SAFF Women's Championship: India-Pakistan to take on in opening match

The seventh edition of the South Asian Football Federation (SAFF) Women's Championship is kicking off at Dasharath Stadium in Kathmandu today.

ANFA shared that Nepal along with the Maldives, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, India, Bhutan and Bangladesh are taking part in the championship.

The final match of the championship is scheduled to take place on October 30.

According to ANFA, the participating teams have been divided into two groups. Defending champion Bangladesh, India and Pakistan are placed in Group 'A', while Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Maldives are in Group 'B'.

The opening match of the tournament will be held between India and Pakistan today. Nepal will take on Bhutan on Friday.

'Pakistan stands ready to help Nepal'

Pakistan has expressed its readiness to provide assistance to Nepal affected by floods and landslides.

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has expressed deep sorrow over the loss of precious lives due to devastating floods and extended sympathy on behalf of the government of Pakistan and the people of his country to Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and the people of Nepal.

According to its Kathmandu-based Embassy, Pakistan, which had suffered a calamitous flood in 2022, stood in full solidarity with Nepal in this hour of grief and expressed readiness to provide necessary assistance to the government of Nepal.

 

Defense and Martyrs Day of Pakistan commemorated

Defense and Martyrs Day of Pakistan was commemorated by organizing a program in Kathmandu on Thursday.

Nepal Army Chief Lt Gen Ashok Raj Sigdel graced the occasion as the Chief Guest.

Senior Nepali military and civil officials, ambassadors, retired senior army officers including former Chiefs of Army Staff, academia, members of the Diplomatic Corps, Defense Attachés, UN agencies, media personnel and members of Pakistani community attended the event.

Chief Sigdel in his remarks highlighted that Pakistan and Nepal enjoy multifaceted bilateral relations including economic, commercial, education, technical assistance as well as military.

He also hailed assistance, especially in crisis, extended by Pakistan and acknowledged that assistance is helping in capacity building of Nepali institutions. He hoped for continuation of cordial and friendly relations between both the countries.

Pakistani Ambassador to Nepal Abrar H Hashmi, in his remarks, highlighted the significance of the day and paid rich tributes to the sacrifices of armed forces, law enforcement agencies and Pakistani citizens who laid down their lives to protect the motherland, as well as to ensure peace and stability of the country.

The ambassador said Pakistan remains steadfast in its commitment to peace and stability in the region, and has played a significant role in the global fight against terrorism and in United Nations Peacekeeping Missions.

However, Pakistan will never compromise on its sovereignty, security, and territorial integrity when faced with challenges. From wars to guarding against the menace of terrorism, the whole nation stood with gallant soldiers, pilots and sailors in defending the country and offered supreme sacrifice.

During the program, Col Muhammad Ali Alvi, Defence Attaché shed light on the importance of Defense & Martyrs Day and contribution of Pakistan Armed Forces & Law Enforcement Agencies for defense of Pakistan and global peace.

He also highlighted strong military ties between the two brotherly countries, guided by the shared vision of achieving peace and stability in the region.

Documentaries about the armed forces of Pakistan, defense production, and culture of Pakistan were also screened on the occasion.

 

 

 

Pakistan will continue its support to Nepal, says Ambassador Abrar H Hashmi

Ambassador of Pakistan to Nepal Abrar H Hashmi said Pakistan is committed for continued support to strengthen cooperation and understanding with Nepal.

At a reception hosted on the occasion of the 78th Independence Day of Pakistan featuring Vice President Ram Sahaya Prasad Yadav as the chief guest on Wednesday evening, Ambassador Hashmi said Pakistan would continue its support to Nepal.

"Our collaboration in education, defense, banking, health and other technical sectors is yielding good results. Over 7,000 strong alumni, including doctors, engineers, journalists, bankers, pilots, defense personnel and others were contributing to the progress and development of Nepal in their respective fields", he noted.

Both Pakistan and Nepal are vulnerable to climate change, he said, adding, "We share ecologically fragile Himalayas; glaciers are melting at a faster pace causing Glacial Lake Outburst Floods, and in the medium to long term, could lead to water and food shortages".

Ambassador Hashmi stressed that it was crucial to address these challenges for welfare of the communities and sustainable development of the region.

Pakistan is committed to establish peaceful and cordial relations with all the countries of the world, he said, adding, it contributes to global peace, through diplomatic efforts to UN peacekeeping.

"Nepal is a close friend of Pakistan. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1960: mutual respect, trust, cordiality and understanding remained the hallmark", he added.

Pakistan and Nepal share a unique tapestry from geography to religious and civilizational linkages – from the peaks of Everest to K2, to rich Gandhara heritage and cultural similarities, the ambassador mentioned.

"As partners, we work together at regional and multilateral forums especially at UN and SAARC", he further highlighted.

Pakistan's approach to its partnership with Nepal is also underpinned by the desire to maturity benefit, he noted, adding the two countries have inked a number of agreements such as trade, air services, cultural, tourism and cooperation in agriculture and a number of bilateral mechanisms exist.

Also present on the occasion were Deputy Speaker Indira Rana, former Prime Minister Madhav Kuamr Nepal, former ministers, parliamentarians, diplomatic missions chiefs in Kathmandu, high-ranking government officials, entrepreneurs, journalists and distinguished people.

A documentary reflecting Pakistan's progress in social-economic, technological and defense sectors was also screened on the occasion.

Pakistan celebrates National Day

Pakistan Embassy, Kathmandu hosted a reception to commemorate the 84th National Day of Pakistan at Hotel Radisson Blu here.

Vice President of Nepal Dr. Ram Sahay Prasad Yadav was the chief guest of the program.

Senior Nepalese political, civic and business leaders, civil and military officials, Ambassadors, diplomats, Pakistani community, journalists, and civil society representatives attended the event.

In his remarks, Ambassador of Pakistan to Nepal, Abrar H Hashmi, underlined the historical importance of the Pakistan Resolution adopted on 23rd March 1940. He paid rich tribute to the forefathers under the visionary leadership of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah for pursing democratic struggle for the creation of Pakistan. He said Pakistan has contributed to the global peace, aspires friendship and peaceful coexistence. 

Ambassador stated that since establishment of diplomatic relations in 1960, Pakistan and Nepal have enjoyed cordial relations and developed strong bonds. He elaborated that Pakistan and Nepal share a unique tapestry from geography to civilizational linkages, from peaks of Himalayas to rich heritage, and cultural similarities unite the two peoples together. He hoped that building on existing collaboration in education, health, defense and the bilateral mechanisms, cooperation enabled by ICT, and concerns emanating from climate change could enrich this relationship.  

The Nepal Army band played tunes of national anthems at the reception, as well as few Pakistani songs captivating the audience. 

Pakistan elections: It is army versus none

Pakistan goes to polls on Thursday to elect members of the National Assembly and prime minister. A country of 240m people, marred by political instability, economic chaos and border issues on all fronts, including Iran, Afghanistan, and India, hopes to elect a miraculous leader to uplift the country’s general profile. But the real question lies in whether the Pakistani _Awam_ (public) has any choices to make other than the one presented by the all-powerful Pakistani army and its Chief General Munir. 
 
The answer may not be that difficult to find. The Pakistani ‘establishment’—army, intelligentsia and elite politicians, has already consolidated power and is in no mood to let it go. The military staged a political coup against the elected prime minister, Imran Khan, in Nov 2022 after the two had a falling out, and, of course, the army denied the allegations. 
 
Now, the army has shortlisted a former three-time prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, to lead the next government. Now, it’s a matter of namesake elections to happen. 
 
Sharif, the poster boy for the prime ministerial position and chairman of the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) (PML-N), has been brought back to Pakistan by the army from a four-year-long self-exile in London. Sharif did not have a great time dealing with the military leadership during his previous tenure, especially after General Parvaiz Musharraf staged a military coup and jailed him in 2000. 
This time, the army seemed to have no other credible choice left. Sharif has a dedicated fanbase in Pakistan that knows him for his development works during his three tenures, which will be enough to camouflage the army’s direct role in micromanaging Pakistan’s political affairs. 
 
It will not be the first time that the military wants to control the entire political process and government in Pakistan. The country has spent decades under military rule since its partition from India in 1947, and today, it has become the country’s most potent and stable institution. 
 
The open secret about the Pakistani army is that no head of the government questions it. Former prime minister Khan was a recent exception whom the army brought in 2018 through the election process, but the bonhomie turned hostile as Khan went against the top military leadership. The army allegedly staged his ouster through a no-confidence motion in the parliament in November 2022, marking the end of the Imran Khan era. 
 
Khan, a former seasoned cricketer and chairman of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), was an experiment gone wrong for the ‘establishment’. Imran Khan and his wife are locked in jail today, but his supporters across the country, especially the young voters, are vying for his release. With dozens of cases against Khan and his party members, the army has left no scope for his comeback. 
 
To make it worse, Khan’s party, PTI, has lost the party symbol, which is crucial for a party to reach out to people in rural areas, as not many Pakistanis can read or write. Though the Khan-backed candidates are reaching out to the masses through digital platforms, it is a limited phenomenon in urban areas.  
 
There is no denying that Khan remains a famous voice in the elections even if he is not contesting directly and remains behind bars for the next 31 years. There is certainly a wave of Khan sympathizers wanting Khan-supported candidates to win.   
 
There is no doubt that Khan’s image as a young leader who connected with all age groups made him a popular leader. Above all, the army backing changed the course of Khan’s political life from a struggling politician to a prime minister. However, Khan’s misconception was that he was at par with the army and not under it, which jeopardized his journey, and obviously, the army was in no way ready to commit an ‘original sin’. 
 
On the external front, Khan detested the US, especially in the last phase of his premiership in 2022 and directly accused Washington DC of staging his ouster in cohorts with the army. Khan had drastically tried to take Pakistan out of the American sphere of influence and put more into partnership with Russia. The world watched when Khan landed in Moscow on the eve of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It clearly made the US and the Western world unhappy. Khan also raised scratchy questions about China, especially the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. 
 
The army has nourished relationships with the US and China in the last few decades. While Pakistan became the critical strategic geography for the US to launch and continue its ‘War on Terror’ in Afghanistan, China saw it as a gateway to accessing the Arabian Sea for economic and military purposes. Having invested and extended billions in assistance to Pakistan, Khan had undoubtedly risked the interests of the US and China.  
 
Now, under the new incoming leadership, the army would want to be less celebrative of the Taliban’s takeover in Afghanistan and be more accommodating of the US concerns in Taliban-run Afghanistan. Second, Pakistan would want some US backing in taking the next fight against Iran if the ceasefire fails. Following Iranian military strikes against Jaish al-Adl groups—a militant group based in Pakistan’s Balochistan, Pakistan had retaliated by launching counter-attacks in ‘terrorist hubs’ in Iran’s Sistan-Baluchistan province. 
 
At the same time, China cannot be replaced either by the US or the Islamic world, which has come to the rescue of Pakistan amidst its economic fall. The UAE and Qatar have moved to buy Pakistani state assets, including seaports, airports, telecom companies, etc., to let the money flow into the country. Pakistan also needs US support in the ongoing International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout. Similarly, China is helping Pakistan challenge India by creating pressure on the Himalayan front.  
 
With Delhi, the Pakistani army would not try to do a lot of readjustments and experiments. There is no denying that the ties with India have deteriorated, and there is little that Pakistan hopes to revitalize, with trade being of little hope. 
 
If Sharif is back in office, he might want to engage with India as he has continuously pitched for bettering ties with India in his election campaigns and advocates to resume talks with Delhi. At the same time, India has conveyed, in the strongest words, its ‘zero-tolerance policy on terror’. Given that the terror industry receives protection from the ‘establishment’, India would continue to demand the dismantling of terrorism in all forms in Pakistan. 
 
While the army remains all-powerful and has found a candidate in Nawaz Sharif to be a titular head of the state, there remains no doubt that the elections will not be free and fair—something the global community has raised concerns about, including the US.

How to revive SAARC?

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has been awaiting reinvigoration in the absence of any summits since Nepal last hosted it in 2014. What is supposed to be the 19th iteration of the SAARC summit, scheduled to be held on 9-10 Nov 2016 in Pakistan, is not yet visible on the horizon after India pulled out, citing the terrorist attack on its army camp at Uri on 18 September 2016. Currently, only a few low-level meetings of SAARC and routine work of its institutions are taking place, which can neither inject required vitality to this regional body nor justify its relevance.

For the supporters of regionalism, SAARC’s current stagnation is, without any doubt, a vexatious one. I find this situation particularly disconcerting as a person who was deeply involved in the groundwork for the last Kathmandu summit as the head of SAARC Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nepal and also the chair of the Programming Committee. This situation should be ended as early as possible.

The informal meeting of SAARC foreign ministers, held in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, can take initiatives to break the logjam in favor of reviving the association by creating an enabling environment for the leaders to resume their summit-level engagements. One more such opportunity is in the offing. Overall, it is by addressing such complex situations that an informal forum like this can substantiate its utility.

Problems

A number of factors can be attributed to the current stalemate. Differences between member states over their bilateral issues, especially between India and Pakistan, be it security, political developments, free trade, transport connectivity, etc. have at times put the brakes on SAARC’s tempo. As a result, summits (eg 7th, 13th and 19th) have been postponed and vital agreements of regional importance (eg the SAARC Motor Vehicles Agreement) blocked.

Unlike other regional organizations, member states of SAARC are characterized by their asymmetrical size in terms of territory, economy, demography, technological capability, and so on.  This situation has created an unequal space for their say in regional matters, some enjoying more dominant position and others satisfying a lesser one, based on their respective individual strength, though all countries are equal in terms of sovereignty.

SAARC has aimed at establishing the South Asian Economic Union (SAEU), as declared by the 18th summit, but it has become a remote possibility—at least for the time being, given the absence of requisite steps up till now. Owing to the lack of elements of deeper integration, it will remain as an intergovernmental organization like the ASEAN, but not a supra-national entity like the EU.

Moreover, its main objective to ‘promote the welfare of the peoples of South Asia and to improve their quality of life,’ as mentioned in the SAARC Charter, is very wide and vague. Without developing congruent policies, strategies and action plans, complete achievement of it would be easier said than done.

Also, there is virtually no area of cooperation left uncovered by this association, ranging from agriculture to trade to science and technology. But due to a lack of sufficient funds to launch concrete activities in these areas, tangible outcomes benefitting the people directly are absent. Only meetings, workshops and a few minor activities will not bring out coveted results.

Future course

In the current imbroglio, how to hold the next SAARC summit and boost regional cooperation, even in a better manner than before, has become the million-dollar question. As a regional organization, SAARC can definitely add value to individual national efforts towards development and prosperity and also strengthen regional solidarity. But its absence will incur loss of whatever achievements it can make, even though they are of little significance. Therefore, SAARC should not be left to die; it must be revitalized. Following actions can be taken in this regard:

First, all member states must be genuinely interested in building mutual trust, understanding and partnership, without which neither regional esprit de corps nor the healthy growth of SAARC is possible. Further, in no way should any member state create unpleasant situations like threats to the security and interference in the internal matters of other countries or disturbance to regional peace.

Second, it is optimally desirable that each member state fully recognize the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of other fellow member states, adopting the principle of the Panchsheel. Likewise, the principle of “non-interference in the internal affairs of other States,” as mentioned in the SAARC Charter, should be put into practice, not just kept in words.

Third, bilateral and contentious issues between member states, which have often obstructed the path of regional travel, should be resolved by the parties themselves in order to advance regional cooperation. The SAARC process can regain vitality once India and Pakistan agree to resolve their issues at bilateral forums, while enabling the regional forum to take its normal course. Afghanistan also must come out of its present peculiar situation without further delay so that it could meaningfully join the regional process.

Fourth, the leaders of the region have the onus to take a bold and righteous decision regarding holding the next summit. If, for the time being, the summit is not possible to be hosted in Pakistan, an alternative venue needs to be explored to resume the process which Pakistan agrees upon until the conducive environment is created for reverting the chair to it.

Fifth, focus and priority to the countries within the region than without in various areas, such as trade, investment, tourism, etc. can give a boost to regionalism. Only after full utilization of the region’s potentials should member states look beyond it. Such policy and practice will help develop a more integrated and interdependent region. In order to materialize it, ways and means for gaining more from intra-region engagements need to be explored and utilized.

Sixth, the expectation of the peoples of this region is that SAARC produce tangible outcomes for them as a business-like organization, not only be satiated with meetings, ceremonials, statements and declarations. They want to see its institutions as effective vehicles for delivering results.

Seventh, the resources of the SAARC Development Fund (SDF) should be enhanced so as to implement big regional projects in the areas of connectivity, power generation, scientific development, development of health and educational institutions, and the like. As of now, the total commitments to its social, economic and infrastructure windows together have remained a meager amount of $163m. It is less-likely that the implementation of small projects of national character will create any meaningful impact.

Eighth, SAARC has to chart out its course to reach the ultimate destination of SAEU. Progress is expected beyond FTA. Measures, such as placement of a huge number of tradable goods in the sensitive lists and application of safeguard and non-tariff measures, cannot be applied if trade within the region is to be genuinely expanded from an infinitesimal volume of less than five percent.

Nineth, SAARC’s decision-making on unanimity principle also merits revision for its smooth functioning in view of occasional obstructions faced by it at the time of making decisions on vital matters. Practice of regional organizations varies in this regard; the EU decides on matters of common security and foreign policy by unanimity and on other matters by weighted voting and the ASEAN makes decisions by consultation and consensus with the exception of majority voting for concluding economic agreements. SAARC can innovate its own system.

Tenth, triennial SAARC summit, instead of biennial one as agreed upon at the 18th summit, could be more economical and practical, as the extended time frame would be available for the implementation of past summit decisions. New decisions should be made only after the implementation of the previous ones.

Finally, SAARC ought to be activated with great efficacy to build regional synergy for utilizing the vast potentials of South Asia. Countries of this region are fortunate in the sense that they are blessed with immense human and natural resources. This regional body can help them develop various areas of common interest for which individual national efforts are insufficient. It is here that SAARC can prove its worth.

Nepal’s role as chair

At present, Nepal has put on two caps of SAARC, one for a member and another for the chair, which confers on it an additional responsibility for moving the regional cooperation process forward. Thus, Nepal, as the chair, should continue urging India and Pakistan to resolve their differences bilaterally and create a conducive environment for the resumption of the regional process. It can take up this matter individually with all seriousness and priority and, whenever appropriate, also take other member states on board. Reconciling the recalcitrant positions demands Herculean efforts. For this purpose, not customary talks and official statements, but higher-level engagements with deep interest, exploration of alternatives, and diplomatic skill could be of real significance.

The author is former Nepali ambassador to Kuwait

Dozens killed in bomb blast at political rally in northwest Pakistan

At least 35 people have been killed after a powerful bomb ripped through a political rally in northwestern Pakistan, local officials said, Aljazeera reported.

The blast took place on Sunday at a gathering of the conservative Jamiat Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI-F) party on the outskirts of Khar in Pakistan’s northwestern Bajur district, which borders Afghanistan.

Azam Khan, head of the emergency room at Khar’s main hospital, said 35 bodies were brought to the hospital and more than 100 others were wounded.

Government administrator Mohibullah Khan Yousufzai confirmed the toll, adding that some of the wounded were being airlifted to the provincial capital, Peshawar.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack, but local authorities said the explosion was caused by a suicide bomb.

Senior police officer Nazir Khan said the JUI-F’s workers’ convention was under way when the explosion took place.

Akhtar Hayat Gandapur, the inspector-general of police for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, said senior party leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman was not at the event when the explosion took place.

Political meetings such as the one organised by the JUI-F party on Sunday are being held across the country to mobilise supporters for the coming elections, due to be held by October.

Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif strongly condemned the incident and extended his condolences to the families of the victims, including that of JUI-F leader Ziaullah Jan, who was confirmed killed in the attack, Radio Pakistan reported.

Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari “expressed deep sorrow over the loss of precious lives”, his Pakistan People’s Party said in a statement.

It added that the “the terrorists, their facilitators and planners need to be eliminated so that peace is established in the country.”

Interior Minister Marriyum Aurangzeb said on Twitter, recently rebranded as X, that the the “religion of terrorists is only terrorism.” “Ending terrorism is very important for the survival and integrity of Pakistan,” she added.

Al Jazeera’s Kamal Hyder, reporting from Islamabad, said there were fears that the armed group Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), also known as the Pakistani Taliban, may be responsible for the blast.

“The Tehrik-e Taliban have declared against the security forces and against the government and Maulana Fazlur Rehman is an ally of the government,” Hyder said.

JUI-F is part of the Pakistan Democratic Alliance, a political coalition affiliated with the government in which Rehman plays a leading role.

Security analyst Zeeshan Salahuddin told Al Jazeera the TTP has “dramatically escalated” the string of attacks since a ceasefire with the government broke down last year.

“All indications point to the fact that this terror group has regained quite a lot of the momentum it had lost between 2014 and 2018, when Pakistan conducted extensive military operations against the group,” Salahuddin said.

The TTP pledges allegiance to, but is not directly a part of, Afghanistan’s Taliban which surged back to power in 2021.

Salahuddin added that the TTP was receiving support from Afghanistan and increasing its capabilities as well as its internal cohesion.

The group has been waging a rebellion against the state of Pakistan for more than a decade, demanding the imposition of Islamic law, the release of key members arrested by the government and a reversal of the merger of Pakistan’s tribal areas with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, according to Aljazeera.

In January, a suicide bomber blew himself up in a mosque inside a police compound in the northwestern city of Peshawar, killing more than 80 officers.

The attacks have been focused on regions bordering Afghanistan, including Bajur, one of seven remote districts where armed groups have been emboldened by the return of the Afghan Taliban.