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Nepal is bracing for heavy to very heavy rainfall across various parts of the country. In response, the government has placed all relevant agencies, including security forces, on high alert due to the increased risk of floods and landslides. Nighttime travel restrictions have been imposed on major highways to prevent accidents and ensure public safety.

Citizens have been advised to remain indoors. Political parties have issued directives to their cadres to stay alert and assist the public in case of emergencies. Foreign tourists currently trekking and mountaineering are returning early due to the deteriorating weather conditions. People are praying that the rains do not cause damage and loss of life, as they did last year. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal is in constant consultation with security and disaster response agencies to coordinate preparedness and response efforts.

The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) has received one complaint related to human rights violations during the Dashain festival. The Commission has also drawn the government’s attention to rising criminal activities and black market practices during the festive season. With the absence of an elected legislature, the NHRC has stressed its vital role in holding the government accountable and safeguarding civil and political rights.

The Nepal Intellectual Council, a sister organization of the CPN-UML, has requested party Chairman KP Sharma Oli to step down from the leadership before the upcoming general convention. A formal letter was submitted to party General Secretary Shankar Pokharel urging for a leadership transition. Despite mounting pressure following the GenZ protests and increasing public criticism, Oli has made it clear he will not resign before the next convention.

The Ministry of Finance has announced that Nepali or foreign nationals entering Nepal may carry up to USD 500 in cash without a customs declaration. However, any amount exceeding USD 5,000 must be declared at customs. Newly appointed Finance Minister Rameshwar Khanal has initiated a series of austerity measures aimed at improving the country’s economic health. He has taken action against unlawful benefits taken by political parties, a move that has garnered public support.

As domestic airlines hike fares due to ongoing highway blockades, the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) has issued a list of maximum allowable airfare rates for major domestic routes. CAAN has urged the public to report any airlines charging above the government-set rates. The move comes in response to public complaints and increased pressure on air travel due to restricted road transport.

It has been three weeks since the formation of the interim government led by Sushila Karki, who was appointed by President Ramchandra Poudel with a mandate to hold elections within six months. The Karki-led Cabinet has already announced that the elections for the House of Representatives (HoR) will be held on March 5.

Since taking office, Karki and her ministers have been actively engaging with major international powers. Countries including India, the United States, China, the European Union, and Japan have extended congratulations to the new government and held diplomatic meetings with its leadership.

On Sept 12, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson, responding to a media question, offered a formal congratulatory message: “China and Nepal share a time-honored friendship. China, as always, respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal. We stand ready to work with Nepal to promote the five principles of peaceful coexistence, enhance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, and further advance bilateral relations.”

Six days later, on Sept 18, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Chen Song met with Prime Minister Karki to formally extend congratulations and reaffirm bilateral cooperation. "We exchanged views and agreed to further promote our friendship and cooperation," Chen noted following the meeting. During this period, the Chinese Ambassador also held discussions with several ministers, focusing on ongoing Chinese projects in Nepal.

Despite these engagements, a notable absence remains: there has been no public congratulatory message from either the Chinese President or Prime Minister. This marks a departure from precedent. For example, in both 2018 and 2024, when KP Sharma Oli became Prime Minister, China’s top leadership extended congratulations within days. Similarly, after Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s appointment on 25 Dec 2022, then Chinese Premier Li Keqiang sent his message by Dec 29.

The muted response has sparked speculation among political observers in Kathmandu. Analysts suggest Beijing may be unsettled by the new political landscape that emerged from the recent GenZ protests—an unexpected movement that sidelined many traditional power brokers, including Nepal’s left-leaning parties that China has historically favored.

Over over a decade, China has primarily relied on Nepal’s communist parties to secure its strategic interests, particularly in matters of regional security. In recent years, however, relations between China and the Nepali Congress had also improved—culminating in the signing of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) framework agreement last year, despite previously strained ties.

However, the GenZ movement has disrupted the traditional political order. According to China watchers in Kathmandu, Beijing is now grappling with two main concerns: Political instability–a volatile Nepal could undermine Chinese interests and security in the region, and Western influence–increased engagement by Western countries with the new government may be viewed as a challenge to China's strategic foothold.

Further complicating the picture is an unusual congratulatory message from the Dalai Lama to Karki on Sept 13—an exceedingly rare gesture that may have further displeased Beijing. Adding to the speculation, Chinese state media has largely remained silent. Apart from brief news reports by Xinhua and China Daily, there has been no commentary, editorials, or opinion pieces—typically a key indicator of the Chinese government’s sentiment on foreign developments.

According to regional analysts, China’s approach to new governments in Nepal typically follows two tracks. If Nepal’s leadership is perceived as favorable—usually under communist parties—Beijing sees it as an opportunity to expand influence. For instance, erstwhile government led by KP Sharma Oli extensively engaged with China. The two notable developments with China were the signing of the BRI framework agreement and Prime Minister Oli’s participation in the Victory Day parade, which helped appeased Beijing. But, soon after his return from Beijing, Oli’s government collapsed.

If the regime is seen as less aligned, China focuses on safeguarding its core interests through cautious engagement while avoiding overt displays of dissatisfaction. So far, China appears to be choosing the latter path with the Karki-led interim government—engaging pragmatically. According to experts, China may support holding the elections as soon as possible, as it would bring political parties to power. 

Nepal’s first and second largest parties in the recently dissolved House of Representatives — the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML — are expected to put forward at least three conditions before agreeing to participate in the elections, which are tentatively scheduled for March 5, if everything goes as planned.

In their initial reactions, these parties have not opposed the elections. After spending ten days under Nepal Army protection, top leaders of major political parties have started returning to their rented apartments, as their personal residences were selectively burned down by protestors. Many leaders are still in hiding due to ongoing threats and an environment of insecurity.

According to cross-party leaders, the first major condition for participating in the election is full-proof security. Parties argue that elections cannot be held in an atmosphere of terror, reminiscent of the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections. They have expressed doubts over the possibility of free and fair elections, especially as the morale of the security forces is reportedly low following widespread attacks on political offices across the country.

Secondly, major political parties have acknowledged the demands of the Zen-Z protestors but are calling for a thorough investigation into what they describe as targeted attacks on select political leaders and the destruction of vital state institutions such as the Parliament, Judiciary, and Singha Durbar. Although the Sushila Karki-led government has pledged to form a high-level investigation committee, no concrete progress has been made so far. A senior UML leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, stressed the need for a transparent investigation and prosecution of those involved in the violence and property destruction. The Nepali Congress has also demanded an investigation into the September 9 attacks, including the assault on its Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba.

However, these demands are expected to face resistance from Zen-Z protestors, making it a challenging balancing act for Prime Minister Sushila Karki. She cannot afford to sideline either the protestors or the political parties if elections are to proceed smoothly. Society remains divided between two extremes — some believe the new government should completely ignore political parties, while certain party leaders continue to downplay the significance of the Zen-Z protests. Finding a reconciliatory path between these opposing views poses a serious challenge for the government.

Moreover, the major political parties — CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and Nepali Congress — have already declared the dissolution of Parliament unconstitutional. They are likely to file cases in the Supreme Court to determine its legality. These parties may decide to participate in the elections only after a verdict is issued. Past experience suggests that the Supreme Court can take several months to deliver rulings on constitutional matters, and internal disagreements among justices could further delay the process. In 2020 and 2021, the Supreme Court had invalidated the dissolution of Parliament by then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, although the context now is markedly different.

As of now, political parties have yet to resume their usual activities. Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba is undergoing treatment in an army barrack after being seriously injured in an attack on him and his spouse, Arzu Rana Deuba. CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has returned to a rented residence in Bhaktapur and issued a statement on Constitution Day. The Nepali Congress has held its first meeting of top leaders to discuss current issues. Meanwhile, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has publicly supported the Zen-Z protestors’ demand for a directly elected president.

The Karki-led government has only just begun its work, forming a four-member cabinet so far. Prime Minister Karki is facing challenges in expanding the cabinet. President Ram Chandra Poudel had advised her to include representatives from major political parties, but Karki rejected the suggestion, arguing that appointing discredited political leaders could send the wrong message and provoke further protests. This decision, however, may make governance more difficult, as political parties could oppose every move she makes. The possibility of political parties taking to the streets once the situation stabilizes cannot be ruled out. Additionally, tensions between the President and the Prime Minister may escalate. President Poudel has already publicly stated that he will not endorse any ordinances except those related to elections, signaling potential friction between the two offices.

Despite increasing calls from both within and outside their ranks, Nepal’s major political parties — the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center) — are unlikely to witness any immediate changes in their top leadership.

The recent Zen-Z protests have triggered widespread debate about the need for generational leadership change in Nepal’s political landscape. Many argue that in order to remain relevant, party heads should promptly hand over leadership to younger figures. There have been growing demands for the resignation of key leaders: Sher Bahadur Deuba (Nepali Congress), KP Sharma Oli (CPN-UML), and Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ (CPN-Maoist Center), the first, second and third largest party in Parliament. 

While Oli and Dahal have recently emerged from Nepal Army protection to resume public statements, Deuba — who sustained serious injuries during the protests — remains under treatment in army barracks. Despite the pressure, a leadership transition seems unlikely, as second-rung leaders in all three parties strongly oppose the idea. According to its statute, the Nepali Congress is set to hold its general convention next year to elect new leadership. Deuba, who has already served two terms (2016–2021 and 2021–2026), is not eligible to contest again. However, due to the interim government’s announcement of elections on March 5 next year, the chances of holding an early convention appear slim.

It remains uncertain whether the Nepali Congress will participate in the upcoming elections. Deuba and his spouse were severely beaten and their house burned during the protests, which likely strengthens his resolve not to resign before the general convention, regardless of the cost. At its first Central Committee (CC) meeting following the protests, the party chose not to appoint an acting president and instead decided to wait for Deuba’s recovery. Despite internal calls to convene a special general convention, the CC rejected that option. The meeting concluded that the dissolution of Parliament was unconstitutional and emphasized building a consensus with other parties for its revival.

Within the CPN-UML, although there are minor voices opposing Oli’s continued leadership, there is no significant pressure for him to resign. The party’s statute convention, held just before the protests, removed both the 70-year age limit andterm limits, paving the way for Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term. The UML’s next leadership election is scheduled for next year, but the ongoing constitutional and political crisis may delay the convention. Moreover, there is currently no consensus on a potential successor should Oli step down. Similarly, the CPN (Maoist Center) is preparing for its general convention, but Prachanda is also unlikely to relinquish leadership. At a recent party meeting, senior leader Janardhan Sharma challenged Dahal’s leadership, but he was quickly rebuked and isolated by many within the party.  

Nepal’s interim government head, Sushila Karki, who is mandated to hold elections within six months, is facing domestic and international pressure to adhere strictly to the Constitution of 2015. These concerns emerged after the formation of the Karki-led government, which bypassed certain constitutional provisions, followed by the controversial dissolution of Parliament.

Amid the ongoing crisis, Nepal marked Constitution Day on September 19 by organizing various programs across the country. There are growing fears that failure of the interim government to maintain law and order and successfully conduct elections could push the country into further chaos, threatening the already fragile constitutional framework. Some political groups that have long opposed the 2015 Constitution are now using the unrest among Generation Z protestors to call for its dismantling, claiming it fails to address their demands. Meanwhile, some parties are accused of advancing narrow partisan interests by misinterpreting the protestors’ mandate.

While many political forces are advocating for constitutional amendments, such changes are impossible in the absence of a functioning Parliament. Interim Prime Minister Karki, attending a Constitution Day event in Kathmandu alongside President Ram Chandra Poudel and other constitutional officials, reaffirmed her commitment to the existing constitution. She emphasized that the document was forged through the long sacrifices and struggles of the Nepali people and suggested that no major changes would be made.

The Professional Alliance for Peace and Democracy (PAPAD), a loose coalition of civil society organizations, organized a Constitution Day demonstration on September 19, urging all stakeholders to safeguard the constitution. The alliance had earlier released a statement declaring the dissolution of Parliament as unconstitutional. President Poudel acknowledged that while the constitution was briefly breached during the appointment of the interim government, all other constitutional arrangements remain intact. Speaking to a group of 14 intellectuals, he stated: “As far as the Parliament is concerned, it will be recreated within six months through elections, and the constitution will remain intact.”

Major political parties, professional organizations, and Generation Z protestors are now united in calling for the protection of the constitution. The international community has also voiced support for constitutional adherence. In a message to Nepal on Constitution Day, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the United States supports the aspirations of the Nepali people for a transparent and democratic government that upholds the constitution. “We extend our congratulations to the people of Nepal on this day and look forward to continuing close cooperation in promoting stability in South Asia and contributing to a safer, more secure world,” he said.

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba also emphasized that the only way out of the current political impasse is through the constitutional framework. “Seeking solutions outside the constitution will only lead to greater instability,” Deuba warned.

Similarly, CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli stated that the country is facing a direct attack on the constitution. “We Nepalis of all generations must unite—to face the attack on our sovereignty and protect our constitution. Sovereignty is our identity, and the constitution is the armor of our freedom,” Oli said.

CPN(Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has called for a constitutional amendment to introduce a directly election president which he says is a major demand of Gen-Z, but he has not clarified how such amendment could take place in the absence of a functioning Parliament. 

With the formation of an interim government led by Sushila Karki, tasked with holding elections, debates have emerged over how major powers perceive this development and what direction the new government’s foreign policy may take.

In the aftermath of the Sept 8–9 GenZ uprisings, India swiftly adjusted to the new political reality, expressing its readiness to work with Karki’s administration. Indian Ambassador to Nepal Naveen Srivastav was the first foreign envoy to meet Karki and discuss bilateral relations. Soon after Karki was sworn in, India welcomed the new leadership, expressing hope that it would contribute to peace and stability.

“As a close neighbour, a fellow democracy and a long term development partner, India will continue to work closely with Nepal for the well-being and prosperity of our two peoples and countries,” India’s Ministry of External Affairs said in a statement. The following day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi congratulated Karki on X, signaling India’s keenness to support the new government in organizing elections within six months. Speaking in Manipur, Modi also praised Nepali youth, an act of public diplomacy aimed at the Nepali people.

Karki, for her part, has extended positive gestures toward India even before assuming office. In an interview with Indian television, she said: “First, I will say Namaskaar to Modi Ji. I have a good impression of Modi.” Such remarks suggest New Delhi is likely to invite her for an official visit, an opportunity it denied KP Sharma Oli for over a year.

On Thursday, Modi held a telephone conversation with Karki and reaffirmed India’s support for peace and stability. “Had a warm conversation with Mrs. Sushila Karki, Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Nepal. Conveyed heartfelt condolences on the recent tragic loss of lives and reaffirmed India’s steadfast support for her efforts to restore peace and stability, Also, I extended warm greetings to her and the people of Nepal on their National Day tomorrow,” Modi posted on X.

Prime Minister Karki conveyed to Modi that election will remain topmost priority of the government, with strong determination for accountable, responsive and corruption-free governance, reflecting the aspiration of the youth.

According to the statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Prime Minister Karki also expressed that the historical and close relationship between Nepal and India will continue to be strengthened by multifaceted people to people ties.

By contrast, Beijing has responded more cautiously. Following Karki’s appointment, China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson offered a routine response to a media query, reaffirming that China “respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal” and stands ready to advance cooperation under the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence.

Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Chen Song called on Prime Minister Sushila Karki on Thursday to extend a congratulatory message. 

“Great Pleasure to call on Rt. Hon. PM Madam, Sushila Karki, and extend our warm congratulations and support. We exchanged views and agreed to further promote our friendship and cooperations,” Ambassador Chen posted on X. 

Navigating Nepal’s evolving politics could be challenging for China. Its engagement strategy has long centered on a small, left-leaning political elite. Over the past decade, this approach brought Beijing significant advantages—most notably under KP Sharma Oli, who signed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) framework and attended China’s Victory Day parade. However, with the current cabinet expected to draw from diverse groups, China may find it harder to safeguard its interests in Kathmandu.

In a BBC interview, Karki reassured that relations with China would remain unchanged. Yet, an unusual congratulatory message from the Dalai Lama may have unsettled Beijing, given his silence toward previous Nepali prime ministers. China is likely to urge Nepal to ensure the participation of all political forces in the broader process.

For Western powers, the change of government is acceptable as long as Nepal’s constitution, which enshrined federalism, republicanism, inclusion, and secularism, remains protected. Their concerns continue to center on endemic corruption, persistent political instability, and the growing influence of China in Nepali politics. From their perspective, Karki’s leadership offers continuity, provided that democratic values, human rights, and constitutional safeguards are upheld. Support from the West, along with partners such as Japan and Australia, is likely to hinge on these commitments.

As for foreign policy orientation, the interim government is unlikely to make any major departures. Its priorities will largely depend on the composition of the cabinet, but its mandate is limited to conducting elections. Being a caretaker administration with a narrow scope of mandate, it cannot enter into significant agreements with powerful countries.

Nepal Police, the institution primarily responsible for maintaining law and order, became the central target of the GenZ protests that spiraled into violence on Sept 8 and 9. Police posts and offices were systematically torched not only in the Kathmandu Valley but across the country, crippling the force’s operational capacity.

Following the death of 19 demonstrators during clashes on the first day, anger escalated into deliberate arson and vandalism. Ordinary officers, including traffic police, were assaulted, their uniforms torn, and their arms and ammunition seized. While government buildings, Singhadurbar, judiciary complexes, and political leaders’ residences were also attacked, police infrastructure bore the heaviest damage.

In the aftermath, Nepal Police are struggling to restore basic operations. Across the country, officers are clearing rubble and erecting makeshift offices. On the streets, traffic police can be seen directing vehicles in plain clothes and sandals. Meanwhile, the Nepali Army has withdrawn from public duty since the formation of the civilian government under Sushila Karki. Already stretched thin in terms of resources, the police are now weaker than ever.

The interim government has announced elections for 5 March 2026, but doubts remain over its ability to guarantee security. The looting of shopping malls, businesses, and homes has further eroded confidence, leaving citizens convinced that in the event of another mob attack, the state will not protect them.

Reports now suggest that local cadres from the Nepali Congress, Rastriya Swatantra Party, royalist groups, and others secretly planned some of the attacks, deliberately targeting rivals’ property. This indicates that the violence was not driven solely by apolitical Gen Z protesters but also by organized party operatives.

Nepal Police are now reviewing thousands of video clips and photos identifying attackers, fueling fears of revenge at the community level. On Wednesday, media reports suggested an attempt to attack Sudan Gurung, a Gen Z protest leader, which is an alarming sign of possible escalation. So far, youth wings of major political parties have not staged protests, but some leaders are making provocative statements that raise the risk of clashes at the local level.

The law-and-order crisis is unfolding against the backdrop of deep-seated economic vulnerabilities. Even before the protests, Nepal faced serious challenges: youth unemployment stood at 20.8 in 2024, among the highest in South Asia. With limited prospects at home, hundreds of thousands of young Nepalis sought opportunities abroad.

Gen Z’s frustrations were rooted not only in unemployment but also in widespread corruption and severe inequality, which limited their chances of dignified work. The economic cost of the unrest is already significant. Hotels, restaurants, and business houses were burned or looted, leaving thousands of workers suddenly jobless. Such job losses can have a cascading effect. Rising unemployment may push some toward petty crime, extortion, or other illicit activities, further compounding the law-and-order challenge.

The timing of the protests could not be worse. Nepal has been trying to attract both domestic and foreign investment to stimulate growth, but political instability is now forcing investors to reconsider. Tourism, a cornerstone of the Nepali economy, is particularly at risk. Images of burning government buildings and looted shops have already circulated widely, and prolonged instability could deter visitors during peak travel seasons. With tourism-linked businesses employing large numbers of youth, this could deepen the unemployment crisis.

The state’s ability to address this twin crisis of security and economy remains questionable. Coordination among the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Nepal Army, and intelligence agencies appears weak. The Karki-led government has not taken concrete steps beyond inspecting damaged offices and urging police to keep morale high. Meanwhile, 13,000 inmates escaped during the protests, of which only 3,000 have returned, further destabilizing communities. Looted police weapons also remain missing, heightening security risks.

At the political level, leaders remain largely silent, wary of making public appearances amid threats. Responsibility for maintaining order has effectively fallen on the police that is already weakened by losses in personnel, infrastructure, and equipment.

Without stability, elections planned for March next year will be difficult to conduct credibly. And without economic recovery, particularly job creation, the frustrations of Nepal’s youth may intensify.

The immediate challenge is rebuilding confidence among citizens, investors, and the international community that Nepal remains governable. The longer-term challenge is reform: tackling corruption, reducing inequality, and creating employment opportunities. Failure on either front could push Nepal toward deeper instability.

Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent GenZ uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ramchandra Paudel invoked his “inherent authority” as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepali Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Paudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a “constitutional solution” while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, remain hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”