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Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent GenZ uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ramchandra Paudel invoked his “inherent authority” as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepali Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Paudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a “constitutional solution” while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, remain hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”

Nepal has once again plunged into a major crisis after the violent Gen Z uprising that led to the collapse of the KP Sharma Oli government. 

To address the demands of protestors, a civilian government led by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has been formed. Although the constitution does not provide for appointing a prime minister outside the legislature, President Ram Chandra Poudel invoked his inherent authority as the protector of the constitution, citing the abnormal and complex political situation that followed the protests of Sept 8 and 9.

Prime Minister Karki has set March 5 next year as the date for national elections. However, top leaders of the major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—are still under the protection of the Nepal Army and have yet to issue official statements on the polls.

The parties have opposed the government’s decision to dissolve Parliament without first ensuring conditions for free, fair, and credible elections. Their initial reactions prompted President Poudel to issue a statement on Sept 13 urging the parties to calm public anger and prepare for elections. He has been credited with finding a constitutional solution while averting attempts to dismantle the republic and revive either monarchy or military rule.

For the parties, the only real option is to participate in the March 5 elections. Failure to do so would push the country into further instability, as the interim government will lose its legitimacy after six months. Some parties may push instead for restoring Parliament and forming a new government from within it to oversee elections.

Concerns also loom over whether the Supreme Court may invalidate Karki’s appointment and the dissolution of Parliament. The constitutional foundation of the current government is weak, and precedent is mixed: in 2020 and 2021, the court restored Parliament after Oli’s dissolutions, ruling that it could not be dissolved before completing its full term. Yet, some argue that the Court might uphold Karki’s appointment under the principle of necessity and in light of the President’s intervention during a volatile crisis.

Even if the court allows it, the larger challenge is whether the interim government can create an environment for free and fair elections. It has announced the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate killings, destruction of property, and human rights violations during the protests.

Meanwhile, the security situation remains precarious. After widespread vandalism and looting of police posts, security forces are under severe strain. Leaders and cadres of mainstream parties continue to face direct and indirect threats. Without a proper investigation into the violence, parties may refuse to contest elections. The Ministry of Home Affairs faces the enormous task of providing shelter and logistics for police, who have long operated without adequate arms or ammunition, leaving them ill-equipped to maintain order.

This weakness was exposed during the recent protests and earlier in the May 15 demonstrations organized by royalist groups. The police, lacking arms due to a decade-long procurement freeze and recent destruction of their stock, were unable to respond effectively. While the 2017 and 2022 elections were largely peaceful, the risk of election violence now looms high, making it imperative to prepare security forces adequately.

Despite these challenges, political parties have signaled willingness to join elections if the government ensures security. Speaking in Kathmandu, CPN-UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel said the Karki-led government must move decisively toward holding elections and guaranteeing safety. However, the UML has not yet held an official meeting to finalize its position.

Within Nepali Congress, several leaders have warned that a prolonged legislative vacuum would deepen the crisis, urging participation in elections. Senior Maoist leaders too have indicated support for the government’s efforts.

Still, it may be premature to draw conclusions. Top leaders remain absent from the political stage. NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and his spouse Arzu Rana Deuba, both severely injured during the protests, are still hospitalized. With many party offices and leaders’ residences burned down, it may take weeks before the major parties formally declare their stance.

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Thapa has emphasized that holding free and fair elections and protecting the constitution are the party’s central priorities. “The government has pledged to conduct elections within six months, and Nepali Congress, as a responsible party, should support this effort,” Thapa said. “Our priority must be to bring the constitution and democracy back on track through free and fair elections.”

Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki has officially assumed the role of Prime Minister of Nepal's interim government, with a constitutional mandate to conduct national elections within six months and hand over power to elected representatives. Appointed by President Ram Chandra Poudel on September 12, Karki’s first major move has been to dissolve the Parliament elected in 2022, which was originally scheduled to complete its term in 2027. This decision was made despite President Poudel’s advice against dissolution and strong suggestions from political leaders and constitutional experts to explore alternatives within the existing parliamentary framework.

Karki has announced the national elections will be held on March 5 next year, marking a critical step toward restoring political order in a country reeling from widespread protests. Her success, however, will depend largely on her ability to ensure free, fair, and inclusive elections where all political parties and forces can participate. To that end, Karki is currently working on forming a new interim cabinet and is expected to consult with both traditional and emerging political groups, regardless of whether they choose to join her cabinet.

Observers suggest she could draw valuable lessons from Khil Raj Regmi’s successful tenure as head of the interim government in 2013, which led to the peaceful completion of the second Constituent Assembly elections. Many of these parties, responding to the youth-led "Zen-Z" protests, have pledged not to seek power in the upcoming elections, offering Karki a potential window to work independently while maintaining political consultation.

The new PM inherits a fragile security situation. Hundreds of prisoner have escaped prison, many have seized police weapons, and public confidence in law enforcement is at an all-time low. Several police stations and government offices were torched during recent violent demonstrations. Boosting the morale of the police force and restoring public security are among Karki’s immediate priorities. She is expected to announce the formation of an independent investigative panel to probe killings, arson, and other violent crimes committed during the unrest. Human rights organizations and civil society leaders are calling for accountability from both sides — state security forces and protestors. Without justice and closure on these violations, experts warn, truly democratic elections cannot take place. Impunity is a biggest threat to democracy and without addressing this issue, there cannot be a peaceful election. 

Karki has committed to fulfilling the core demands of the protestors — chiefly, eliminating corruption, ensuring good governance, and creating economic equality. Upon assuming office, she declared: “My priority is to end corruption, maintain good governance, and ensure economic equality.” As a former Chief Justice, Karki is widely expected to uphold the independence of judiciary and constitutional bodies. However, questions are already being raised about the constitutionality of her appointment, which is expected to face scrutiny in the Supreme Court.  Many constitutional bodies remain vacant, and with no functioning parliamentary committees, filling key posts — including in the Election Commission — will be one of her earliest tests.

Karki’s administration will also need to manage relationships with major international players such as India, China, the United States, the European Union, Japan, and South Korea. While these countries have pledged support for Nepal’s democratic transition, much will depend on how her government engages with them diplomatically. In her first address to the media, Karki described the situation as a "national tragedy" and blamed recent violence on what she believes was a "planned conspiracy."

“The 27-hour protest caused unimaginable destruction. Fires at Singha Durbar, the Parliament building, the Supreme Court, and other public offices have erased crucial state records. This is a shame,” she said. She emphasized that she accepted the position not out of personal ambition but as a response to the people’s call. “I did not come to power by choice. I was asked by the people to take responsibility. I will not remain in office beyond six months. I promise to hand over the country to an elected government.” 

People are closely observing Karki’s initial days in office. Her success will depend on how effectively she adopts an inclusive approach and ensures a level playing field for all political forces.

Nepal's President, Ram Chandra Poudel, on September 14 issued a very meaningful statement, describing the formation of an interim government as a rare and valuable opportunity.

The President’s new statement was targeted at major political parties that have opposed the dissolution of Parliament, which was recommended by newly appointed Prime Minister Sushila Karki. The statement issued by the President indicates his struggle to protect the constitution and the current political system.

After KP Sharma Oli resigned as Prime Minister following pressure from protests, both the President and the Army Chief were under pressure to appoint representatives of the protestors as the new Prime Minister. However, there were no constitutional provisions to appoint a non-parliamentarian as Prime Minister. At the same time, there was intense pressure to dissolve Parliament and impose a state of emergency.

Amid this scenario, both the Nepal Army and the President engaged in talks with various groups to seek a way out. According to sources, President Poudel was firm that he would not take any decisions that went against the current constitution. Many say the President has hinted at the same in his statement.

Sources close to the President say that the formation of an interim government and the dissolution of Parliament were the only available constitutional options. Therefore, parties should understand this instead of creating troubles by opposing the President’s move.

In his statement, President Poudel appealed to political parties to appease the people, maintain self-restraint, and focus on making the March 5 election a success. After an extremely abnormal situation, a fearful environment, and tense circumstances, a peaceful way out has been achieved through great effort. “The constitution has been saved, the parliamentary system has been saved, and the federal democratic republic has been saved,” the President said. The Nepali people have now been given an opportunity to move forward toward a more developed democracy by conducting elections within six months.

Major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and other fringe parties—are opposing the dissolution of Parliament. There are calls for the parties to bridge their differences and support the government in holding elections as soon as possible.

The international community, particularly major powers such as India, China, the United States, and others, are closely watching the unfolding political developments in Nepal.

 Some countries have already welcomed the installation of the interim government tasked with holding elections, while others are yet to issue official statements. The sizeable presence of Kathmandu-based ambassadors at the swearing-in ceremony signaled support for the new government.

On Saturday (Sept 13,) Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi extended his best wishes to the newly appointed Prime Minister Sushila Karki on assuming office as the head of Nepal’s interim government. “India remains firmly committed to the peace, progress, and prosperity of the people of Nepal,” Modi said in a statement.

Earlier, soon after Karki was sworn in, India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) issued a statement welcoming the formation of the interim government: “We are hopeful that this will help foster peace and stability. As a close neighbor, a fellow democracy, and a long-term development partner, India will continue to work closely with Nepal for the well-being and prosperity of our two peoples and countries.”

On Sept 9, amid street protests, India had urged all concerned parties to exercise restraint and resolve issues through peaceful dialogue. The Indian cabinet’s security committee also met to review the situation in Nepal, while bordering states tightened security along the India–Nepal frontier. During this period, India refrained from commenting directly on Nepal’s political crisis.

Speaking at the historic Kangla Fort in Imphal, Manipur, Modi remarked: “Nepal, in the lap of the Himalayas, is our close friend. We are connected through history and faith, and we are progressing together. On behalf of 1.4bn Indians, I congratulate Sushila Karki on becoming Nepal’s first woman Prime Minister. I am confident she will pave the way for peace, stability, and prosperity in Nepal.”

He also noted: “One thing that has gone unnoticed in recent events is that over the past few days, Nepal’s youth have been seen cleaning the streets. I saw this on social media. This is a sign of Nepal’s resurgence. I extend my best wishes for Nepal’s brighter future.” These statements make clear that India is ready to support the new government in Nepal and continue normal bilateral relations, unlike its recent discontent with developments in Bangladesh.

China has congratulated Sushila Karki on becoming Prime Minister of Nepal’s interim government.

China’s Foreign Ministry says: “China and Nepal share a time-honored friendship. China, as always, respects the development path chosen independently by the people of Nepal. We stand ready to work with Nepal to promote the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, enhance exchanges and cooperation in various fields, and further advance bilateral relation.”

On Sept 10, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian responded to the developments: “China and Nepal are traditional friends and close neighbors. China hopes that various sectors in Nepal will address domestic issues properly and restore social order and stability soon.” Beijing maintains a policy of working with whichever government comes to power—democratic or authoritarian. With its growing influence and economic clout, China is confident it can safeguard its interests regardless of political shifts. However, the dissolution of the KP Sharma Oli-led government is considered a setback for China, as the two countries had been advancing several joint initiatives, including under the Belt and Road framework.

However, Dalai Lama’s congratulations to Prime Minister Karki may have surprised the Beijing.  “As you know, the Nepalese and Tibetan peoples have historically enjoyed a close relationship,” he wrote. “I am very grateful to the government and the people of Nepal for providing facilities for the rehabilitation of Tibetan refugees following their forced escape from Tibet after 1959.

The United States has said that it welcomes the restoration of calm and peaceful resolution following last week’s tragic events.

We commend President Ramchandra Paudel and youth leaders for their commitment to a democratic solution, even as we continue to mourn with Nepal over its losses, U.S Embassy in Kathmandu said in a press statement,

We recognize the Nepali Army and Chief of Army Staff General Ashok Raj Sigdel for their vital role in restoring order and facilitating a peaceful transition of civilian government, the US said, we look forward to working with the interim government in the months ahead as they prepare for new elections.

On Sept 8, the US Embassy led a joint statement with other democratic nations expressing concern over the violence in Kathmandu and elsewhere.

 “We are deeply saddened by the loss of life and injuries during the demonstrations,” the statement read. “Our governments reaffirm our strong support for the universal rights of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression. We urge all parties to exercise maximum restraint, avoid further escalation, and ensure these fundamental rights are protected.” Since Donald Trump’s re-election and the subsequent scaling back of US aid to countries like Nepal, Washington’s priorities in Nepal remain uncertain. With the State Department still in transition, the US government has said little about Nepal’s political crisis.

Soon after Karki took office, the Embassy of Japan expressed hope that Nepal would ensure a peaceful and democratic transition. “We welcome the appointment of Sushila Karki as interim prime minister of Nepal as an important step in this transition. The Japanese government will continue to support Nepal’s development and prosperity and to strengthen the long-standing cordial relations between our two countries,” its statement said.

Similarly, Kaja Kallas, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, welcomed the appointment: “As a longstanding partner of the country, we support the people of Nepal and all efforts to ensure democracy, stability, and reconciliation.”

The UK Embassy in Kathmandu also issued a statement, calling the appointment “an important step after last week’s tragic events, which included loss of life, injuries, and damage to property.” It added: “As Nepal’s old friend, we recognize the challenges ahead and reaffirm our commitment to supporting Nepali aspirations for accountability and inclusive governance.”

Overall, the United States, the UK, the European Union, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and other democratic partners appear ready to work with Nepal’s new government, though their priority will be safeguarding the 2015 Constitution, democracy, human rights, and a peaceful transfer of power through elections.

For Prime Minister Karki, gaining the support of major powers such as India, China, the US, and other democratic nations will be crucial to ensuring timely elections, attracting investment, and keeping Nepal’s fragile economy on track. Much, however, will depend on her choice of foreign minister and the diplomatic team she assembles.

Nepal's major political parties have strongly opposed Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s decision to dissolve the Federal Parliament, calling it unconstitutional and undemocratic.

Karki, who was appointed Prime Minister on September 12 with a mandate to hold general elections within six months, announced the dissolution of Parliament shortly after being sworn in. She also set March 5 as the date for the next election.

In a joint statement, eight major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Janata Samajbadi Party, Janamat Party, Loktantrik Samajbadi Party, and Nagarik Unmukti Party—expressed serious concern over the move, stating they "totally disagree" with the decision.

"We promulgated a new constitution on the foundation of people’s long struggle for democracy and sacrifice. Any move against the constitution is unacceptable to us," the statement reads.

The parties argue that the dissolution violates Article 76(2) of the Constitution and goes against previous verdicts of the Supreme Court of Nepal. They have demanded the immediate restoration of Parliament and called for a parliamentary session to address national issues, including those raised by recent protestors.

According to the statement, the parties believe that public demands must be resolved within the constitutional and parliamentary framework.

Meanwhile, the fourth and fifth largest parties in Parliament—Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party—have not issued any public statements regarding the dissolution.

Nepal has once again plunged into a deep constitutional crisis. What began as peaceful protests by Generation Z, initially demanding the lifting of the social media ban and an end to entrenched corruption, has snowballed into a political upheaval that led to the fall of the powerful Nepali Congress–CPN-UML coalition government, and dissolution of the Parliament, creating a legislative vacuum. Nepal had faced the similar crisis in 2012 when the first Constituent Assembly (CA) was dissolved without drafting the new constitution.

On September 9, when the protests turned violent—targeting state institutions such as the executive, legislature, and judiciary—Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli stepped down in an effort to calm tensions. However, his resignation failed to pacify the growing unrest. In response, the Nepal Army (NA), albeit a bit late, stepped in to restore law and order across the country. NA not only restored relative calm but also strategically engaged with both protestors to keep the street peaceful.  After stabilizing the situation, the NA handed over political responsibility to President Ram Chandra Poudel. Following intensive negotiations with protestors, political parties, and constitutional experts, President Ram Chandra Poudel appointed former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as prime minister—a decision favored by a section of the protestors.

However, this move has raised serious constitutional debates. Karki is not a sitting member of Parliament, and the 2015 constitution lacks any provision for appointing a non-parliamentarian as Prime Minister. The presidential statement justifying her appointment does not cite any specific constitutional clause. Instead, it claims that the President exercised his inherent constitutional authority as the guardian of the constitution in an "abnormal and difficult" situation, and that the appointment was made with the consent of outgoing Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. Further controversy erupted when, based on Karki’s recommendation, the President dissolved Parliament and announced general elections for March 5, 2026. While this move has temporarily filled the executive vacuum, it has opened the door to a major constitutional showdown likely to be challenged in the Supreme Court. Political parties mainly Nepali Congress had advised amending the constitution to pave the way for Karki’s appointment as prime minister but those suggestions were ultimately ignored.

Although there were fears that the constitution might be dismantled under pressure from the streets, it has—at least for now—survived, and parties are thankful to the president. Yet, the path forward remains fraught. The Nepal Bar Association has condemned the dissolution of Parliament as unconstitutional, arguing that it violates past Supreme Court rulings and undermines democratic principles. It warned that such moves could erode public trust in the constitution and democratic institutions. Notably, the oath-taking ceremony of the new Prime Minister was marked by the absence of key figures such as the Speakers of both houses and heads of constitutional bodies, signaling a growing institutional disconnect.

A key challenge for the Karki-led government is whether it can successfully conduct elections within six months, as mandated by the President. Achieving this will require navigating the conflicting interests of political parties and street protestors. Failure to hold timely elections could plunge the country into yet another constitutional crisis, especially since there will be no legislature in place to resolve it. Historically, the international community has played a key role in supporting Nepal’s elections, constitution drafting, and democratic consolidation.

But today, the global geopolitical environment has changed. Even democratic countries appear more concerned with strategic interests than championing democracy and human rights. International actors now prefer to maintain working relationships with whoever holds power, regardless of their democratic credentials. Domestically, public trust in political parties has eroded due to years of perceived corruption, incompetence, and anti-democratic tendencies. Meanwhile, a growing internal movement is openly calling for the dismantling of the 2015 constitution, and with it, the abolition of federalism, secularism, and the broader democratic framework.

In such a volatile scenario, the media has a vital role to play in safeguarding democracy. Unfortunately, over the past year, media freedom has come under systematic attack. During the protests, prominent media houses such as Annapurna Media Network and Kantipur Media Group were targeted, with their offices torched during pro-monarchy demonstrations in May. These attacks inflicted significant material damage and deep psychological trauma on journalists. Yet, the international community has remained largely silent on these violations of press freedom. In addition to physical attacks, journalists face increasing online and offline threats, further shrinking Nepal’s civic space. It remains uncertain whether the new government will initiate investigations into these incidents, or whether national and international stakeholders will take meaningful action.

In conclusion, Nepal’s hard-won constitution—which institutionalized democracy, federalism, secularism, and minority rights—is now under serious threat. The immediate priority for all political parties, civil society, and democratic stakeholders should be to support the current government in conducting free and fair elections within the next six months. However, they must also maintain constant vigilance to ensure the government does not veer toward unconstitutional or autocratic practices.

Recent developments suggest that the Nepal Army, while active in stabilizing the situation, is not interested in staging a coup and appears to be respecting constitutional values. Similarly, President Poudel has, despite making compromises, largely positioned himself as a defender of democracy and constitutional order. The coming months will be decisive. The success of the new government depends on PM Kari’s ability to adopt a broader and more inclusive approach to national issues. As a former chief justice, there are high expectations that Karki will uphold the constitution and remain uncompromising in her commitment to democracy.

President Ram Chandra Poudel on Friday administered the oath of office and secrecy to newly appointed Prime Minister Sushila Karki, who will serve as interim head of government with the primary responsibility of holding national elections within the next six months.

Karki has made history as the country’s first female prime minister, breaking her own earlier record from 2016 when she became Nepal’s first female chief justice.

Earlier, President Poudel appointed her under Article 61 of the Constitution, which states that it is the president’s duty and responsibility “to adhere to and protect the Constitution.” However, Karki’s appointment is likely to be challenged in the Supreme Court, as Article 61 does not grant the president the authority to appoint a prime minister.

According to current constitutional provisions, the prime minister must be a member of the House of Representatives and nominated under Article 76. Top leaders of the major political parties, except former prime minister Baburam Bhattarai, boycotted the oath-taking ceremony. 

Even KP Sharma Oli, who resigned following the killing of 19 Gen-Z protesters, did not attend the swearing-in ceremony, breaking the tradition of an outgoing prime minister formally handing over power to the incoming one. The ceremony was attended by ambassadors from various countries, including the US and China, along with government officials, security chiefs, and Gen-Z representatives.

The violent protests of Sept 8 and 9 left at least 51 people dead and more than 400 injured, with the toll expected to rise as police continue to recover bodies from burned private homes and commercial buildings. In line with the demands of Gen-Z protesters, Nepal’s 275-member House of Representatives is expected to be dissolved once election dates are announced.

Karki’s foremost challenge will be winning the confidence of major political parties such as the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center), which together command a two-thirds majority in parliament. These parties have already opposed the possible dissolution of parliament and the announcement of new elections, arguing that parliament should not be dissolved without a clear guarantee of elections.

Soon after Karki took the oath, the Maoist Center issued a statement opposing preparations to dissolve parliament, becoming the first party to formally reject her move. Similarly, UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel has also spoken out against it. Other major parties that remained silent in the immediate aftermath of the protests may gradually unite to push their own agenda.

In 2013, the interim government led by then–chief justice Khil Raj Regmi successfully held the second Constituent Assembly elections, largely due to strong backing from major political parties. This time, however, Karki is unlikely to receive such support. She faces double pressure: from Gen-Z protesters demanding action against political parties in the name of fighting corruption, and from established political forces at both the central and local levels who may resist cooperating with her government.

At the same time, Gen-Z and other political groups are pressing for constitutional amendments—or even the scrapping of the charter—an agenda that the major parties strongly oppose. If Karki fails to hold elections within six months, she will come under pressure to step down.

Another major challenge will be reviving Nepal’s already troubled economy, which has been severely hit by the protests. She will also face domestic and international pressure to address serious human rights violations committed during the unrest. Another key responsibility will be tackling corruption, including investigations into past scandals, which remains a central demand of the youth. With reports of rights violations by both police and protesters, public pressure is likely to mount for impartial investigations and prosecutions.

On the economic front, Karki must restore security and confidence in the private sector. Attacks on industries and businesses have sent negative signals about Nepal’s investment climate and further threatened the tourism industry. The lack of jobs and political stability could push even more young Nepalis to seek employment abroad.

Externally, Karki faces the task of convincing the international community that Nepal is safe for investment, while securing support for reconstruction and elections. Like every government before hers, she will have to carefully manage relations with the three major powers most influential in Nepal—India, China, and the United States.

Photo: Photo Library