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As the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist)—CPN-UML—the largest communist party in the country, prepares for its 11th general convention from Dec 12–14 in Bhaktapur (inauguration) and Kathmandu (closed session),  the contest for leadership has informally opened. Party President and former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has publicly encouraged leaders and cadres to participate freely in the democratic process—either through election or consensus. In doing so, he has set the tone for an open and fair competitive exercise within the party. Emerging dynamics indicate that Oli will once again contest for the top post, while senior Vice-president Ishwor Pokhrel will challenge him with a team of leaders aligned to him. It's not clear, but both sides might prepare a list of office-bearers for internal context.  

This article argues that the UML needs KP Sharma Oli at its helm once again. More importantly, Nepal requires a leader of his stature, geopolitical understanding and decisiveness at a time of shifting domestic and global politics. In this very critical juncture of our history, Nepal needs a strong leader, who can stand with national aspirations rather than divided aspirations deliberately provoked by some external powers. 

Four interconnected reasons support this conclusion: his lifelong resilience against adversities, his uncompromising defense of sovereignty, his ability to pilot Nepal’s complex geopolitical environment and his articulation of national dignity rooted in civilizational confidence. 

Oli’s political life is a testament to resilience. From 14 years in detention during the Panchayat period to steering factional fragmentation within the party, Oli’s journey has consistently demonstrated an extraordinary ability to rise above adversities. He has never surrendered in the face of internal or external pressures. When confronted with politically-motivated turmoil, populist mobs or orchestrated campaigns, he has chosen rational decision-making over emotional impulses. This capacity to take difficult decisions—often during moments of national uncertainty—has distinguished him as a leader with rare political courage. His premierships, particularly in the aftermath of the 2015 earthquake and constitutional tensions, demonstrated that leadership requires willingness to confront crises with clarity rather than retreat under pressure. The organizational challenges within the unified communist party (NCP), formed by merging the UML and the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led Maoist party, reflected how Oli had been able to hold the party together and rebuild its national outreach despite systematic efforts to weaken it. His leadership restored the UML’s internal coherence after the 2021 split, and today the party remains the most organized political force in Nepal, largely because of his strategic patience and crisis management. It is to remind you all that the UML is the largest party of the country in terms of proportional representation.  

A second and perhaps more defining attribute of Oli’s leadership is his unwavering commitment to safeguarding Nepal’s sovereignty and national interest. Throughout his political career—whether in the government or the opposition—he has maintained a consistent stance on issues related to territorial integrity and independent foreign policy. His approach to foreign policy has always been issue-based rather than actor-based. Contrary to claims that he has sometimes tilted toward one neighbour or the other, Oli has engaged India and China based on the merits of specific issues rather than geopolitical alignments. Because a statesman, who focuses on issues, will appear to lean north on some occasions and south on others, his diplomacy has occasionally been misunderstood. Yet, the underlying principle has never changed: every decision must serve Nepal’s long-term national interest.

Several examples clearly illustrate this posture. The 2016 Transport Transit Agreement with China was not signed against any neighbor, it was an assertion of Nepal’s sovereign right to diversify its transit routes. The new map was not an attempt to escalate tensions but a constitutional and historical assertion of Nepal's claims. Before the GenZ movement that toppled him, both sides had been preparing for Oli's India visit with plans to sign some major agreements. Over the last decade, PM Oli and his Indian counterpart Modi had held several sideline meetings at international forums.    

Oli’s support for the Belt and Road Initiative implementation agreement was not a geopolitical gesture but an economic one—an effort to bring Chinese investment into Nepal’s infrastructure, energy and connectivity sectors. His support for the MCC Compact with the United States was guided not by external influence, but by the program’s potential to strengthen Nepal’s electricity transmission and transport infrastructure. Throughout these decisions, one principle has remained constant: he refuses to allow ideological confusion or geopolitical fear to derail development.

At a time when Nepal’s geopolitical landscape is becoming increasingly complex, this clarity of foreign policy vision becomes even more crucial. The United States has expanded its strategic footprint in the Asia-Pacific, and global power shifts are creating both challenges and opportunities for relatively smaller states. Nepal needs a leader who can navigate this environment with balance, confidence and strategic foresight. Oli’s diplomatic conduct has shown an ability to maintain equi-proximity, resist strategic alignment pressures, maximize economic gains and avoid entanglement in military or security coalitions. Even during periods of misunderstanding with India, he kept diplomatic space open and maintained serious engagement. While deepening cooperation with China, he preserved Nepal’s independent foreign policy and avoided commitments that would compromise sovereignty. This pragmatic, confident, and non-aligned approach is central to Nepal’s stability in the coming decade.

Another distinctive quality that sets Oli apart is his ability to articulate national dignity with conviction. In the contemporary political sphere, few leaders speak about Nepal’s civilizational heritage, cultural depth and historical identity with such clarity. Oli consistently highlights Nepal’s philosophical roots in Vedic and Buddhist traditions, presenting the country not as a peripheral actor but as a nation with its own intellectual and historical strengths. His famous assertion—“Countries may be big or small, but sovereignty is equal”—captures not only Nepal’s diplomatic stance but also its psychological confidence. This articulation matters in international diplomacy, where perception shapes engagement. Both India and China have respected Nepal’s sovereign positions even during sensitive times. His ability to communicate Nepal’s dignity to the world has created a diplomatic environment in which Nepal’s voice is heard, not dismissed.

As the UML prepares to choose its direction for the next five years, the stakes are far larger than a party presidency. The election will influence how the party positions itself in national politics and how Nepal steers itself through a transforming global environment. Oli’s leadership is vital not only for organizational coherence but also for national stability. 

Oli is more than just a party leader seeking another term. For UML, he represents organizational discipline and clarity of direction. For Nepal, he represents a necessary political force capable of steering the country through a time of complexity. At this critical moment, KP Sharma Oli is not simply a candidate—he is a national need. No other leader of the party can challenge him. The best for the party is to elect the leadership unanimously. If they compete, they mentally should prepare for the future political course.

The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) is preparing to hold its general convention on Dec 13–15 to elect a new leadership. The CPN-UML’s  internal dynamics are especially tense this year, as incumbent Chairperson KP Sharma Oli, who has been politically shaken by the recent GenZ movement, is seeking a third consecutive term. Though Oli had signaled before Sept 8–9 protests that he would lead the party for another five years, the large-scale demonstrations and the killing of 19 youths has severely dented his standing both inside and outside the party.

A number of senior UML leaders have urged Oli to retire from the party chairmanship, arguing that he should take moral responsibility for the deaths that occurred under his premiership. Yet, Oli remains defiant. He insists that he was removed from government not because of his governance failures, but because of his uncompromising “nationalist stance.” This claim once again reveals a familiar pattern: Oli’s consistent use of nationalism as a political tool to consolidate his power, deflect criticism and project himself as a defender of Nepal’s sovereignty. Inside the communist party, there is a tendency to create real, perceived or even fabricated enemies in order to convince cadres that they should focus on fighting these threats rather than questioning or changing the leadership. This is exactly what KP Oli is doing right now.

Oli’s nationalism card

‘Nationalism’ has long been a potent currency in Nepali politics, especially within communist parties, which frequently frame internal dissent as externally manipulated. After joining mainstream politics, it was Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal successfully weaponized ‘nationalism.’ When challenged by senior leader Baburam Bhattarai, Dahal often accused him of being influenced by foreign actors, particularly India. After losing power in 2008, Dahal blamed India for orchestrating his downfall and launched a political campaign centered on “national independence.” This narrative helped him maintain his grip on the Maoist party at a time when his leadership was under pressure.

Oli has followed a similar path since coming to power after 2015. He rose to national prominence during the 2015 Indian blockade, portraying himself as a staunch nationalist resisting external interference. His government’s issuance of a new political map of Nepal in 2020 further cemented his image as a leader willing to challenge powerful neighbors.

Internal challenge

For this year’s General Convention, Oli faces a more organized challenger than in previous conventions. His deputy, Ishwar Pokhrel, backed strongly by former President Bidya Devi Bhandari, has announced his candidacy for party chairman. Pokhrel’s camp is significantly stronger than in the 2021 convention, making him the first genuinely competitive candidate against Oli in years. Predictably, Oli’s supporters have begun portraying Pokhrel’s challenge as influenced by external forces. Such accusations are not new: within Nepal’s communist parties, labeling rivals as “foreign agents” is practically a political tradition.  A Facebook post by Shankar Pokhrel on Nov 29, for example, stated: “The country is in crisis, and attacks on nationalist forces continue. In such a situation, firmness in policy and unity in leadership are essential. Let’s move forward—it is possible.”The subtext of the statement is clear: in the name of national unity, Ishwar Pokhrel should withdraw and support Oli. This framing aligns perfectly with the longstanding internal communist practice of marginalizing opponents by presenting them as threats to national interests.

GenZ protests and ‘foreign ploy’

The GenZ protests shook Nepal’s political establishment as thousands of young took to the streets against corruption, unemployment and political stagnation. Instead of acknowledging the domestic roots of the unrest, Oli and his loyalists characterized the protests as foreign-orchestrated, drawing parallels with color revolutions in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Oli has repeatedly argued that his government was targeted by foreign powers because of his policies in favor of nationalism, such as signing the BRI with China. This narrative implies that the protests were an attempt on the part of Western powers ‘to punish him and destabilize the UML.’

Oli’s belief that the GenZ uprising was externally orchestrated rests mostly on rumors and unverified reports. Most Nepalis view the movement as a spontaneous expression of frustration with political instability, chronic corruption and the failure of leaders to deliver meaningful reforms. The attempt to reduce a youth-led domestic uprising to foreign interference seems increasingly detached from public sentiment.

Social media ban and nationalism

One of the major triggers of the GenZ movement was the Oli government’s decision to ban several social media platforms for not registering in Nepal. Oli attempted to justify the move by claiming that these platforms violated Nepal’s sovereignty and refused to comply with national laws. This explanation, framed once again through the lens of nationalism, did little to placate widespread anger. 

Oli’s public defense of controversial businessman Durga Prasai, arrested for inflammatory remarks, further underscored his reliance on the nationalism narrative. Prasai had released a video claiming that Western-funded NGOs were behind the GenZ protests, echoing Oli’s larger narrative of foreign interference. By siding with Prasai, Oli signaled once again that he sees political advantage in promoting the idea of a foreign conspiracy.

Will ‘nationalism’ work again?

UML leaders often boast that their party alone does not compromise on matters of national interest. In previous elections, this rhetoric helped Oli galvanize public support. But this time, the situation appears different. Oli has been raising the issue of foreign intervention behind the GenZ movement for more than two months, yet the narrative has gained little traction. Public sentiment has shifted. Nepalis today are more concerned about corruption, unemployment, inflation and the failure of political leaders to govern effectively. The idea that Nepal’s problems stem from foreign meddling, rather than deep-rooted internal dysfunction, no longer convinces many.  Inside the UML, too, Oli’s nationalist rhetoric appears to be losing its persuasive power. The party rank-and-file recognizes that nationalism has become a convenient cover for resisting internal reforms and maintaining control. With rising dissatisfaction in the organization and the emergence of stronger rival factions, Oli’s grip on the party is not as secure as it once was.

Conclusion

KP Sharma Oli’s use of the term ‘nationalism’ has been a key part of his political identity for nearly a decade. It helped him rise to power, survive internal challenges and present himself as the champion of Nepali sovereignty. But political landscapes evolve, and public patience has limits. Today, with a frustrated younger generation, intensifying intra-party competition, and declining faith in political theatrics, Oli’s nationalism card appears increasingly exhausted. Whether it will still work at the upcoming General Convention remains uncertain, but all signs suggest that its effectiveness is rapidly waning.

CPN-UML Chair and former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said that the party will seek a legal remedy and stage a peaceful protest against the dissolution of the House of Representatives (HoR) on the night of September 12.

During a meeting of UML members in the dissolved HoR today, Oli expressed the view that a political solution should be sought through the restoration of the Parliament. 

He stated that the party will move the Supreme Court, demanding the restoration of the lower house.

At a time when party split and unification bids are gaining pace among communist forces in the wake of Gen Z protest and election to the House of Representatives slated for March 5, Chairman of the CPN UML, KP Sharma Oli, and senior leader of the CPN (Unified Socialist), Jhalanath Khanal, held a meeting on Tuesday. 

A significant faction of the Unified Socialist led by Madhav Kumar Nepal has already decided its unification with the CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal. 

The two leaders Oli and Khanal held the discussion on unity and entry to the UML, according to politburo member Mahesh Basnet. A positive talk was held between the leaders and it was expected to improve the relations.

It has been learnt that as many as 100 Unified Socialist leaders, including Ram Kumari Jhankri, Kisan Shrestha, Ambar Bahadur Thapa, Gambhir Lal Shrestha, Pitambar Timsina and Arjun Rai are returning to the UML.

The Unified Socialist is the splinter of the UML party.

A month after the violent Gen-Z protests of Sept 8–9 shook the nation, former prime minister KP Sharma Oli has resurfaced—defiant, unbowed, and unrepentant. In a rare interaction with editors, he dismissed the current interim administration led by Sushila Karki as “unconstitutional,” ruled out any possibility of elections in March, and called for the restoration of parliament as the only legitimate way forward.

“This government was born out of the pressure, not the constitution,” he declared, leaning into his familiar mix of grievance and confidence. What followed was a long and wide-ranging conversation that offered a glimpse into Oli’s political state of mind—part justification, part warning, and part self-assurance that he may yet return to power.

Social media ban that sparked the fire

Oli stood by his government’s decision to ban social media — the very trigger that ignited the youth-led movement. According to him, the step was neither sudden nor authoritarian.

“For a year and a half, we’d been requesting global platforms to register in Nepal,” he said. “TikTok was banned until it complied. Out of 26 platforms, some were processing registration, while others flatly refused to follow our constitution or pay taxes.”

He insisted the ban was meant to be temporary, claiming that discussions were underway with several platforms. But by the time those talks progressed, the streets had already erupted.

Understanding and undermining GenZ’s demands

Oli said he was not opposed to the protesters’ core demands: good governance, anti-corruption, and the restoration of digital freedoms. “Their concerns were genuine,” he said, “and the government was already working to address them.”

But he was quick to add a caveat. “The protests lacked specificity on corruption. Until Sept 7, security agencies reported no major threats. They said the students would protest peacefully and return home.”

On the generational accusation of “nepo baby politics,” he sounded irritated. “I don’t accept that term. Why scare children with such words? It’s not arrogance; it’s about fairness.” Oli said that Gen-Z protestors have not called for his resignation. 

He stated that it is natural for parents to love, care for, and provide opportunities to their children, and accused that portraying this in a negative light has caused mental stress to children and youth.

The three phases of the protests

Oli broke down the Sept 8–9 events into what he called “three distinct stages.” The first, on the morning of Sept 8, involved peaceful student demonstrations that soon spiraled out of control. “Infiltrators provoked the crowd, using students as shields,” he alleged.

The second phase, later that day, was marked by “coordinated violence,” and the third on Sept 9 by widespread unrest. “Students were killed to create a pretext for chaos,” he said, adding that his government had formed a probe panel the same day 19 students died.

‘Cell seized for three days’

For the first time, Oli revealed details of his dramatic exit from power. He said that after resigning at around 1 pm on Sept 9, he was whisked away from Baluwatar by the Nepal Army and taken to a military barrack “for security reasons.”

“My phone was seized for three days,” he said. “I got it back only after Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister on Sept 12.”

Asked whether this amounted to house arrest, Oli replied: “I was under the Army’s security. Call it whatever you want.”

On Karki’s appointment

Oli maintained that he had not nominated anyone as his successor. “Yes, I gave my recommendation, but I didn’t name any individual, including Karki,” he said.

According to him, both President Ramchandra Paudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel met him at the barrack before appointing the new prime minister. “I told them a government must be formed within the constitutional and parliamentary framework, and they agreed.”

‘This government is unconstitutional’

The former prime minister remains unwavering in his stance that the Karki-led administration violates the constitution.

“As per the constitution, a former chief justice cannot hold top executive office, except in the National Human Rights Commission,” he said. “Is this how democracy works? Is this how a prime minister is chosen — throught voting and discord ? That’s not democracy; that’s a spectacle.”

He added: “Should I lie because I’m afraid? Should I bow down and speak untruths?”

Rejecting the probe commission

Oli made it clear he would not cooperate with the probe commission headed by former judge, Gauri Bahadur Karki.

“I won’t appear before that commission,” he said. “Just because KP Oli is innocent, does that mean commissions can be formed anywhere and I must go and give statements? KP Oli doesn’t betray himself.”

‘Probe my property’

Responding to reports that government agencies are investigating the assets of major political leaders, including himself, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Oli sounded unfazed.

“Even journalists can investigate my property,” he said. “There might be around two million rupees in my account — my salary savings. The government can check if I have any bank accounts abroad.”

Talk of a comeback

Asked about his political future, Oli smiled. “If things continue like this, the chances of KP Oli’s return increase,” he said. “People won’t tolerate this disorder for long.”

Environment not conducive for polls

Oli dismissed the idea of elections on March 5, calling them “impossible under the current situation.”

“Over 4,000 prisoners are still on the loose, and 1,200 weapons have been looted. How can elections take place in such an environment?” he asked.

His party, CPN-UML, has since decided to prioritize parliamentary restoration over elections,  a move he says reflects political reality, not opportunism.

‘They want to arrest us’

Oli accused the interim government of planning to arrest him and other senior leaders. “Prime Minister Karki has been meeting with the Attorney General and other officials to find ways to detain us,” he alleged. “It’s a mockery of democracy when leaders can’t move freely in their own country.”

‘I won’t step down’

Oli brushed aside internal calls to resign as UML party chair. “Sher Bahadur Deuba has appointed an acting president because he’s unwell. But I’m fit. So why should I?”

He said the party’s upcoming General Convention in December will be the place to raise questions, not the media. “Leadership is decided by people, not pundits,” he said.

On criticism about his age, Oli turned philosophical and a little playful. “The US president (81) is older than me, Putin is seven months younger, and Bangladesh’s prime minister is 82,” he said. “Leadership isn’t about age; it’s about timing and necessity.”

Oli stated that there are still many who want to see him in the party leadership. If I do not play, another captain will emerge, Oli said, for now, they are still looking to KP Oli as a captain. 

He said: “I have the ability to work, I am physically fit. This is a matter of the needs of the country and the party.” 

A hint at external hands

Toward the end of the conversation, Oli sidestepped questions about “foreign involvement” in the protests, a topic he had previously raised within his party. He offered only a hint: “There are external influences shaping the current situation.” He then turned his attention to the media. “Some outlets played a provocative role during the protests,” he said. “But I urge journalists to not practice self-censorship. Write the truth, without fear.”

  Uncertain time 

KP Oli said that he is loyal to the country and the people. The country has entered a state of uncertainty.  The values and principles I speak are of the matters of my conviction, Oli said.

CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has called for an immediate reinstatement of the House of Representatives that was dissolved in the wake of the Sept 8-9 GenZ protests. He has also announced a national movement to “protect the constitution, democracy, and national unity,” while alleging that a deep-rooted conspiracy was behind the violent incidents that followed the GenZ protests.

Presenting a political document at the party’s central committee meeting on Wednesday, Oli said the tragic events were not random but part of a premeditated design aimed at destabilizing the nation and overturning the current constitutional order.

“The incidents of Sept 8-9 were not spontaneous public anger. It was a planned act to push the country into crisis and to destroy democracy and national unity,” Oli said, addressing the committee.

The UML report claimed that over 1,600 public and private properties were torched, vandalized, or looted, and that more than 14,000 prisoners were freed from jails across the country, with thousands still at large. It also alleged that around 1,200 weapons and nearly 100,000 rounds of ammunition were stolen from police and security forces.

“These events were too widespread, too coordinated, and too well-timed to be coincidental,” the document stated, alleging that certain domestic and foreign forces had taken advantage of public frustration to weaken Nepal’s sovereignty.

Oli strongly criticized the current caretaker government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, calling it “illegal, directionless, and incompetent.” He accused the government of failing to ensure public security, obstructing the constitutional rights of political parties, and creating instability by dissolving the House, instead of finding a democratic solution.

“The current government has no constitutional or moral legitimacy. It is incapable of holding credible elections and maintaining law and order,” Oli said, calling for the immediate reinstatement of Parliament.

Rejecting the government-formed inquiry commission as politically motivated, the UML demanded an independent and impartial high-level investigation led by a former Supreme Court justice to determine the causes of the violence and hold those responsible accountable.

Oli said his party would not accept any attempt to cover up the incident or to blame only the security forces without looking into the larger conspiracy behind the unrest.

The document also warned that thousands of escaped inmates and stolen arms pose a continuing threat to public safety. Oli urged citizens to remain vigilant and cooperate with law enforcement, while calling on the state to restore morale among the security forces who, he said, “acted under impossible circumstances to protect national property and lives.”

While condemning the violence, Oli acknowledged that the GenZ protesters had raised genuine concerns about corruption, unemployment, and governance. He said the UML recognizes these frustrations but warned that “foreign-influenced groups” may have tried to hijack the movement for destructive purposes. “The voices of the youth must be heard and addressed through reforms, not violence,” he said, calling on young people to channel their energy toward constructive democratic engagement.

The UML has resolved to launch a nationwide campaign—described as a “people’s movement for the protection of the constitution”—to press for the restoration of parliamentary democracy. Oli urged all pro-constitutional forces, civil society members, and citizens to join what he termed a peaceful struggle for national stability and democratic integrity.

He also announced that the UML’s 11th General Convention will be held in Pokhara on Dec 13-15, where the party will finalize its next political strategy. “We will not let conspiracies derail the achievements of our people’s struggle,” Oli declared. “The UML will stand at the forefront to defend the constitution, democracy, and national sovereignty.”

The central committee is expected to endorse Oli’s political document and approve a roadmap for mass mobilization in the coming days. The party leadership said it will focus on exposing what it calls the “deep political manipulation” behind the September unrest, while preparing organizationally for both political movement and eventual elections.

Oli also warned against the notion that his party is permanently out of government, saying the UML remains the leading political force capable of steering Nepal’s political and economic development. He said, “Some might think the UML is gone from power for good. That’s an illusion. UML is the party that has led Nepal’s political and economic progress—it has proven this in practice.”

He cited the latest World Bank report, claiming it vindicated the UML’s governance record. “The World Bank itself has said the economic growth rate will decline by three percent this year. This shows the difference between when we were in government and after we left,” he remarked, arguing that the UML had worked to uphold national dignity and create the conditions for Nepal’s graduation from a least-developed to a developing country.

Oli admitted that internal jealousy and infighting have long weakened the UML, saying there was never “complete unity” within the party. “Even when I was prime minister, there were always elements of envy, backbiting, and attempts to pull my government down,” he said. “Our own members continuously spread lies and deceit to make the government fail.” He alleged that the government formed after the promulgation of the constitution was toppled from within the party itself, just when it had begun implementing historic and long-term development programs.

Warning that the country is being pushed toward “counter-revolution,” Oli said the recent events were taking Nepal in a dangerous direction. “An unexpected reactionary incident has taken place in the country. If we cannot stop it effectively, Nepal will be dragged into counter-revolution,” he said.

He added that the nation is “sliding toward ruin” and stressed the need to restore democratic, peaceful, and development-oriented governance. “We must immediately bring the country back to a democratic, people-oriented, corruption-free and peaceful path,” he said.

Oli emphasized that the UML has become a primary target because of its good performance, not wrongdoing. “We are under attack not because of bad policies but because our policies are right and pro-national,” he said.

The UML chair proposed strict disciplinary action against any member involved in unethical, anarchic, or corrupt activities. “The Secretariat has strengthened party unity during this difficult time. Now, the Central Organization Department will take immediate action against those who violate discipline and inform the Secretariat accordingly,” he announced. Oli urged central committee members to embody and promote unity within the organization. “Let us internalize this spirit of unity and make it stronger throughout the party,” he appealed.

In a notable outreach, Oli invited the CPN (Unified Socialist)—which split from the UML in 2021—to return for party reunification, saying unity among left forces is crucial for national stability. “Do not seek shelter in others’ courtyards. This is a strong house—come back home,” Oli said, addressing the Unified Socialist. “This party has hundreds of thousands of dedicated cadres. Don’t wander elsewhere looking for space.” He also called on other political forces to join hands for cooperation and national unity.

Oli also said he had always remained steadfast in his principles despite political challenges. “I have never deviated or changed. I have always stood firm for the country and the people,” he said, asserting his commitment to leading the UML toward renewed strength and purpose.

CPN-UML Chairman Oli has proposed in the political report he presented in the Central Committee meeting to hold the party General Convention from December 13-15 in Pokhara, according to UML's Head of the Publicity and Publication Department Rajendra Gautam.

He also presented his views in the political report about the Gen Z protests held on September 8 and 9, and the current government. 

The report stresses on cooperation among democratic forces for the unity and defence of the republic and the Constitution.

CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli stressed on the need for strong unity within the party during difficult and adverse situations.

Inaugurating the party's 10th Central Committee meeting meeting at Rambagh Palace in Bhanimandal, Lalitpur, today, he clarified that the CPN-UML is a party which is not one that drifts wherever the wind blows.

The UML Chair and former Prime Minister Oli said that the UML continuously works for patriotism, nationalism, development and social justice, urging all parties to unite in the national interest in the current situation.

"If the party's Central Committee tells and orders me, I am ready to step down from leadership happily. But I will not leave the country neglected in a difficult situation. It is not Facebook that decides whether I should resign as the party chairperson; it is the Committee that decides. Whenever the Committee says so, I am ready to step down from leadership very happily. No member of this Committee should go outside chasing populism," party Chairman Oli said.

Chairman Oli also called on the leaders and workers of the CPN (Unified Socialist) to return to the UML.

Oli is currently presenting the contemporary political report in the meeting. The meeting will continue until October 17.

The 10th Central Committee meeting of the CPN-UML commenced today at the Rambagh Palace in Bhanimandal, Lalitpur.

This is the first Central Committee meeting following the Gen Z protests held on September 8–9, the subsequent formation of a new government, the announcement of parliamentary elections scheduled for March 5, 2026, and the dissolution of the House of Representatives.

Addressing the meeting, party Chair and former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli emphasized the need for party unity to foster democracy, peace, development, social justice, and prosperity. 

Oli is also scheduled to present his political report during the session.

Earlier, the party’s Central Secretariat meeting, held on October 12, had agreed to organize the party’s 11th National General Convention in the second week of December.

A committee has been formed to prepare a contemporary political report for the meeting. 

The committee includes Deputy General Secretaries Pradeep Gyawali, Standing Committee Member Rajendra Gautam, and the party’s Chief Whip in the dissolved parliament, Mahesh Bartaula.

During the meeting, Chair Oli administered the oath of office and secrecy to Dr Bijay Subba, who was elected Chair of the party’s Central Election Commission during the second Statute Convention held on September 7.

CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has claimed that the current situation in the country is unusual.

Addressing a program organized by the Bhaktapur District Committee today, Oli said that the current government was not formed in accordance with the Constitution.

“The current situation in the country is unusual because there is a government in the country. The current government is not formed according to the Constitution,” the former Prime Minister said.

"The Constitution of Nepal clearly states that a person, who has already served as the Chief Justice, cannot hold any government post for personal benefit," he added.

Despite increasing calls from both within and outside their ranks, Nepal’s major political parties — the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) — are unlikely to witness any immediate changes in their top leadership.

The recent Zen-Z protests have triggered widespread debate about the need for generational leadership change in Nepal’s political landscape. Many argue that in order to remain relevant, party heads should promptly hand over leadership to younger figures. There have been growing demands for the resignation of key leaders: Sher Bahadur Deuba (Nepali Congress), KP Sharma Oli (CPN-UML), and Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ (CPN-Maoist Center), the first, second and third largest party in Parliament. 

While Oli and Dahal have recently emerged from Nepal Army protection to resume public statements, Deuba — who sustained serious injuries during the protests — remains under treatment in army barracks. Despite the pressure, a leadership transition seems unlikely, as second-rung leaders in all three parties strongly oppose the idea. According to its statute, the Nepali Congress is set to hold its general convention next year to elect new leadership. Deuba, who has already served two terms (2016–2021 and 2021–2026), is not eligible to contest again. However, due to the interim government’s announcement of elections on March 5 next year, the chances of holding an early convention appear slim.

It remains uncertain whether the Nepali Congress will participate in the upcoming elections. Deuba and his spouse were severely beaten and their house burned during the protests, which likely strengthens his resolve not to resign before the general convention, regardless of the cost. At its first Central Committee (CC) meeting following the protests, the party chose not to appoint an acting president and instead decided to wait for Deuba’s recovery. Despite internal calls to convene a special general convention, the CC rejected that option. The meeting concluded that the dissolution of Parliament was unconstitutional and emphasized building a consensus with other parties for its revival.

Within the CPN-UML, although there are minor voices opposing Oli’s continued leadership, there is no significant pressure for him to resign. The party’s statute convention, held just before the protests, removed both the 70-year age limit andterm limits, paving the way for Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term. The UML’s next leadership election is scheduled for next year, but the ongoing constitutional and political crisis may delay the convention. Moreover, there is currently no consensus on a potential successor should Oli step down. Similarly, the CPN (Maoist Center) is preparing for its general convention, but Prachanda is also unlikely to relinquish leadership. At a recent party meeting, senior leader Janardhan Sharma challenged Dahal’s leadership, but he was quickly rebuked and isolated by many within the party.  

CPN-UML Chair and former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has appealed to all to get united for the protection of the Constitution and national sovereignty.

Issuing a press statement today on the occasion of the Constitution Day, he described the Constitution as a road map to the future, crafted by Nepali citizens themselves. 

Accusing of the infiltration during the recent two-day Gen-Z nationwide protests, causing violence, he expressed his sorrow over the loss of valuable lives during the demonstrations. 

He said that no order was given to shoot at demonstrators who were youths deliberately. "Incidents involving the use of automated arms not in possession of the police should be investigated," he demanded.  

Reiterating his grief over the deaths of youths during the demonstrations, he wished for speedy recovery of the injured. 

He claimed that the new generation is capable of assessing the situations both in the past and the present, and also expressed his concern over the arson attacks on the Singha Durbar, the country's major administrative hub.

 Nepal Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli resigned on Tuesday as anti-corruption demonstrators defied an indefinite curfew and clashed with police, a day after 19 people died in violent protests triggered by a social media ban, Reuters reported.

Oli's government lifted the ban after protests intensified on Monday, with police firing tear gas and rubber bullets at protesters trying to storm parliament. Nineteen people were killed and more than 100 injured in the unrest.

But there was no letup in the protests on Tuesday, forcing Oli to quit and plunging Nepal into fresh political uncertainty.

The unrest is the worst in decades in the poor Himalayan country that is wedged between India and China and has struggled with political instability and economic uncertainty since protests led to the abolition of its monarchy in 2008, according to Reuters.

"In view of the adverse situation in the country, I have resigned effective today to facilitate the solution to the problem and to help resolve it politically in accordance with the constitution," Oli said in his resignation letter to President Ramchandra Paudel.

Prime Minister KP Sharma resigned from his post on Tuesday.

Prime Minister Oli submitted his resignation after the situation worsened on Tuesday after 19 people died in protests in Gen Z.

Earlier, Prime Minister Oli had called an all-party meeting at 6 pm.

However, protesters are setting fire to the houses of leaders.

Protesters have set fire to Prime Minister Oli's residence in Balkot, residence of Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba in Budhanilkantha and the houses of leaders and ministers.

Similarly, protesters have also set police posts on fire and also entered Singhadurbar.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s house has been set on fire on Tuesday.

Protesters set fire to the house of Prime Minister Oli in Balkot, Bhaktapur this afternoon.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli called an all-party meeting on Tuesday.

The Prime Minister's Secretariat said that an all-party meeting has been called for 6 pm today.

Prime Minister Oli has appealed to find a solution through dialogue, saying that any form of violence is not in the interest of the country.

Gen Z has launched protests against social media ban and corruption since Monday.

Nineteen people lost their lives during the protests across the country on Monday while hundreds of injured people are being treated.