With dwindling public support and growing divisions within the movement, the pro-monarchy protests appear to have weakened for now. On May 29, a royalist faction led by Panchayat-era veteran Navaraj Subedi announced an indefinite strike, but it failed to sustain even a week.
While the first day saw a sizable turnout, participation gradually declined, forcing the Subedi-led group to shift tactics—moving protests from Kathmandu to municipalities. From the outset, royalist forces projected unity, but internal rifts have now surfaced. Tensions escalated between the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), a key royalist faction with 14 parliamentary seats, and Subedi’s panel after the latter unilaterally called for a banda (nationwide strike) without consulting the RPP. The strike was later withdrawn, but the RPP faced criticism for resorting to a tactic most political parties have abandoned.
Since the movement began in March, many RPP leaders were displeased when former King Gyanendra Shah secretly formed the Subedi-led panel to push for his reinstatement. Initially, RPP Chairperson Rajendra Lingden and RPP-Nepal Chairperson Kamal Thapa refused to join, but after pressure from royalist factions, they reluctantly participated and even directed party cadres to support the protests. Many RPP leaders saw this as an attempt to undermine their party’s leadership, further deepening internal divisions.
The first major protest this year took place on March 28 in Kathmandu, preceded by a crowd of around 10,000 welcoming Gyanendra at the airport upon his return from Pokhara. The March 28 rally, led by controversial businessman Durga Prasai, exposed further cracks in the RPP. Senior leaders Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana defied the party’s official stance and joined the protest, and now they face legal cases for allegedly inciting violence.
Gyanendra later managed to bring Lingden, Thapa and 45 smaller Hindu nationalist groups under Subedi’s committee. Over the past months, he met numerous pro-monarchy figures to rally support but resisted building the movement under the RPP’s leadership—despite its parliamentary presence. On May 27, two days before the strike, Gyanendra hosted a meeting with RPP leaders, yet his approach reportedly alienated many. Sources say he dismissed the RPP’s influence, claiming people rallied for him, not the party. His unrealistic optimism about reclaiming the throne and his dismissive attitude toward political leaders further strained relations.
The ruling CPN-UML and Maoist Center have countered the royalist movement through rhetoric and occasional force, while the Nepali Congress (NC) initially dismissed it. However, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba recently acknowledged the need to take the royalists seriously as they adopt a more systematic approach.
Meanwhile, unrelated protests erupted this week as transport syndicates struck against Gandaki Province’s proposed ride-sharing laws—a sign of the government’s inability to reform Nepal’s dysfunctional public transport sector, long plagued by political patronage.
Two dozen civil society organizations have warned that Nepal’s transitional justice process faces a legitimacy crisis due to inadequate consultations. Recent appointments to key commissions have drawn skepticism, with critics and the international community questioning their credibility.
Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returned from a 10-day China visit, where she met senior Communist Party officials. Her trip followed increased political activity, including provincial tours and overt ambitions to lead the CPN-UML—ignoring criticism that ex-presidents should avoid partisan politics. Her delegation included UML figures distancing themselves from Prime Minister KP Oli, signaling internal rifts.
Opposition leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal, once vocal about toppling the government, has turned focus to party-building—though his aides still engage with NC leaders on potential government changes. Meanwhile, NC leaders Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa, both vying for the party presidency, privately agree on preventing Deuba from returning as PM and holding timely conventions—yet lack the numbers to challenge him.
As monsoon arrives 10 days early, fears of floods and landslides loom. Last year’s poor disaster response eroded public trust, and with damaged highways still unrepaired, concerns persist. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak claims preparedness, but given the state’s limited capacity, skepticism remains. Another weak response could further undermine government legitimacy.
