Submit your Article

The Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest democratic party, finds itself mired in deep internal divisions. Factional rivalries, leadership disputes, and conflicting ambitions have pushed the organization into disarray. As the party grapples with a leadership crisis and intensifying power struggle, questions are mounting over its ability to present a united front and play an effective national role. The chronic intra-party rift has widened further after Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting party president.

Deuba is currently in Singapore for treatment after being seriously injured during the Sept 9 protests, when demonstrators attacked him and set his private residence on fire. On two key issues—the party’s general convention and its position on current national affairs—the NC remains undecided. A power struggle has emerged among the party’s second- and third-tier leaders. Senior figures such as Khadka, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Prakash Man Singh are opposing calls to hold the party convention before the March 5 elections, while the reformist camp, led by General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, is pushing for early elections within the party structure.

The party has splintered into multiple factions, each seeking to consolidate control. As a result, the organization has become a hostage to indecision, fueling fears of an eventual split. Another worrying sign for the party rank and file is the sharp decline in enthusiasm for renewing active membership. According to party insiders, of the roughly 800,000 members, only about 300,000 have renewed their membership so far, a signal of the party’s weakening grassroots presence. The continued infighting among top leaders, according to many, is likely to deepen frustration among the cadres.

NC General Secretary Bishwo Prakash Sharma has argued that a special general convention becomes mandatory if 54 percent of the general convention representatives formally demand it. He emphasized that the immediate issue is not whether the regular convention is held in Mangsir, Poush, or Baisakh, but whether to respond to the written demand of the majority for a special convention.

“The demand for a special general convention can be addressed only in two ways,” he wrote, “either by holding the special general convention itself or by organizing the regular convention within the same timeframe. This must be understood clearly without ifs, buts, or excuses.”

As the party’s Central Working Committee fails to take decisive action, various factions have begun holding separate internal meetings to advance their positions.

Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has led the party since 2016, is not expected to contest for the leadership again. This has set the stage for a fierce contest for the top post. General Secretary Thapa and senior leader Shekhar Koirala have already announced their candidacies for party president, while several other leaders are reportedly preparing to join the race.

Although there is hardly any consensus among the party’s senior leaders, many appear united in their intent to prevent Thapa from securing the presidency. How the internal negotiations unfold remains to be seen. If Thapa and Koirala reach an understanding, they could together secure the leadership. It is also unclear whether all of Deuba’s loyalists will support Khadka as their candidate. The Deuba faction itself is fractured, with some leaders aligning with Koirala and others with Thapa. It also remains uncertain whether Deuba will openly endorse any candidate or remain neutral.

The NC’s internal paralysis is having a direct impact on national politics. The two major parties—CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center)—have already clarified their positions on recent political developments. The UML maintains that the current government is unconstitutional and that the events of Sept 8–9 represent a regression; it has declared that it will not accept any elections held under Prime Minister Sushila Karki. The Maoist Center, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, on the other hand, has decided to move ahead with the elections. The Nepali Congress, however, remains undecided. Immediately after the protests, the party had joined others in declaring the formation of the Karki government unconstitutional and in supporting the restoration of Parliament. But since then, its stance has become fragmented.

The leadership vacuum has allowed individual leaders to voice their own positions. General Secretary Thapa and his supporters favor holding elections and are engaging in talks with Prime Minister Karki, while Khadka and other senior leaders have remained silent. Meanwhile, a faction within the party has begun a signature campaign demanding the restoration of Parliament. One top leader commented, “The chances of holding elections appear slim. The only way to save the constitution is by restoring Parliament.”

NC leader Prakash Sharan Mahat has argued that the party should focus on addressing the national crisis instead of being consumed by internal disputes. “There has been no meaningful discussion on the national agenda, and that is unfortunate,” he said. “We should have been debating the causes of the crisis, possible solutions, and the party’s leadership role, but that has not happened.”

Respected office bearers of the party, former office bearers, and central members, I heartily welcome all comrades to this meeting.

In this difficult situation of the country, today we are holding our meeting at our central office, BP Smriti Bhawan in Sanepa—which has been left in ruins, turned into ashes, and stands as a symbol of destruction after vandalism, looting, and arson. This indeed has shocked all of us deeply.

First of all, I express my heartfelt condolences to all those who lost their lives in the incidents of Bhadra 23 and 24. In this painful hour, I extend my sympathies to the bereaved families. I also wish for the speedy recovery of all those who were injured in the incident.

On Bhadra 23, during the peaceful protest of Gen-Z, there was infiltration, and the protest turned violent, causing the deaths of some security personnel. This incident has left me—and all of us—extremely saddened.

On the morning of Bhadra 24, there were attacks, vandalism, looting, and arson in various places—from the national heritage sites such as Rashtrapati Bhawan (President’s Office), Baluwatar, Singha Durbar, Supreme Court, various ministries, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority and its offices, Land Revenue Offices, Provincial Government offices, Police Offices, Local Government buildings, District Administration Offices, and other public and essential service institutions—as well as political party offices, the residences of leaders, media houses, and commercial establishments.

This caused unimaginable loss of lives and property. Undoubtedly, this will be remembered as one of the most frightening days in Nepal’s history.

Our party’s central office, along with the offices in 48 districts, and around 125 residences and rented houses of party leaders and comrades were attacked, vandalized, looted, and set on fire.

Historic sites linked to Nepal’s democratic revolution, struggles, and movements—such as the Koirala Residence in Biratnagar, the Ganesh Man Singh Residence in Chakupat of Kathmandu, and the Krishna Prasad Bhattarai Ashram in Badegau of Lalitpur—were set on fire and turned to ashes, which has saddened me even more.

Not only that, security personnel responsible for protecting the lives and property of citizens were attacked, their weapons were looted, and citizens’ private and public properties were destroyed through vandalism, looting, and arson. I demand that the truth and facts of all these incidents be investigated and that those responsible be brought under the legal process.

On Bhadra 24, in this critical situation, President Ram Chandra Paudel played a significant role, for which I extend my heartfelt gratitude through this meeting. His mature role during that difficult time helped avert a greater national crisis. The GenZ movement’s demand for good governance and a corruption-free state, and for freedom of expression, is legitimate. It is my belief that their concerns and aspirations for the country must be addressed. This subject will definitely be discussed in this meeting.

However, the unimaginable, inhuman, and terrifying events that occurred were not spontaneous or accidental but rather well-planned and organized. The facts that are emerging after the incident have started to make this clear.

Therefore, further study and investigation should be conducted as soon as possible. This investigation should move forward not based on temporary gains or losses for anyone but by placing the nation’s overall interest at the center.

Currently, the morale of important institutions across the country has been weakened. In this situation, we must work to uplift the morale of all organs and institutions of the state, including the judiciary and security agencies, and urge them to perform their duties with high spirit.

Over the past 80 years, the Nepali Congress has remained the most trusted, beloved, and largest party in Nepal. The Nepali Congress has never compromised on national sovereignty and democracy. At any period of time, the party’s unique characteristic has been its ability to identify the country’s complex situations realistically and lead the nation out of crisis through peaceful means. That is what has kept our party close to the hearts of the people.

Whether it was the struggle for democracy or any political, economic, social, or cultural movement in the country, the Nepali Congress has always set a national agenda and guided the nation toward a proper direction.

As we hold this central committee meeting today, I feel that Nepalis at home and abroad—our brothers and sisters spread around the world—are watching this meeting closely. Therefore, we must analyze the current political situation comprehensively and take decisions that guide the nation toward progress. Through this meeting, we must reaffirm the values and principles on which the Nepali Congress was founded and has stood throughout history. In the present situation, we must provide appropriate guidance on our party’s internal matters as well as our role in national politics.

The unity of the Nepali Congress is the need of the hour. Given the crisis that has emerged in the country, we must set aside our personal or group differences, conflicts, and disagreements, and stand united before the nation as witness. From now on, let personal or group likes and dislikes, interests and benefits all be put aside. I urge all comrades to hold broad discussions on issues, reach decisions with unanimity, and implement those decisions in a concrete manner.

Questions have arisen regarding the party’s internal life, the upcoming 15th General Convention, and leadership transfer. I would like to say this to my friends: There is never only one head of a household forever. Similarly, in the party, no one remains party president forever. As for me, I have already decided—both by constitutional provision and my own political will—to hand over the party leadership in an orderly manner after the 15th General Convention. Therefore, from the next convention, someone other than me will become party president—there is no doubt about that.

In the present difficult national situation, the Nepali Congress must make itself united and well-organized, and it must also cooperate and coordinate with other political parties that have faith in the democratic system.

The constitution of Nepal, which the Nepali people made through the Constituent Assembly, has come under threat. The House of Representatives—a supreme constitutional institution elected by the people—has been dissolved unconstitutionally and undemocratically.

The government has fixed the date of election for the House of Representatives on Falgun 21. However, a free, fair, and fearless election environment has not yet been ensured. The guarantee of peace and security, which is a pre-condition for elections, does not exist. The morale of the security agencies has weakened.

Therefore, the government bears the main responsibility for creating a situation in which peace and security are restored and the elections can be held peacefully, impartially, and fearlessly, so that everyone can participate willingly.

The government’s attention must be directed toward this. If the government succeeds in creating such an environment for elections, we believe that elections will become the foundation to bring the country back onto the constitutional path.

In a multiparty democratic system, the government has failed to create an atmosphere of trust and coordination with opposition political parties. In this context, the Nepali Congress must hold discussions with other political forces about upcoming plans.

Remembering our history—whenever the nation faced crises, the Nepali Congress took leadership to resolve them—we must again move forward to build national unity among all political parties. You all know that I have devoted my entire life—since my youth—to the struggle for nationalism, democracy, and the rule of law. When I joined politics for the cause of democracy, the situation was not as simple and easy as it is today. I endured many hardships and imprisonments.

I did not enter politics with the aim of becoming a parliamentarian, minister, prime minister, or party president. My single purpose in thought, speech, and action was—the nation, nationalism, and democracy.

With the affection and support of my comrades, I have held various state responsibilities since the establishment of democracy. I have experienced many ups and downs in politics. Whenever the nation faced a crisis, I have always stood firmly on the side of the nation and the people. And as long as I live, I will remain dedicated to the country and the people.

I have received immense love, affection, and support from all comrades, and I, in turn, have equal love and commitment toward all of you. I have always tried to make the Nepali Congress a party that represents the Nepaliness of all castes, regions, genders, and communities.

Whether by introducing a policy of inclusion within the party or by ensuring reservations in party structures up to the central level, I have led a campaign to make the party structurally inclusive. I will continue to devote myself to this work.

Although my terms as prime minister were often short, I had the opportunity to serve five times—collectively around one full term in duration. Even though most of those were election governments, I believe that I was able to achieve some milestone reforms in certain areas.

I feel proud to have initiated some social reforms such as the liberation of bonded laborers (Kamaiyas) and declaring Nepal free from untouchability.

While I was prime minister, I enacted the Corruption Prevention Act 2059 to fight corruption in Nepal. I also ended the dual ownership of land by introducing scientific land reforms, establishing the basis for the current implementation of the “single land ownership” system.

To establish women’s ownership over property, I made the 11th Amendment to the Muluki Ain (Civil Code), granting equal inheritance rights to daughters and sons in ancestral property. Likewise, I created commissions for the upliftment of Dalits, women, Janajatis, and other marginalized communities, and carried out structural reforms.

In the economic sphere, it was during my premiership that the Value-Added Tax (VAT) was introduced as a major fiscal reform, making the tax system more scientific and modern. As prime minister and party president, I may have had some shortcomings, but I always tried to work keeping the Nepali people and the party at the center. 

All decisions of the Central Working Committee were taken with consensus. Responsibilities handled in government were also carried out with consultation. As far as possible, I have involved all friends in the party’s decision-making process.

On Bhadra 24, when the whole country was burning, I and my family were attacked with the intent to kill. Our house was vandalized, looted, and set on fire. After several hours of tireless effort by the security forces, we were finally rescued. You all know the terrifying physical assault that my family and I had to face. As if that were not enough, malicious and false propaganda was spread in an organized manner to tarnish our reputation and image.

Because of your love, prayers, and good wishes, I was able to recover and come to this meeting to conduct it today. Recalling the various difficult situations I have faced in my political life, I have always believed that one must have the courage to face whatever situations may arise for the sake of the nation, the people, and the democratic system.

At first glance, these incidents may look like personal attacks against me, my comrades, and other political leaders. But looking at the overall picture, I firmly believe that these were attacks against the nation, the system, and the party itself.

From this meeting, I extend heartfelt thanks to the security personnel and well-wishers who rescued us from the hands of the attackers at that moment—I will remember them for the rest of my life.

I believe that this meeting of our party will conduct a concrete analysis of the current situation and make necessary decisions that will lead the country toward proper development. The Nepali Congress must make itself united and face the challenges before the nation.

In this hour, when the nation, democracy, and democratic governance are in grave crisis, we must maintain unity within the party. Keeping this in mind, the Central Committee will seriously discuss and make necessary decisions regarding holding the 15th General Convention of the party within the timeframe stipulated by the party constitution.

Evaluating the present political context of the country, the party will, as required, hold dialogue and coordination with other political forces to move toward development and stability. Because of my health condition, I have designated our party’s Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as Acting President to carry out the duties of the party president. I have full confidence that he will work for the broader interests of the party.

Jay Nepal!

Despite increasing calls from both within and outside their ranks, Nepal’s major political parties — the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) — are unlikely to witness any immediate changes in their top leadership.

The recent Zen-Z protests have triggered widespread debate about the need for generational leadership change in Nepal’s political landscape. Many argue that in order to remain relevant, party heads should promptly hand over leadership to younger figures. There have been growing demands for the resignation of key leaders: Sher Bahadur Deuba (Nepali Congress), KP Sharma Oli (CPN-UML), and Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ (CPN-Maoist Center), the first, second and third largest party in Parliament. 

While Oli and Dahal have recently emerged from Nepal Army protection to resume public statements, Deuba — who sustained serious injuries during the protests — remains under treatment in army barracks. Despite the pressure, a leadership transition seems unlikely, as second-rung leaders in all three parties strongly oppose the idea. According to its statute, the Nepali Congress is set to hold its general convention next year to elect new leadership. Deuba, who has already served two terms (2016–2021 and 2021–2026), is not eligible to contest again. However, due to the interim government’s announcement of elections on March 5 next year, the chances of holding an early convention appear slim.

It remains uncertain whether the Nepali Congress will participate in the upcoming elections. Deuba and his spouse were severely beaten and their house burned during the protests, which likely strengthens his resolve not to resign before the general convention, regardless of the cost. At its first Central Committee (CC) meeting following the protests, the party chose not to appoint an acting president and instead decided to wait for Deuba’s recovery. Despite internal calls to convene a special general convention, the CC rejected that option. The meeting concluded that the dissolution of Parliament was unconstitutional and emphasized building a consensus with other parties for its revival.

Within the CPN-UML, although there are minor voices opposing Oli’s continued leadership, there is no significant pressure for him to resign. The party’s statute convention, held just before the protests, removed both the 70-year age limit andterm limits, paving the way for Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term. The UML’s next leadership election is scheduled for next year, but the ongoing constitutional and political crisis may delay the convention. Moreover, there is currently no consensus on a potential successor should Oli step down. Similarly, the CPN (Maoist Center) is preparing for its general convention, but Prachanda is also unlikely to relinquish leadership. At a recent party meeting, senior leader Janardhan Sharma challenged Dahal’s leadership, but he was quickly rebuked and isolated by many within the party.  

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba have been injured.

They were injured when protesters set fire to their residence in Budhanilkantha.

Protesters also vandalized and set fire to the residence of Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba in Budhanilkantha on Tuesday.

Similarly, protesters set fire to and vandalized the residences of Minister for Communications and Information Technology Prithvi Subba Gurung and Maoist Center Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal.

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba has reached Baluwatar to meet Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli.

Deuba has reached the Prime Minister's residence in Baluwatar to discuss the incidents and protests of Gen Z.

It is learnt that they will also discuss the issue about the deactivation of social media platforms.

Nepali Congress (NC) President Sher Bahadur Deuba has said the existing coalition government will continue ahead. 

Talking to media at Biratnagar Airport this morning, the former Prime Minister and the parliamentary leader of the major coalition government partner echoed the need for a broader wider consensus with a two-thirds majority to amend the Constitution.  

He also took time to say that the NC's upcoming general convention will be held on an appropriate time, adding that the NC has no immediate plans for reshuffling the ministers representing the party in the NC-UML government. 

According to the former Prime Minister, the Constitution has not prohibited former President or the former Vice-President from re-entering politics. (RSS)

Former State Minister for Health Khadga Bahadur Bashyal has passed away on Friday.

Bashyal has served as former chairperson of the Nepal Dalit Federation, member Constituent Assembly of 2064 (BS) and 2070 (BS), former member of the Nepali Congress District Working Committee of Surkhet, and central member in the Nepal Democracy Fighters Association (NDFA)

Bashyal, a resident of Tatapani, Birendranagar Municipality-3, Surkhet, suffering from cancer, passed away at his residence today.

Nepali Congress said that with his death, the party has lost a senior and experienced leader.

President of the Nepali Congress Sher Bahadur Deuba expressed grievances over the demise of Bashyal.

Deuba said, "The news of the passing of former State minister for Health and member of Constituent Assembly has made me saddened, devasted and heart-rent."

President Deuba also said that the late Bashyal's leadership role in building the Nepali Congress organization and his role in Nepal's democratic movements will always be remembered in the party.

Paying heartfelt tributes to him, President Deuba expressed his deepest condolences to the bereaved family on behalf of the party and myself, praying for the eternal peace of his soul. (RSS)

For more than a decade, Nepali politics has been defined by three dominant figures: KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. As party chiefs and multiple-time prime ministers, they have established themselves as indomitable forces. Among the three, it now seems almost certain that Oli and Dahal will retain control of their respective parties for at least the next five years—if not longer.

In the past two weeks, the CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center) held their Central Committee and Standing Committee meetings, respectively. The outcomes of these meetings will have far-reaching implications, particularly regarding leadership transitions. Both Oli and Dahal have further solidified their grip by weakening and isolating potential rivals. These developments starkly contrast with the widespread public desire, especially among the youth, for a generational change in leadership.

A significant section of Nepal’s youth continues to call for immediate leadership renewal. Many believe that since the same leaders have held sway over both party and government for more than three decades and failed to deliver, new leaders should be given a chance. Having become prime minister multiple times, these leaders have used the power and resources of the state to entrench their positions. Ministerial portfolios and key appointments were handed to loyalists, while dissenting voices were sidelined.

There have also been instances where state law enforcement agencies were allegedly used to harass internal party opponents. As a result, many young leaders have either aligned themselves with top leaders or remained silent, compromising the core values of intra-party democracy and leadership handover.

The internal dynamics of major parties tell a different story altogether. Youth leaders of NC, UML and Maoist Center—who once demanded a leadership transition—are now retreating from those positions. In recent Central and Standing Committee meetings, not only did they refrain from calling for change, but many also openly endorsed the current leadership.

The UML’s Central Committee meeting cleared the way for Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term. The party decided to amend its statute, removing the 70-year age limit and the two-term cap tailored specifically to facilitate Oli’s continuation. But more than just a policy shift, both senior and youth leaders publicly declared that there is “no alternative” to Oli. Even former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s attempt to challenge Oli by reentering active politics was thwarted; the party revoked her general membership for doing so.

Oli is now virtually assured to be re-elected party chairman at the UML’s 11th General Convention, expected later this year. Party leaders argue that Oli's leadership is essential to securing victory in the 2027 elections. In reality, he may continue leading the party as long as his health allows. Since taking the helm in 2015, Oli has consolidated power, sidelined rivals, and built a loyal inner circle. Two pivotal moments helped him secure dominance: the departure of senior leaders like Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhala Nath Khanal, and the failed leadership challenge by Bhim Rawal, who was eventually expelled. That episode sent a clear message: challenging the leadership comes with consequences. More recently, Brinda Pandey and Usha Kiran Timalsina were suspended for six months for voicing dissent, reinforcing the party’s intolerance for internal opposition.

A similar scenario unfolded in the Maoist Center’s Standing Committee meeting. Senior leader Janardhan Sharma raised the issue of leadership change, only to be rebuked by nearly the entire committee. Out of 50 members, just three supported his proposal that Dahal, who has been at the helm since the 1980s, should begin transitioning party leadership to the next generation. Rather than supporting Sharma, other members criticized him. The party issued a warning that no leader should make public statements against its leadership. “There is a growing tendency to speak against party leadership and violate party discipline,” said Maoist leader Haribol Gajurel. 

The situation in the NC remains uncertain. Party President Deuba is unlikely to amend the party statute to pursue a third term. Leaders Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa appear poised to contest the presidency. A third candidate from the Deuba camp may also run, while other senior leaders, who lack serious electoral prospects, may enter the race merely to secure bargaining positions in the party or government. Despite this, Deuba remains a strong presence, and the party's top leadership appears to be consolidating its hold.

Meanwhile, in the CPN (Unified Socialist), a breakaway faction of UML, Madhav Kumar Nepal maintains tight control despite facing corruption allegations. He has publicly warned senior leader Jhala Nath Khanal to leave the party for speaking against him. Despite mounting pressure, Nepal has refused to hand over the reins to a younger generation.

With these developments, the debate around leadership handover in major Nepali parties has significantly lost momentum. Over the years, these senior leaders, each of whom has held the prime ministership multiple times, have consistently used state resources to strengthen their internal party positions and marginalize opposition. With youth leaders increasingly dependent on the senior leadership for political opportunities and resources, they remain unable, or unwilling, to mount a meaningful challenge.

Nepali Congress President and former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has said that Nepal's politics is built on the foundation of the national reconciliation policy adopted by BP Koirala.

Late BP Koirala is the founder of the Nepali Congress and the first people-elected Prime Minister of Nepal.

At a program jointly organized by BP Memorial Hospital, BP Memorial Foundation and Sports Department of the Nepali Congress on the occasion of 43rd BP Memorial Day today, NC President Deuba opined that BP Koirala's reconciliation policy is still relevant. 

He remembered that BP Koirala stood firmly in favour of democracy by sacrificing his life for the nation and the people. 

"In fact, BP's message that the country will be sovereign and prosperous only from a strong Congress and the reconciliation between national forces is still relevant," he argued. 

President Deuba mentioned that BP Koirala was of the firm opinion that national unity, country's prosperity and social harmony are greatest things than political interest.  

He stated that BP Koirala was not only a shining star of politics, but also of literature, as well as a thinker of democratic socialism. 

BP's political and literary thinking is also the guidelines for building a modern Nepal and he was always on stance that democratic system along with economic equality was indispensable to the country, added the NC President.

Deuba recalled that BP Koirala had returned to Nepal at a time when he was in exile and struggling against the then authoritarian Panchayat system from India analyzing the weakening of nationalism, adding the Nepali Congress is in present situation due to BP Koirala's ideals and values established from his sacrifice and contribution. 

Prime minister and CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has said that a person who has already become the President entering politics is a serious issue.During a politburo meeting held at the party office in Chyasal on Friday, he said that a person who has reached a prestigious position in the country and has become the Supreme Commander of the Nepal Army, entering politics is a serious issue.

According to Publicity Department Chief Rajendra Gautam, Chairman Oli had said that the party would take a decision on former President Bidya Devi Bhandari at the appropriate time.

A few days ago, ruling Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba held a meeting with Prime Minister Oli and expressed his objection to former President Bhandari entering into politics.

Former President Bhandari announced her return to active UML politics on June 28.

The meeting among Nepal’s top political leaders—Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, and CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal—has been postponed yet again.

Scheduled for 2 pm on Thursday, the tripartite talks were called off at the last minute.

This is the second postponement in as many days. A meeting originally called for Wednesday was canceled because Dahal was out of Kathmandu.

Though he returned on Thursday, the meeting was still not held.

According to sources, the decision to delay was taken after the scheduled time had already lapsed, reportedly at the Prime Minister’s initiative. 

Ruling Party Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba has emphasised the need to make Nepal an education hub for foreign students by ensuring quality education in the country. 

During a discussion program on education policy organised by his party's Education Department today, he stated that since education is an important matter, efforts should be made to improve its quality, to keep domestic students in the country and even to attract foreign students.

Former Prime Minister Deuba expressed the view that arrangements should be made to fulfill the desire of all parents to provide good education to their children in the country. 

Department head Nain Singh Mahar stressed on the need for developing research-oriented policy in education. 

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba held a meeting on Monday.

During the discussion held at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers in Singha Durbar, they discussed recent political developments and other contemporary issues.

Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak and the Prime Minister's Advisor on Human Rights and Transitional Justice, Agni Kharel, were present on the occasion.

Nepali Congress President and former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has lauded the contribution of the private sector to boost the national economy.

Speaking at an interaction organized by the NC's Industry and Trade Department here today, President Deuba said the role of the private sector was important for the economic prosperity of the country. "Industries and businesses should be strengthened to promote the market for domestic goods and services," Deuba added.

The role of the private sector is important in increasing the production of indigenous goods. There is a need for coordination between the private sector and the government to increase employment," he said, adding that the digital economy also has a large share in it.

"The budget for the next fiscal year should be to promote the digital economy. This will help in the promotion of information technology," Deuba added.

He further expressed the belief that the budget for the upcoming fiscal year would address the issues raised by the private sector and make the economic sector more vibrant.

The coalition government of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, which came to power with the promise of stability, has failed to deliver on its mission. Now, it has become almost a daily mantra for Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba to assure the public that their coalition remains intact. Every day, Prime Minister Oli seeks reassurance from his colleague Deuba that there is no threat to the government’s survival.

For instance, upon returning from a tour of Thailand, Deuba told reporters that there were no problems within the coalition. Prime Minister Oli has since been using this statement as a reference point to claim that his government is moving ahead smoothly. The two leaders are meeting frequently, but that does not necessarily mean that everything is fine. Tensions could be gradually building between the two parties. A frequently asked question among the media is about the longevity of the government. This has created a public perception that the coalition could collapse anytime, even though it may not happen immediately. It has shaped a widespread belief that even a government formed by the two largest parties has failed to convey a message of political stability.

Amidst this uncertainty, Prime Minister Oli and Deuba held a one-on-one meeting on April 26, although neither side has disclosed what actually transpired. Rumors of government change last week prompted Deuba to call Oli and assure him that the NC’s support remains firm. However, their failure to effectively handle contentious issues has fueled doubts about the coalition’s future. Past examples show how even minor issues have triggered the fall of governments. For instance, it took a long time for the two parties to agree on removing Kulman Ghising from the post of executive director of the Nepal Electricity Authority. A more recent example is the delayed appointment of the Governor of Nepal Rastra Bank due to differences between the NC and UML.

Above all, internal dynamics within the NC pose a major threat to the coalition. The decision to form an alliance with the UML was made without prior discussions in the party; it was largely driven by Deuba and his spouse, Arzu Rana Deuba, who currently serves as the Minister for Foreign Affairs. As a result, many senior NC leaders do not fully own the decision, and two distinct camps have emerged within the party. Leaders such as Purna Bahadur Khadka, NP Saud and Prakash Sharan Mahat favored continuing the coalition with the Maoists and would prefer forming a new government led by the NC. Just a few days ago, Khadka said, “I have told Prime Minister Oli to mend ways and improve the government’s performance.”

Meanwhile, leaders like Shekhar Koirala, Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma are positioning themselves as populist figures aspiring to lead the party. Rather than offering unconditional support to the coalition, they view national issues through the lens of their personal political ambitions. For example, they have demanded that the government address the teachers’ demands, even though fulfilling them may not be feasible. At a public event this week, Thapa warned that the party would leave the government if it had to compromise on fundamental party principles.

Furthermore, Koirala and Thapa—both aspiring to become party president and future prime ministers—are working to prevent Deuba from becoming prime minister again. They fear that Deuba could use state power during the party leadership selection process to favor his loyalists. They believe that if the current coalition collapses, it would weaken Deuba’s chances of returning as prime minister. For some time, efforts have been underway to change the NC parliamentary party leader, but Koirala and Thapa themselves are not aligned, viewing each other as competitors for the party presidency—something that strategically benefits Deuba. In addition, there is speculation that some NC leaders are under pressure from India to break the alliance with the UML.

Adding to the complexity, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has reportedly conveyed to senior NC leaders that he is ready to support Deuba as prime minister until the next election, gradually winning over a section of the NC leadership. Deuba’s phone call to Dahal before his departure for Thailand also raised eyebrows within the UML. Previously, Deuba had publicly emphasized that the NC should lead the government, given its emergence as the largest party in the 2022 elections. However, Dahal had refused to support the NC’s claim and instead aligned with the UML to form the government.

Within the NC, there is growing criticism that the coalition between the two largest parties has failed to deliver on its promises. For example, although the two parties had agreed to initiate the process of amending the constitution, they have yet to take any steps. Senior NC leaders say that Prime Minister Oli’s failure to address the country’s pressing issues is fueling public frustration, which has tarnished the party’s image. One NC leader remarked, “We do not feel comfortable staying on in the government with the UML.”

Despite repeated assurances from Deuba, UML and Oli remain uncertain about the NC’s continued support. UML leaders say external forces are actively working to destabilize the government, and at some point, the NC might withdraw its support and form a new alliance with the Maoists, sidelining the UML. This week, Oli also stated that he would not compromise on every issue just to remain in power.