. The top variant gets a segment-first seven airbags. It is equipped with all-around disc brakes which come as standard, another segment-first. Other segment-firsts include heated ORVMs, smart steering system, and front parking sensors.

Verdict

The XUV 300 is a great car. Although it appears to be a Sangyong Tivoli with its rear end chopped to squeeze into the 4-meter mark, the Mahindra XUV 300 is a completely new car. It uses Mahindra’s own engine and suspension, and all the body panels are new as well.

The performance is tremendously satisfying, and it makes up for the fact that it likes sticking to the tarmac. Further, as Mahindra already have the TUV 300 for more rugged driving, it seems the XUV 300 has purposefully been made for smoother driving.

The little sibling to the XUV 500 does have one factor that will make buyers think twice: the price. Maybe it’s because of the driving fun it offers, or the long list of segment firsts offered; Mahindra have made the XUV 300 a decidedly premium offer.