Following the GenZ movement, CPN (Maoist Center) has embarked on an unusually rapid internal overhaul. Pushpa Kamal Dahal remains in charge, but under immense pressure he has proposed, and begun implementing a full restructuring of the party. In late September, the Maoist Center’s top bodies were dissolved. Through an emergency meeting, the party agreed to disband its Central Committee and all subsidiary committees, and convened a special general convention before the year’s end.
Under Dahal’s plan, the Central Committee and lower party organs were converted into a “convention organizing committee”, chaired by Dahal himself, to hold an early general convention (anticipated in November–December). In effect, Maoist Centre is resetting its leadership structure. All party committees at the national, provincial and local levels have been dissolved, with a transitional secretariat (composed of existing office‑bearers) managing day-to-day affairs until new leaders are elected.
In Dahal’s own words “the party cannot function in the old fashion”. He has called for “new procedures”, urging leaders to transform their lifestyles and cultural behaviors. Maoist insiders say the convention will include direct elections for every post (including chairperson) and fundamentally reconstitute the party for the upcoming elections.
Dahal’s proposals explicitly target generational change. He has insisted that younger leaders and marginalized groups take a far larger role. At recent party meetings he has called for maximizing the participation of GenZ youths, women, Dalits and other under‑represented groups in all layers of party structure, including the Central Committee.
The official party line is that the Maoists have long championed the core GenZ agendas, such as a directly elected executive, a fully proportional electoral system, and an inclusive democracy, and that only by uniting Maoist veterans with the GenZ movement can those demands be met.
Agni Sapkota, the party spokesperson, has announced that all office‑bearers’ property details will be made public and a special commission will probe leaders’ assets, signaling a new anti‑corruption posture in line with GenZ demands.
Crucially, the Maoist Center has also created or tacitly embraced youth-led caucuses within the party. In mid-October, young Maoist activists announced a new “GenZ Red Force” (or “Red Task Force”) to press the party toward its stated goals. This group, led by Smriti Timalsina, a central member of the All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary), has appointed coordinators in dozens of districts to expand the party’s grassroots reach and restructure the organization.
The task force has vowed to “protect the party from leaders who have tried to dominate it for years” by rooting out corruption and promoting new leaders. It has called for investigation into all Maoist leaders’ assets (starting with those currently in power), and even suggesting that top leaders like Dahal serve only one more term before stepping down.
In effect, young Maoist cadres are policing their own party, aligning with GenZ’s sentiments. As one analyst notes, the Maoists have “pledged to include GenZ members in all committees,” and their new commissions (on party finances, internal discipline, etc.) appear as much about placating youth outrage as about real reform.
However, Vice-chair of All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union (Revolutionary) Biraj Thapa says that GenZ Red Force is an unofficial group and it has no credibility within the party. “They have neither consulted with party leaders nor with the student wing of the party,” he told ApEx.
On policy, the Maoist Centre is likewise repositioning to mirror youth grievances. Dahal has publicly echoed GenZ demands: he repeatedly highlighted the need for a directly elected president and a proportional electoral system as answers to the crisis. In recent rallies, he urged Maoists and GenZ activists to “contest the elections together” so that the protesters’ goals can be achieved.
The party is effectively trying to invert its image: long seen as a gerontocracy, it now champions youth empowerment and transparency—even if many doubt the sincerity of these moves.
On communication, Maoist leaders have tried to show solidarity with the young protesters. Dahal issued statements supporting the GenZ protests while cautioning against violence, and he has repeatedly framed the Maoist Center as the only major party with a genuine record of progressive reform. The party’s official mouthpiece and youth organizations have used social and mainstream media to court young voters.
Post‑GenZ reforms in the Maoist Center have been seen as more profound and systemic than other parties. No top leader (including Dahal) was immediately forced out, but the entire party apparatus has been set to be renewed. However, the general convention of the party has always seen the election of Dahal as the party chair. However, the party cadets now talk openly about “new leadership” and rectifying past errors.
ANNISU (Revolutionary) Vice-chair Thapa says this is the high time to listen to the youth voices in the party and cash in on the momentum of the GenZ movement. “This movement has marked time to restructure the party wing and sister organizations,” he said.
Meanwhile, the Maoist Center, along with the CPN (Unified Socialist) and six other parties, has signed an agreement on party unification. The chairpersons of these parties signed the agreement after reaching a consensus on an 18-point proposal.
