ApEx Newsletter: Power struggles, uncertain road to March 5 polls, and more

The largest party in the dissolved House of Representatives (HoR), the Nepali Congress (NC), is embroiled in an internal rift over whether to convene the party’s convention to elect a new leadership.

The party’s youth leaders are demanding that the convention be held before the next election, arguing that the NC should go to the polls with new leadership and renewed energy. However, the establishment faction, led by Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka, prefers to hold the convention after the election. The party has faced growing criticism for failing to take initiative to resolve the ongoing political stalemate, appearing instead preoccupied with its internal disputes. The rift has laid bare the ongoing struggle between the party’s second- and third-tier leaders for control of its future direction.

Senior figures such as Khadka, Prakash Man Singh, Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Bimalendra Nidhi are reportedly intent on preventing Gagan Kumar Thapa from ascending to the party presidency. Thapa, however, remains firm in his intention to contest. In the absence of Sher Bahadur Deuba, the NC is facing a clear leadership vacuum as intergenerational rivalries intensify. Meanwhile, senior leader Shekhar Koirala has chosen to remain silent amid the escalating discord.

In contrast, the CPN-UML appears to be making steady progress toward its general convention, scheduled for mid-December. Initially, the party planned to hold the convention in Pokhara but later shifted the venue to Kathmandu due to party Chair KP Sharma Oli’s travel restrictions. Although some voices within the UML had earlier urged Oli to step aside, those calls have largely faded. A few leaders still argue that the party should not go into the elections under Oli’s leadership, but he has made it clear that he intends to contest at the General Convention.

Some party members have proposed that former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s membership be reinstated so she could take over the UML leadership after Oli, but he has shown no inclination to welcome her back. On national politics, the UML maintains that the only viable path forward is to briefly restore Parliament to legitimize the election process. Meanwhile, tensions between Prime Minister Sushila Karki and the UML continue to grow. Oli believes he is being directly targeted by the government and fears possible arrest.

Amid this shifting political landscape, a growing number of GenZ activists have entered the scene. They are engaging with political parties, civil society and business groups, though the government and established parties find it difficult to work with them due to their lack of unified positions. Rather than coalescing around shared reform agendas such as anti-corruption or governance reform, many GenZ figures appear increasingly motivated by personal political ambitions. An unhealthy competition has emerged among them to secure ministerial positions or advance individual agendas, while some remain openly hostile toward traditional political parties.

Seeking to consolidate his base after recent turmoil, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, chair of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center), has brought together 10 communist parties to form a new organization under the old banner, the Nepali Communist Party. Meanwhile, the CPN (Unified Socialist) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal is fragmenting. One faction has merged with Dahal, another is preparing to rejoin the UML, and a third, led by Ghanashyam Bhushal, plans to form a separate political force. Within the Maoist Center itself, Janardhan Sharma has resigned protesting against the unification, and is reportedly in talks with other leaders to create a new political party.

In an effort to create momentum for elections, Prime Minister Karki has held consultations with former presidents Ram Baran Yadav and Bidya Devi Bhandari. She appears to believe they could help facilitate dialogue among top political leaders. However, without direct engagement between the prime minister and major party heads, progress toward a conducive electoral environment remains uncertain.

Meanwhile, controversial businessperson Durga Prasai is preparing to launch a street movement calling for the restoration of monarchy and the Hindu state. The government is concerned that his activities could disturb public order, especially given that protests he organized in March turned violent. Authorities have invited him for dialogue, as his influence appears to be growing, particularly after Prime Minister Karki made conciliatory remarks about him and the Nepali Army invited him to consultations as a “stakeholder.”

With less than 120 days remaining before the March 5 elections, the Ministry of Home Affairs is currently drafting an integrated security plan to safeguard the electoral process. So far, the government has yet to ensure a stable political and security environment. This has fueled speculation about potential successors should Prime Minister Karki fail to conduct the elections. Names such as Baburam Bhattarai and Kalyan Shrestha have surfaced as possible candidates. 

Adding to the tension, the Supreme Court recently issued an interim order restraining the government from implementing its decision to recall 11 ambassadors. The government, however, has defied the order, insisting the ambassadors return to Nepal, citing a lack of trust. This defiance has sparked a broader debate over the balance of power between the executive and the judiciary.

Strains between the government and Parliament are also deepening. HoR Speaker Devraj Ghimire has accused the interim government of acting against the legislature and its members. In a meeting with journalists at Singhadurbar, Ghimire said the government appears intent on weakening the parliamentary system. His statement was prompted by the government’s decision to remove personal secretaries of the Deputy Speaker, Vice-chairperson of the National Assembly and 58 National Assembly members.

Earlier this week, Prime Minister Karki met with chief ministers of all seven provinces. The provincial heads objected to several recent federal decisions that they claimed infringed on their constitutional powers. The meeting also touched upon election preparedness and coordination between federal and provincial governments.

 

Following the GenZ protests, the number of political parties in Nepal continues to rise. As of now, 18 new parties are awaiting registration with the Election Commission (EC). The most recent application is from the Nepali Communist Party, bringing the total number of registration requests to 18. Before the GenZ movement, only nine such applications had been filed, while the rest followed in its aftermath. Currently, 125 political parties have already obtained official registration certificates from the EC.