Submit your Article

The special central general convention of the Nepali Congress is starting from today.

The special general convention is being held after the majority of the general convention delegates signed a call for it.

The convention is being held under the leadership of General Secretaries Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwaprakash Sharma.

The two-day special general convention is scheduled to be inaugurated at Bhrikutimandap in Kathmandu at 1 pm today.

Before the inauguration, leaders and cadres will gather in Sundhara, Ratna Park, Shankardev Campus, Kamalpokhari, Kupandol and other areas of Kathmandu at 11 am and leave for Bhrikutimandap with a rally, shared Jagadishwar Narsingh KC, coordinator of the special general convention public mobilization committee.

It has been decided that the special general convention will be chaired by Congress Kathmandu President Krishna Sabuj Baniya.

The organizing committee has stated that most of the delegates have already arrived.

The registration of the names of the participating delegates will be held from 8 am, informed Secretariat Coordinator Manoj Mani Acharya.

According to Ramesh Dhamala, Coordinator of the Accommodation and Food Management Committee, accommodation has been arranged for 3,600 delegates in various places in Kathmandu.

After the inauguration of the special general convention, the closed session will be held in the Bhrikutimandap assembly hall from January 12.

The special general convention, however, has not been supported by the establishment faction of the party, including its current President Sher Bahadur Deuba.

The Nepali Congress has once again pulled itself back from the brink. After weeks of infighting over the timing of its General Convention, the party’s rival factions have finally settled on holding the gathering in early January. This compromise has, for now, quieted calls from the dissident camp for a special convention. Still, the truce remains fragile. Lingering disputes over active membership lists and the selection of convention representatives continue to cast doubt on whether the event can proceed as planned.

Against this uncertain backdrop, the leadership race is already underway. With national elections set for March 5, the NC is grappling with a strategic dilemma: should it overhaul its leadership before going to the polls, or wait until after the election to avoid further internal turbulence? The establishment and reformist camps are pulling in opposite directions, and their tug-of-war is shaping the party’s pre-election mood.

Across the aisle, the CPN-UML is moving ahead with preparations for its own national convention, scheduled for Dec 13–15 in Kathmandu. Yet instead of the usual sense of momentum, insiders describe an unexpected fatigue within the party. Local representatives in several districts have shown limited interest in internal elections, raising concerns among senior leaders. Many fear that if the grassroots remain disengaged now, they may not mobilize effectively during the national campaign.

The convention itself is expected to stage a high-stakes showdown between incumbent chair KP Sharma Oli and senior leader Ishwar Pokhrel. Oli maintains that he welcomes democratic competition but warns that a bruising leadership battle could leave the party divided at a critical moment. His preferred path of reaching consensus and avoiding internal bloodshed reflects the anxiety within the party ahead of the March polls.

Meanwhile, one of Nepal’s most popular technocrats is venturing deeper into the political arena. Kul Man Ghising, celebrated for ending load-shedding during his tenure at the Nepal Electricity Authority and now serving as a minister in the Karki-led government, has been crisscrossing the country in what increasingly resembles a shadow political campaign.

Though Ghising holds no formal party post, he is widely perceived as the driving force behind the newly launched Ujyaalo Nepal Party, fronted by former energy secretary Anup Upadhyaya. His appearance as the chief guest at the party’s Dec 4 inauguration has sparked debate about whether a sitting minister should be helping build a political organization. The presence of former Rastriya Swatantra Party MP Sumana Shrestha added to speculation that the party may be attracting disenchanted reformists from across the political spectrum.

On the left, Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s Nepali Communist Party has begun staging large mass meetings nationwide in an effort to project unity and strength after months of defections and organizational stagnation. Despite skepticism from rivals, turnout has been substantial, suggesting that Nepal’s fragmented left may still command an energized base heading into the elections.

Amid this churn, new political outfits continue to emerge almost weekly. As a result, Kathmandu is buzzing with speculation about potential pre-election alliances among them. Many observers believe only a coordinated front can challenge the traditional parties, whose supporters are showing signs of deepening disillusionment. A unified bloc of new parties could reshape the electoral battlefield and force the NC, UML, and the Maoist Centre into a more defensive posture.

Foreign relations are also subtly influencing political conversations. KP Sharma Oli’s decision to attend China’s Victory Day parade in September has left lingering discomfort in Tokyo, where officials had hoped he would decline the invitation given the event’s wartime symbolism. Even so, Japan has continued its development partnership with Nepal without interruption. This year alone, it has signed a ¥2.8bn grant for emergency rehabilitation of the flood-damaged Sindhuli Road and approved a Rs 31bn loan to upgrade the congested Koteshwor intersection. As one senior diplomat put it, “Japan has helped Nepal without strategic strings for decades. Future prime ministers should avoid needless missteps.”

Nepal also received a diplomatic boost this week with the appointment of Lt Gen Ganesh Kumar Shrestha as the new Force Commander of the UN Interim Security Force for Abyei. A veteran with 36 years of service, Shrestha has led major divisions within the Nepali Army and served as Sector Commander in UNMISS, further reinforcing Nepal’s reputation as a committed peacekeeping nation.

Back home, negotiations between the government and the GenZ protest groups, whose nationwide demonstrations in September shook the political establishment, have stalled. More than 50 youth groups have submitted demands centered on swift and credible action against corruption. Recent high-profile arrests have raised hopes that the government may finally be allowing state institutions to act without political interference. Whether this represents genuine reform or tactical appeasement remains one of the capital’s most debated questions.

Despite the political noise, the Election Commission has begun setting up offices across the country in preparation for the March 5 polls. The government is reportedly preparing to recommend several electoral reforms to President Ram Chandra Poudel, including the introduction of a “None of the Above” (NOTA) option on the ballot—a proposal gaining support amid widespread frustration with political elites.

Yet major parties appear more preoccupied with internal disputes than with election readiness. A new theory circulating in Kathmandu suggests the government may even consider postponing the polls to give newly formed parties more breathing room. However, President Poudel is said to be pushing firmly for elections to proceed on schedule, warning that any delay could trigger a constitutional crisis.

The Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest democratic party, finds itself mired in deep internal divisions. Factional rivalries, leadership disputes, and conflicting ambitions have pushed the organization into disarray. As the party grapples with a leadership crisis and intensifying power struggle, questions are mounting over its ability to present a united front and play an effective national role. The chronic intra-party rift has widened further after Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba named Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting party president.

Deuba is currently in Singapore for treatment after being seriously injured during the Sept 9 protests, when demonstrators attacked him and set his private residence on fire. On two key issues—the party’s general convention and its position on current national affairs—the NC remains undecided. A power struggle has emerged among the party’s second- and third-tier leaders. Senior figures such as Khadka, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Prakash Man Singh are opposing calls to hold the party convention before the March 5 elections, while the reformist camp, led by General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, is pushing for early elections within the party structure.

The party has splintered into multiple factions, each seeking to consolidate control. As a result, the organization has become a hostage to indecision, fueling fears of an eventual split. Another worrying sign for the party rank and file is the sharp decline in enthusiasm for renewing active membership. According to party insiders, of the roughly 800,000 members, only about 300,000 have renewed their membership so far, a signal of the party’s weakening grassroots presence. The continued infighting among top leaders, according to many, is likely to deepen frustration among the cadres.

NC General Secretary Bishwo Prakash Sharma has argued that a special general convention becomes mandatory if 54 percent of the general convention representatives formally demand it. He emphasized that the immediate issue is not whether the regular convention is held in Mangsir, Poush, or Baisakh, but whether to respond to the written demand of the majority for a special convention.

“The demand for a special general convention can be addressed only in two ways,” he wrote, “either by holding the special general convention itself or by organizing the regular convention within the same timeframe. This must be understood clearly without ifs, buts, or excuses.”

As the party’s Central Working Committee fails to take decisive action, various factions have begun holding separate internal meetings to advance their positions.

Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has led the party since 2016, is not expected to contest for the leadership again. This has set the stage for a fierce contest for the top post. General Secretary Thapa and senior leader Shekhar Koirala have already announced their candidacies for party president, while several other leaders are reportedly preparing to join the race.

Although there is hardly any consensus among the party’s senior leaders, many appear united in their intent to prevent Thapa from securing the presidency. How the internal negotiations unfold remains to be seen. If Thapa and Koirala reach an understanding, they could together secure the leadership. It is also unclear whether all of Deuba’s loyalists will support Khadka as their candidate. The Deuba faction itself is fractured, with some leaders aligning with Koirala and others with Thapa. It also remains uncertain whether Deuba will openly endorse any candidate or remain neutral.

The NC’s internal paralysis is having a direct impact on national politics. The two major parties—CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center)—have already clarified their positions on recent political developments. The UML maintains that the current government is unconstitutional and that the events of Sept 8–9 represent a regression; it has declared that it will not accept any elections held under Prime Minister Sushila Karki. The Maoist Center, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, on the other hand, has decided to move ahead with the elections. The Nepali Congress, however, remains undecided. Immediately after the protests, the party had joined others in declaring the formation of the Karki government unconstitutional and in supporting the restoration of Parliament. But since then, its stance has become fragmented.

The leadership vacuum has allowed individual leaders to voice their own positions. General Secretary Thapa and his supporters favor holding elections and are engaging in talks with Prime Minister Karki, while Khadka and other senior leaders have remained silent. Meanwhile, a faction within the party has begun a signature campaign demanding the restoration of Parliament. One top leader commented, “The chances of holding elections appear slim. The only way to save the constitution is by restoring Parliament.”

NC leader Prakash Sharan Mahat has argued that the party should focus on addressing the national crisis instead of being consumed by internal disputes. “There has been no meaningful discussion on the national agenda, and that is unfortunate,” he said. “We should have been debating the causes of the crisis, possible solutions, and the party’s leadership role, but that has not happened.”

Even without the GenZ protests, a leadership shake-up within the Nepali Congress (NC) was inevitable. Owing to the two-term limit in the party’s statute, President Sher Bahadur Deuba is ineligible to seek another term. Like CPN-UML Chair KP Sharma Oli, Deuba showed no interest in amending the statute for his leadership continuity.

The protests, however, have accelerated the leadership transition inside the NC. In the first Central Working Committee meeting held after the GenZ demonstrations, Deuba announced his decision to step down from active party politics and named Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka as the acting party president. While Deuba may continue to wield influence until the general convention, he is unlikely to return to party leadership. Facing mounting pressure to resign after the protests, Deuba urged party leaders to convene the general convention as soon as possible. 

Having led the NC for nearly a decade (2015–2025), many believe the party has grown weaker under Deuba’s leadership. His cautious, consensus-driven politics often prioritized coalition management over party reform. He also neglected organizational strengthening, leaving many sister organizations and departments headless and inactive.

The NC suffered a humiliating defeat in the 2017 national elections, only to regain prominence in 2022 through an electoral alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center). 

Now with Deuba’s exit, the Central Working Committee has begun discussions on convening the party’s general convention. A group of leaders has submitted signatures from 53 percent of convention representatives demanding an early convention to elect new leadership. Debates are ongoing over whether to hold a regular or special convention, but either way, the timing is apt since the current leadership’s term is about to expire.

The key question now is: who will succeed Deuba? Several contenders are already preparing for the leadership race. General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has publicly declared his candidacy, while senior leader Shekhar Koirala has confirmed he will also run. Within the Deuba camp, speculation is rife that acting president Khadka could contest, though it is unclear whether senior leaders from the faction will unite behind him. Other veterans, including Prakash Man Singh, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Shashank Koirala, are also said to be weighing their options.

The party is now divided over whether to organize a regular or special general convention. Leaders close to Deuba argue that a special convention would rely on old delegates and fail to capture the sentiments of GenZ. They insist that a regular convention would allow more young members to participate.

“We need to involve new members as well. The young generation (GenZ) should be given active membership, and the renewal process for old members must be finished too,” said NC Spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat. “We also need to conclude the convention process starting from the ward level. Because of that, some colleagues believe that there won’t be enough time to hold it in Mangsir (November–December).”

According to the Active Membership Management Committee, 81 percent of active memberships have been renewed as of mid-October, though data entry is still ongoing. So far, 60 districts have completed the renewal process.

Senior leader Shekhar Koirala, however, has called for the regular general convention to be held in Mangsir (November–December). “If other political parties have already begun preparations to hold their conventions in Mangsir, why can’t we do the same? If we truly want to make the Nepali Congress a party of new direction and new possibilities, we must hold our 15th general convention in Mangsir 2082 (November–December 2025),”  he said at the party’s Central Committee meeting. “I am confident that the General Secretary will bring forward a schedule for it, and I want to make it clear that I will extend my full support to that plan.” Koirala added that the NC must hold its regular general convention on time, as there is keen interest in the future direction of the Nepali Congress.

Koirala’s statement may have struck a chord among younger party members, who see the upcoming convention as an opportunity to redefine what the NC stands for in future and to win back relevance among the youth population. The challenge, however, lies in balancing the party’s traditional power structures with the growing demand for generational change.

The coming months will be crucial. The way the country’s oldest democratic party handles its leadership transition will not only determine its internal cohesion but also its role in shaping Nepal’s political future.

Protesters vandalized and set fire to Nepali Congress party office in Sanepa, Lalitpur on Tuesday.

Nepali Congress has issued a whip to its lawmakers to vote in favor of the government's policies and programs.

Congress Parliamentary Party Chief Whip Shyam Kumar Ghimire issued a whip to the party lawmakers to vote in favor of the government's policies and programs.

The government’s policies and programs will be presented in the meeting of the House of Representatives today.

The Congress has urged its lawmakers to be present mandatorily and vote in favor of the policies and programs.

Earlier, the CPN-UML had also issued a whip to its lawmakers to vote in favor of the government's policies and programs in the House meeting.

When the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML formed a coalition in July this year, they announced plans to review and amend the constitution, which has governed the country for a decade. This declaration not only stirred national politics but also captured the attention of external actors with a vested interest in Nepal’s constitutional framework. These international stakeholders, having invested significantly in crafting what they saw as a progressive charter, are eager to discern the nature and scope of the proposed amendments.

Domestically, the proposal has elicited a range of responses. The CPN (Maoist Center) and Madhes-based parties have warned against regressive changes, cautioning the coalition not to undermine federalism or inclusion whereas the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) is optimistic that the NC and UML might align with their agenda of dismantling federal structures and reinstating Nepal as a Hindu state. Recognizing the issue's sensitivity, NC and UML leaders have taken a cautious approach, repeatedly affirming their commitment to federalism and secularism. They are wary of destabilizing the political environment and mindful that any mishandling of the amendment process could spark unrest.

After six months of deliberation, the coalition has initiated groundwork for potential amendments. Leaders emphasize that this does not signal immediate changes but rather the beginning of a meticulous and inclusive process. A task force has been established to draft a base document, incorporating input from various sectors of society and analyzing the constitution's perceived shortcomings since its promulgation in 2015. Nepal’s constitution has undergone only two amendments: the first in 2016, addressing Madhes-based parties’ demands and resolving India's blockade, and the second in 2020, incorporating Nepal’s updated political map.

Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak has clarified that the amendment process will not unfold overnight. According to him, the task force will first identify areas requiring changes before engaging other political parties for broader consultations. The primary objective, he noted, is to enhance political stability. Leaders from both the NC and UML argue that the current electoral system, which combines First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR), is inherently flawed. They propose transitioning to a purely FPTP system for electing members of the House of Representatives while addressing inclusion through alternative mechanisms. This proposal has strong backing within the two ruling parties but faces stiff opposition from the Maoist Center and Madhes-based parties, who advocate for a fully proportional representation system.

Proponents of electoral reform within the NC and UML contend that the existing mixed system inhibits the likelihood of a single-party majority, perpetuating coalition governments and political instability. They argue that a streamlined electoral framework is essential for fostering governance continuity. However, achieving consensus on this issue remains a daunting task. Opposition parties have expressed deep reservations, and even within the NC and UML, some factions are cautious about pushing too hard on electoral reform without broader support.

Federalism has also emerged as a contentious topic. Within the NC and UML, voices are growing louder for a re-evaluation of Nepal’s federal structure. While senior leaders have publicly reaffirmed their commitment to the existing model, many within their ranks argue that provincial structures are inefficient and should be dismantled. They believe resources would be better allocated by strengthening local and central governments. Yet, this proposition is staunchly opposed by the Maoist Center and Madhes-based parties, who view federalism as a cornerstone of Nepal’s inclusive democratic framework.

The issue of secularism adds another layer of complexity. There appears to be a tacit agreement among key leaders—Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal—that the secular provision could be revisited. However, none of them is willing to openly champion this controversial change. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, a long-time critic of Nepal’s secular status, has reportedly lobbied for its removal. According to insiders, even Dahal has privately signaled to BJP leaders that he might support scrapping secularism if Oli and Deuba also endorse the move.

In addition to these major issues, the task force is expected to examine other constitutional provisions based on a decade of implementation. These may include judicial reforms, provisions for decentralization and mechanisms to ensure greater accountability within state institutions. The goal, according to NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, is to address the coalition-driven nature of current governance. Thapa emphasizes that the amendments aim to pave the way for single-party governments that can function effectively for a fixed term, reducing the instability caused by frequent coalition changes.

As the NC and UML prepare to move forward, opposition parties are not sitting idle. The Maoist Center and Madhes-based parties are reportedly conducting internal deliberations to solidify their positions on constitutional amendments. They are expected to challenge the ruling coalition’s proposals, particularly on issues related to federalism, inclusion and electoral reform.

Ultimately, the success of the constitution amendment process hinges on the durability of the NC-UML coalition. Despite ideological differences, the two parties have demonstrated a pragmatic approach, focusing on maintaining their alliance. From parliamentary cooperation to task forces on governance and foreign policy, they are working to align their priorities. However, their ability to achieve meaningful reforms will depend on forging consensus with other political forces and navigating a complex web of domestic and international expectations.

Nepal’s constitution, taken as a landmark achievement in 2015, faces its most significant test yet.

Who will succeed Nepali Congress (NC) President Sher Bahadur Deuba? This question dominates discussions within the party as Deuba’s tenure nears its end. According to the party statute, he cannot contest for a third term, setting the stage for what is expected to be a fierce competition among senior leaders to take up the party’s mantle.

Senior party figures have already begun internal lobbying and consultations. The stakes are high, as the NC faces increasing public dissatisfaction with its leadership. This discontent is not unique to the NC; major political parties across Nepal are under scrutiny for their inability to deliver on public expectations. The choice of the next NC president is being watched closely, not only domestically but also internationally. The party’s rank and file is  yearning for a dynamic leader who can revitalize its organizational structure and restore public trust, which has eroded significantly over the past few years amid the rise of new political forces.

Deuba has so far refrained from signaling any preference for his successor and is expected to maintain this neutrality. In a recent interaction with the media in Biratnagar, he dismissed speculations about endorsing a candidate, stating that the party’s general convention will decide the new leadership. However, his inner circle—leaders like Purna Bahadur Khadka, Bimalendra Nidhi and Prakash Man Singh—are all keen to secure his endorsement. Another potential contender, Bal Krishna Khand, was once considered a strong candidate but has faded into the background due to his alleged involvement in the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal. For now, none of these leaders have formally announced their candidacy, but behind-the-scenes maneuvering is intensifying.

Among these figures, Khadka stands out for his loyalty, as he has never openly challenged Deuba’s leadership whereas Nidhi and Singh have previously contested against Deuba, alongside Shekhar Koirala, in the party’s 14th General Convention. During the second round of that election, Nidhi and Singh strategically supported Deuba, helping him defeat Koirala. As a gesture of gratitude, Deuba later backed Singh’s spouse, Srijana Singh, as the NC candidate for Kathmandu Mayor in the local elections.

Singh currently holds the influential positions of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Urban Development. Nidhi, despite a history of strained ties with Deuba after contesting for the presidency, is actively seeking to mend fences. He argues that his seniority and status as a prominent Madhesi leader make him a deserving candidate. However, his task is far from easy, as he must navigate both internal rivalries and the broader dynamics of party politics.

From the anti-Deuba camp, two prominent leaders—Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa—are gearing up for the race. Koirala has already launched a nationwide campaign to bolster his candidacy. In contrast, Thapa is taking a more calculated approach, weighing his moves carefully to avoid jeopardizing his relationship with Deuba. Over the years, the two have found common ground on several issues, which has eased tensions between them. Deuba has even publicly praised Thapa’s contributions within and beyond the party, signaling a certain level of mutual respect.

At the same time, there is speculation that Deuba is working to elevate his spouse, Arzu Rana Deuba, to a senior party position—possibly vice-president—during the upcoming 15th General Convention. This potential move adds another layer of complexity to the ongoing leadership contest, as it could shift internal alliances.

Koirala, for his part, remains vocal in his criticism of the party’s leadership and the government’s performance. Thapa, in contrast, has adopted a more measured tone, carefully calibrating his public statements to preserve his rapport with Deuba. Despite his relatively weak organizational base, Thapa enjoys strong support among the party’s youth, who view him as a symbol of hope and renewal. His popularity among younger members gives him a distinct advantage, even as he faces challenges in consolidating his position within the broader party structure.

It remains unclear whether Koirala and Thapa will form another alliance, as they did in the 14th convention, or choose to compete independently. In the previous convention, their alliance saw Koirala lose the presidency while Thapa secured his position as general secretary. This time, both leaders are carefully weighing their options. All prospective candidates are eager to secure Deuba’s endorsement, given his strong influence over the party’s Central Working Committee, provincial structures and local levels. However, Deuba’s silence on the matter has left many in his camp anxious.

Candidates like Koirala and Thapa have reportedly reached out to Deuba’s allies, offering positions in their potential leadership teams to win support. Yet, insiders say Deuba is likely to remain non-committal until the eleventh hour, a strategy that could leave his faction in a state of uncertainty. As the NC moves closer to this crucial juncture, the party’s leadership race promises to be a defining moment for its future.

Businessman Umesh Shrestha has been appointed as the treasurer of the Nepali Congress.

President Sher Bahadur Deuba appointed Shrestha as the treasurer of the party in accordance with Article 21 (4) of the statute of the Congress, Chief Secretary Krishna Prasad Paudel informed.  He is also a former minister.

Shrestha had become a candidate from Chitwan-2 in the 2022 elections. But was defeated to Rastriya Swantantra Party President Rabi Lamichhane.

Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML have formed a two-party mechanism in the Koshi Province for systematic and effective operation of provincial government.

Unveiling the decisions of the mechanism made on Tuesday, Sherdhan Rai, UML's Koshi Province Committee In-Charge, said that the mechanism was formed to ensure political stability and good-governance.

The mechanism will function as a watchdog to accelerate developmental works and to prevent irregularities of all kinds, said Rai, assuring that it will change citizens' despair into hope.

The mechanism will hold a broad discussion on November 29 with all the provincial ministers in a bid to make the public service delivery effective and enhance the systematic and effective operation of the provincial government, shared Rai, also member of the three-member mechanism.

Likewise, another member and also Chief Minister of Koshi Province Hikmat Kumar Karki expressed his confidence that the mechanism would serve as an additional catalyst to the provincial government to deliver well.

Similarly, another member of the mechanism, Uddhav Thapa of Nepali Congress believed that the mechanism would be helpful for the provincial government in its effective functioning.

The two-party mechanism formed in the Koshi Province includes Sherdhan Rai, Hikmat Karki and Ghanashyam Khatiwada from CPN-UML while Uddhav Thapa, Bhupendra Rai and Umesh Thapa are from NC.

It may be noted that the ruling parties UML and NC have recently formed a two-party mechanism with four members from each party in the federal level to ensure smooth functioning of the government.

The mechanism is being extended to provincial and district level as well including Koshi Province.

The Nepali Congress' federal lawmakers have pledged to provide 15 days' salary for relief operations for the victims of natural calamities.

The meeting of the NC Parliamentarian Party expressed sorrow over the unimaginable loss of lives and properties due to landslides, floods and inundation caused by torrential rains on September 27 and 28 in different districts.

The attendees of the meeting extended condolences to the bereaved families and wished speedy recovery of those injured in the natural disasters.

The meeting decided to provide financial support through the government, it was shared.

It may be noted that the death toll from the recent rainfall and subsequent disasters have claimed 148 lives till date. While 55 have gone missing, and 100 others injured, the Ministry of Home Affairs stated.

NC President and Parliamentary Party leader Sher Bahadur Deuba presided over the meeting at his personal residence, Budhanilakantha.

Deuba, also the former Prime Minister, urged the incumbent government to accelerate the reconstruction process of important public infrastructures such as roads, bridges, school buildings, health posts and police posts among others which sustained damages from the recent rain-triggered flood, landslide and inundation.

Additionally, the parliamentarians highlighted the need for immediate rehabilitation of those rendered homeless by disasters, informed Chief Whip Shyam Kumar Ghimire. 

They also appealed to all members of the federal parliament to contribute to this cause from their respective roles.

This week, the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML coalition formed a task force to develop the government’s common minimum program (CMP), a positive step, though albeit delayed. Once the CMP is finalized, it will provide a clear direction for the coalition government, serving as a guiding document for ministers across party lines, many of whom are currently unclear about their priorities. The CMP could also help reduce growing tensions between the NC and UML.

The two parties also agreed to begin discussions with stakeholders on constitutional amendments. Amending the 2015 Constitution, which was promulgated amid violence in the Madhes region, remains a sensitive political issue, drawing both internal and external attention. The Madhes-based parties are also preparing to clarify their stance on the amendments. According to NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, one of the CMP’s key elements will be the constitutional amendment, which aims to strengthen federalism, inclusive democracy, and proportional representation.

How the constitution amendment process will unfold in the run up to the 2027 national elections remains uncertain. NC and UML appear to be seeking changes to certain provisions, including the electoral system, which is likely to lead to strong opposition from progressive forces. Managing these issues will be challenging. 

As major parties gear up for constitutional amendments, the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) is preparing street protests, demanding the restoration of the monarchy and Nepal as a Hindu state. RPP Chairperson Rajendra Lingden also met with former King Gyanendra Shah this week. 

In another story this week, the newly-appointed Chief of Army Staff,  Ashok Raj Sigdel, outlined his priorities, focusing on national security, military diplomacy, internal reforms within the Nepali Army, and addressing delays in major infrastructure projects like the Kathmandu-Tarai Fast-Track.

Also this week, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) Chairperson Rabi Lamichhane, who is under scrutiny for his alleged involvement in a fund embezzlement of a financial cooperative, admitted for the first time that media outlets, including his own Gorkha Media, misused the funds. Lamichhane also faced protests from embezzlement victims in Pokhara. Earlier, the RSP leader and former Home Minister was questioned for several hours by a parliamentary committee investigating his involvement in the cooperative scam. 

It is said Lamichhane has sought protection from Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli against potential legal actions. 

Meanwhile, Nepali Congress leader Dhanraj Gurung has also been implicated in the cooperative scandal. He has expressed his willingness to face a parliamentary inquiry.

This week, NC, UML, and the Maoist party showed a rare unity to challenge Kathmandu Metropolitan City’s decision to extend the no-construction zone along riverbanks by an additional 20 meters. Prime Minister Oli has called for a review of the Supreme Court’s decision, reigniting his ongoing dispute with Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal continued to garner attention this week, as he is on a tour of the country, aiming to strengthen the party’s organizational base. Dahal is under pressure to solidify his party’s position after NC and UML opted not to form a pre-election alliance. He has also cautioned NC and UML against constitutional amendments that could undo “progressive agendas” enshrined in the 2015 Constitution.

Talks about the Nepal-India Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) report resurfaced in national politics this week, with Prime Minister Oli once again urging Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to receive it. Former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai also raised the issue. 

Another significant political development this week concerned Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives Indira Rana Magar, who could face impeachment for allegedly misusing her letterhead to request the US Embassy in Kathmandu to arrange visa interview dates for individuals not associated with her office. The ruling NC and UML are preparing to impeach Rana Magar. Rana Magar’s party, RSP, along with the Maoist Center and CPN (Unified Socialist), are expected to oppose the impeachment effort.

The 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly kicked off in New York this week, with the resolution of conflicts as one of its main priorities. Prime Minister Oli is preparing to attend the assembly, marking his first international trip since assuming office. Oli, who will be accompanied by Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba, is expected to lay out Nepal’s position on regional and international issues during his address to the UN. The prime minister is also expected to hold bilateral meetings with various world leaders, including his Indian counterpart Modi, on the margins of the UN meeting.  

Bipul Pokhrel, the president of the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ), resigned this week, just ahead of the federation’s planned elections. The FNJ has long been grappling with internal disputes over membership distribution. Pokhrel’s resignation has added to the conflict and uncertainty within the federation.

Also this week, Deputy Prime Ministers and other ministers signed a performance agreement with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli outlining key tasks and goals for the current fiscal year. The agreement was signed and exchanged during a program held on Thursday at the Office of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers in Singha Durbar. A similar agreement was also signed between the Prime Minister and the Chief Secretary of the Government of Nepal.

The performance agreement aims to support the national vision of ‘Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali’ by ensuring timely completion of infrastructure projects and improvements in service delivery. However, while such agreements are routinely signed by new prime ministers, their implementation often falters due to frequent changes in ministers and the transfer of secretaries.

A key point in the seven-point agreement signed by Nepal’s two largest political parties, Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, in early July is amendments to the Constitution. However, almost two months after forming a powerful coalition, no specific details have emerged about the proposed amendments.

Both domestic and international observers are eager to know what changes NC and UML intend to make to the 2015 Constitution. It’s also unclear whether the two parties are fully aligned on the amendments. Neither NC nor UML has begun internal discussions on the specifics of the amendment. The issue of constitutional amendment carries different meanings for various political groups. The CPN (Maoist Center), which was ousted from power, has accused NC and UML of attempting to roll back the constitution's progressive provisions.

Maoist leaders, including Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal, frequently claim that NC and UML want to weaken progressive elements of the Constitution. For royalist parties like Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), constitutional amendment means removing the constitutional monarchy and reestablishing Nepal as a Hindu state. On the other hand, for the Maoists, amendment is about granting more rights to marginalized communities. It is up to NC and UML to initiate discussions on potential changes, though recent remarks by senior leaders hint that one major focus could be the electoral system.

Senior leaders of both NC and UML argue that the current electoral system—combining first-past-the-post (FPTP) and proportional representation (PR)—contributes to political instability, as it makes it difficult for any one party to secure a majority. However, this proposal faces opposition from Maoist, Madhesi, and smaller parties, who see any changes to the electoral system as undermining the country’s inclusive political framework. Major parties are pushing for raising the electoral threshold to limit the number of smaller parties in Parliament, while small parties argue this is a move toward a two-party system.

Currently, only the parties securing a minimum of three percent in the House of Representatives and 1.5 percent in the provincial assembly of the total valid votes under the PR category are allocated PR seats. Parties that have seats both in FPTP and PR seats are eligible to become the national party.

In the 2022 national elections, only a few parties, including NC, UML, the Maoists, and newer parties like Rastriya Swatantra Party and Janamat Party, managed to cross the three percent vote threshold required to secure PR seats. Many smaller parties, such as CPN (Unified Socialist) led by former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal, failed to meet the threshold and could not get the national party status.

There are also rumors that NC and UML want to remove secularism from the Constitution, but the parties have remained silent on the issue. Voices within NC are calling for the party to support the reinstatement of Nepal as a Hindu state through constitutional amendment. However, amending the Constitution is a complex issue. Once initiated, all political forces will likely push for their own agendas, making consensus difficult.

NC Chief Whip Shyam Ghimire emphasized the need for a common consensus among political parties. Madhes-based parties, like the Loktantrik Samajbadi Party (LSP) led by Mahantha Thakur, are closely monitoring the constitutional amendment process. LSP has formed a three-member committee under Laxman Lal Karna to consult with other parties on constitutional changes that address Madhesi issues. The committee has been tasked with the responsibility of preparing a comprehensive report on the Madhes issues they want to address by amending the Constitution.

The ruling coalition has agreed to hold all-party discussions on constitutional amendments. In a meeting on Monday, ruling party leaders, including those from NC and UML, stressed the need to amend the constitution in a way that gains broad consensus among all political parties. According to leaders, top leaders of the ruling parties are of the view that the Constitution should be amended to make it more refined and universally acceptable. Besides NC and UML, the ruling coalition also consists of Janata Samajbadi Party and Loktantrik Samajbadi Party. 

UML Chief Whip Mahesh Bartaula said that at Monday’s meeting, the parties agreed that there should be comprehensive discussions to amend the constitution. Opposition parties, especially the Maoist Center, have been accusing the NC and UML of trying to revert to the 1990 constitution through constitutional amendments. NC Chief Whip Shyam Kumar Ghimire said that the parties in the ruling coalition will push for maximum consensus from parties and stakeholders for the constitutional amendment. 

A two-thirds majority in both the House of Representatives and the National Assembly is needed to amend the Constitution. This means the ruling coalition needs to secure the support of at least 184 lawmakers in the 275-members House of Representatives. NC and UML have a combined 167 lawmakers. UML lawmaker Top Bahadur Rayamajhi is suspended, while Speaker Devraj Ghimire, who is from UML, can only vote in case of a tie. This means NC and UML need the support of 18 more lawmakers.

They plan to seek support from parties like Rastriya Prajatantra Party (14),  Janamat Party (6), Janata Samajbadi Party (5), Loktantrik Samajbadi Party (4) and Nagarik Unmukti Party (4), among others. Although the coalition looks comfortable in the lower house, the equation is not so favorable in the National Assembly. The UML-NC coalition needs the support of at least 40 members in the 59-members upper house. CPN (Maoist Center) is the largest party in the National Assembly with 17 seats, while NC and UML have 16 and 10 seats, respectively.  NC and UML need the support of 14 other lawmakers for any amendment to the constitution to pass through the upper house. Likewise, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba also called for unity among ruling parties.

Two months after the formation of the new government under the coalition of CPN-UML and Nepali Congress, a cross-party committee has been set up to create a common program. The committee members are Bishnu Rimal and Pradeep Kumar Gyawali from the UML and Prakash Sharan Mahat and Gagan Kumar Thapa from the NC.

This decision to draft a common minimum program comes after extensive talks between Prime Minister and UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The current coalition is also supported by four fringe parties, Janata Samajbadi Party, Loktantrik Samajbadi, Nagarik Unmukti Party and Janamat Party, the latter of which has not joined the Cabinet. Both UML and NC leaders acknowledge that a common policy should have been developed shortly after the power-sharing agreement was signed. Now, even after two months, it appears that there has been little meaningful dialogue about the coalition’s priorities.

The only official agreement between the UML and NC so far is a brief seven-point document signed by Oli and Deuba on July 1 midnight. According to NC leader Mahat, the core elements of the coalition’s program focus on good governance, economic development, and constitutional amendments, but little progress has been made. Despite earlier promises to advance constitutional amendments, there have been no discussions on this issue.

Without a unified policy document, differences between the parties are becoming more visible. For instance, Prime Minister Oli and Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba differ on foreign policy. Rana has stated that Nepal will only implement China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) after thorough consultations, a stance she has communicated to Beijing. Oli and Deuba are also not on the same page on matters relating to India. If the coalition fails to establish common positions on major foreign policy issues, it could lead to tensions. Similar divisions have emerged within key ministries, such as Home Affairs led by the NC and Finance led by the UML.

Over the past two months, no significant disputes have arisen between the NC and UML, but the absence of a common minimum program has left ministers unable to effectively carry out their duties. Last week, NC President Deuba publicly stated that there are no fundamental differences between the two parties on key national issues. He acknowledged that while they remain political competitors, any disputes will be resolved through dialogue and negotiation.

In another recent development, both parties have agreed not to form an electoral alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center) in the upcoming elections, which has fostered a sense of trust within the coalition. However, Oli and his supporters claim that both internal and external forces are already conspiring to remove him from power. Leaders from both parties recognize that managing potential conflicts between them will be a major challenge. A few days back, speaking at a party meeting, Oli expressed frustration that the NC is not fully defending the government, and some fear that anti-Deuba factions within the NC may not support the coalition.

Notably, NC General Secretaries Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, and senior leader Shekhar Koirala have openly criticized the government for its failure to improve public services and address corruption scandals. They have also launched efforts within the NC to prevent Deuba from becoming Prime Minister again. There are fears that internal dynamics of NC could pose a threat to the sustainability of the current government.

During a recent NC Central Working Committee meeting, Sharma urged Deuba to refrain from seeking the prime ministership, but Deuba dismissed the suggestion. The UML is closely monitoring these developments within the NC. In recent months, the government has struggled to operate effectively, and this slow pace has caused frustration within both the NC and UML. Despite ambitious agendas, many ministers are finding it difficult to deliver results, while the main opposition, the Maoist Center, is threatening to hit the streets against the government.

CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel has said that the alliance between the two largest parties in the Parliament was formed to end the national crisis existing in the country.

Talking to media persons at Surkhet airport today, General-Secretary Pokharel mentioned that the political equation between the CPN-UML and Nepali Congress was made with an objective of safeguarding the nation from crisis. 

"The main objective of the power equation is to take the country's democracy towards the right path, reviewing constitutional legal practices and establishing stability in the country by making necessary amendments to the Constitution", he opined.

Stating that the country's economy has started being dynamic after the formation of the incumbent government, the UML leader shared that an arrangement has been made to provide loan without collateral for start-up projects in order to create employment in the country.

The UML GeneralSecretary clarified that the CPN-UML would contest in the coming elections alone.

He urged the CPN (Maoist Center) to play a role of responsible opposition in the parliament.

Saying that they are trying to make necessary amendment to the Constitution in order to give stability to the nation, he underlined that they would move ahead taking all political parties together for the same.

Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak has shared that the government has set a target of developing Dodhara Chandani of Kanchanpur as the largest checkpoint.

"Discussions are underway for developing Kanchanpur as the tri-national border", mentioned Home Minister Lekhak.

He explained that a decision was already taken to establish immigration office at Tinkar of Darchula in the near future which would connect Kanchanpur with China.

At a press meet organized by Press Union Kanchanpur at Mahendranagar today, the Home Minister stressed that India was ready to construct Dohara Chandani dry port, adding, activities for its construction would begin soon.

Stating that a new political equation between the two largest parties in the Parliament—CPN-UML and Nepali Congress was made, he urged one and all not to doubt the understanding reached between the two parties.

"The government has been formed by signing a seven-point agreement between the two parties. This alliance will exist till the coming election", underlined the Home Minister.

On the occasion, he shared, "I have taken the Nirmala Panta murder case seriously. This case will be thoroughly investigated."

A 13-year-old Nirmala Panta of Bhimdutta Municipality-2 in Kanchanpur was murdered after the rape on July 26, 2018.