Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari returned home on Monday after completing a 10-day China visit, during which she held talks with senior leaders of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and government officials.
Her visit came amid her recent, unannounced but increasingly active involvement in party politics, drawing significant attention from both political and strategic circles. In the weeks leading up to the trip, Bhandari toured various provinces, engaging with local leaders and cadres, and has become more vocal about her ambition to lead the CPN-UML. She has ignored public concerns that former heads of state should stay away from active politics to preserve the dignity of the presidency. Bhandari was accompanied by Raghubir Mahaseth, head of the UML’s international department, Minister Damodar Bhandari and other senior leaders, who have distanced themselves from Prime Minister and party chairperson KP Sharma Oli. In Beijing, she was accorded a moderate level of respect.
Although Chinese President Xi Jinping did not meet her, Bhandari held talks with Chinese Vice-President Ji Bingxuan and Liu Jianchao, Minister of the CPC’s International Department and a prominent Chinese leader known for his close engagement with Nepali political figures.
Bhandari’s main event in Beijing was her participation in a conference of political parties from China’s neighboring countries, themed “Building a Community with a Shared Future with Neighboring Countries: Political Parties in Action,” held on May 25–26.
The reception Bhandari received as a senior UML figure must be viewed in the light of her past role and potential political future. As President from 2015 to 2022, she played a crucial part in enhancing Nepal’s engagement with China. She frequently encouraged successive governments to advance the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). During her tenure, she attended the second BRI summit in 2019 and helped finalize the protocol on the Transit and Transport Agreement signed in 2016.
In 2017, Bhandari launched Chinese President Xi Jinping’s book, “The Governance of China,” at a special ceremony held in Shital Niwas. She also endorsed China’s Global Security Initiative (GSI) by attending a high-level video conference, despite opposition from Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The year 2019 saw Xi’s historic visit to Nepal, during which several strategic agreements were signed, significantly deepening bilateral cooperation. These developments have shaped the Chinese perception of Bhandari as a dependable figure in Nepal's political landscape.
For Beijing, the return of a China-friendly leader like Bhandari to active politics could be welcome news. Members of her delegation have publicly claimed that China encouraged her to initiate efforts to unify Nepal’s communist parties—a long-held preference of the Chinese leadership. However, such claims should be taken with caution, as Chinese officials rarely make such direct statements.
Within the UML, some leaders believe that if Bhandari becomes party chair, the long-elusive unification with the CPN (Maoist Centre) could be revived—something hindered by personal rivalries between Oli and Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal. While Bhandari is certain to return to UML politics, it remains unclear whether she will take a confrontational path against Oli or whether Oli will voluntarily step aside. Oli has recently stated that his health permits him to remain politically active for the next 15–20 years, suggesting he is unlikely to support a unification narrative that credits Bhandari over himself.
Bhandari’s visit is unlikely to have any immediate or direct impact on UML’s internal dynamics, despite some sidelined party leaders hoping it will accelerate her rise to the helm. Her supporters are trying to portray the visit as an indication that China backs her leadership, suggesting she is capable of uniting Nepal’s fragmented communist forces. However, there are ample reasons to remain cautious. Open Chinese support for Bhandari could antagonize both Oli and the Nepali Congress (NC). A senior UML leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, noted that China prioritizes political stability in Nepal and may support left unity only if it contributes to that goal—but without backing one leader at the expense of alienating others.
Nevertheless, the perception of Bhandari’s close ties with Beijing may cause ripples within the UML. Ironically, this perception could even bring Oli and New Delhi closer. China, meanwhile, appears to have realized that its earlier emphasis on communist unification risked alienating other key actors in Nepal, including the NC. Given the current state of relations, observers say China is unlikely to openly push for left unity at the cost of broader political balance.
In Beijing, Liu Jianchao met Bhandari and, according to the Chinese readout, acknowledged her longstanding contributions to China-Nepal relations. “Inter-party exchanges play an important role in China–Nepal relations,” the readout stated. The CPC expressed its willingness to strengthen engagement with all Nepali political parties and deepen exchanges in governance and administration through the “political party +” channel. Bhandari, for her part, emphasized Nepal’s commitment to finding a development path suited to its own conditions and expressed interest in learning from China’s experience in party-building and governance.
During her address at the CPC dialogue, Bhandari praised the CPC’s governance model, stating: “The historical experience and contemporary practice of the CPC are of great reference to Nepal’s economic and social transformation and also provide important reference for developing countries around the world to explore the path of modernization.” She further stated that China’s vision of building a “community with a shared future” offers a powerful example for regional cooperation and solidarity. By amplifying China’s development model in her speeches, Bhandari is aligning herself closely with Beijing’s strategic messaging.
