From the dissolution of the federal parliament to its reinstatement by the judiciary, 2021 witnessed many events of historical political importance. ApEx’s Pratik Ghimire talked to Krishna Pokharel, a political science professor at Tribhuvan University, to make some sense of the developments.
How do you recall 2021 in terms of political developments?
The year was hectic, in the sense that there were plenty of political developments, both at federal and provincial levels, in what was a relatively short time. After a long time, people were expecting a stable government that would deliver much-needed development works. But things went the opposite way and for most folks the past year turned out to be a year of disillusionment. As we have a mixed electoral system, there is no alternative to coalition governments and so the parties, in the coming year, should look to build more mutual trust.
What in your view were the top three political events of 2021?
There were many. But if I have to choose the top three, the first would be the unconstitutional dissolution of the House, followed by its reinstatement. Second, even after the restoration, the same party that dissolved the house didn’t let it run so that it could dub its previous step “progressive”. Lastly, the formation of a coalition government of the leftist and democratic forces was another significant development.
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Do you think our constitutional bodies functioned well in 2021?
Except for the Public Service Commission and the Office of the Auditor General, no other constitutional body worked well. They rather acted like puppets of the government, not as neutral arbiters and advisors. For instance, the Election Commission gave a timely verdict concerning a vertical split in the Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal but delayed a similar verdict in the case of the NCP, acting as a pawn of the person in power. And now when Sher Bahadur Deuba is in power, it has started favoring him.
How would you review the judiciary’s functioning?
Turmoil in the judiciary showed that when the right people are not in the right place, the organization in question can never deliver. The same judiciary functioned well when Ram Prasad Shrestha was the chief justice. But things are different now due to its new “vulgar leadership.” The judiciary’s head demanding his share in appointments of constitutional bodies, cabinet, and envoys is not something the public expects, thus eroding their faith in the justice system.
What did you take away from the four recent general conventions of major political forces?
Starting with CPN-UML, even if the inauguration was grand, the ending was not-so-impressive as the convention elected a list of party office-bearers handpicked by KP Oli. From the fifth general convention, the party had adopted a democratic practice of electing party officials through election, but Oli destroyed that practice in the eighth GC.
For me, the GC of RPP was just a media hype because even if the party technically has new leadership, there are only two members (one general secretary and the chairman himself) as office-bearers from the Rajendra Lingden team—that’s not an overhaul. The result is a clear tussle between the former king and Kamal Thapa.
Nepali Congress, of course, is a party with a long democratic history. A part of party leadership has continued, but another part has changed. Even if Sher Bahadur Deuba has a majority in the party, there are new and young faces even in his faction. So the general convention of the Nepali Congress is a combo of continuity and change.
The Maoists have come from a different background and, in the party, relations between leaders and cadres are like ones between commanders and commandos. But this party is now gradually adopting democratic ways. They have elected their provincial heads through elections. And we have to see how the public will take self-criticism of Pushpa Kamal Dahal expressed in his political document as that will determine the fate of the CPN (Maoist Center).
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