Ballots and geopolitics

Eighteen months after mass protests toppled the government of long-time prime minister Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh has sworn in a new elected government led by Tarique Rahman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

At the same time,  Nepal is preparing for parliamentary elections on March 5 amid lingering questions about reform, stability, and the durability of its republican system. Together, the two countries present contrasting pathways in South Asia’s evolving democratic landscape.

Bangladesh’s new government emerged from an unusual democratic exercise: parliamentary elections were held alongside a referendum on constitutional reform. The referendum sought to institutionalize the demands of the 2024 youth-led protest movement, which called for greater accountability, stronger checks and balances, and the depoliticization of state institutions.

With this majority, the government is positioned to pursue constitutional amendments through a proposed constitutional council, potentially reshaping the balance of power among the executive, legislature, and judiciary. Reform priorities are expected to include strengthening electoral credibility, ensuring judicial independence, enhancing transparency, and safeguarding civil liberties. Yet the transition is not without risk. The Awami League was barred from contesting the election, a move that critics warn could fuel political resentment and street mobilization.

In contrast, Nepal heads into elections without having undertaken major reforms demanded by the Sept 8–9 protests, largely driven by GenZ activists. The protests reflected deep frustration with corruption, patronage networks, weak public services, and a perceived lack of accountability across political institutions.

Unlike Bangladesh’s reform-first electoral approach, Nepal  has opted to proceed directly to the polls. Skeptics argue that without pre-election structural changes, the vote may simply reproduce the existing power dynamics. Key public demands—restoring trust in institutions, reinforcing the rule of law, ensuring judicial and legislative independence, and building a merit-based bureaucracy—remain largely aspirational. The challenge for any incoming government will be translating campaign rhetoric into concrete institutional reform.

Nepal’s proportional representation system and fragmented party landscape make a single-party majority unlikely. A hung parliament and coalition government appear the most probable outcome. While coalition politics is familiar terrain in Kathmandu, past alliances have often been unstable, slowing policy implementation and weakening reform momentum. Failure to deliver tangible change could deepen youth disillusionment and embolden anti-establishment forces.

Adding to Nepal’s political complexity is the renewed activism of former monarch Gyanendra Shah. In a recent Democracy Day message, he criticized the electoral process and advocated for the restoration of the monarchy. Domestic reform efforts in both countries will unfold under the watchful eye of international stakeholders. Western governments are closely monitoring commitments to democratic governance, transparency, and anti-corruption. In Nepal, reform-oriented voices within the Nepali Congress and independent leaders such as Balendra Shah have attracted attention for emphasizing accountability and administrative reform.

For Nepal, relations with India remain crucial. The open border, deep economic ties, and longstanding sensitivities over boundary disputes and treaty arrangements make New Delhi a central actor in Kathmandu’s foreign policy calculus. India will be closely watching how the new government approaches unresolved bilateral issues. Simultaneously, engagement with China remains strategically significant. Chinese investment is central to Nepal’s infrastructure and development ambitions, particularly under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). However, expanded Chinese involvement is likely to be scrutinized by India and Western partners, placing Nepal in a familiar geopolitical balancing act.

Parties outline foreign policy priorities in their election manifestos

Nepal’s major parties have highlighted distinct foreign policy visions in their election manifestos. CPN-UML focuses on sovereign equality, independence, and peaceful relations with all nations, pledging stronger ties with neighbors, labor agreements, foreign investment, and job creation. 

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) advocates “balanced and dynamic diplomacy,” aiming to turn Nepal from a “buffer state” into a “vibrant bridge” through strategic partnerships with India and China, enhanced connectivity, and development cooperation. Nepali Congress (NC) envisions a sovereign, peaceful, and dignified Nepal, promoting equality, mutual respect, and economic partnerships, while raising Nepal’s global profile through iconic symbols.

 In its election manifesto, UML has said that it is committed to a foreign policy based on respect for sovereign equality, independence, and territorial integrity, and grounded in world peace, coexistence, and friendship with all.  The document says: “We maintain respectful relations with all nations. We respect the sovereignty and independence of all countries and expect similar treatment from others. We believe in sovereign equality. We reject any encroachment or interference against the independence, self-determination, and territorial integrity of any nation.”

It also emphasizes the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, non-alignment, peaceful coexistence, non-interference, mutual understanding, cooperation, and the Five Principles (Panchsheel). According to the manifesto, the party stands firmly against war and in favor of world peace.

The document further says: “We will participate in all efforts inspired by dialogue and goodwill and make thoughtful contributions. Enhancing the dignity and pride of Nepal and the Nepali people is our objective.”

The UML also pledges to continuously strive to further strengthen relations with our neighboring friendly countries, make them more cordial, and enhance mutual cooperation. It reaffirms commitment to the principle of “friendship with all, enmity with none”. “We do not wish harm to any of our neighbors and will not undertake any action that would harm them. We will cooperate with all friendly nations and with international and regional organizations.”

To effectively promote labor diplomacy, the party promises to conclude bilateral labor agreements with all destination countries, including provisions for social security.  The party manifesto also pledges to promote foreign direct investment in productive sectors and increase employment opportunities within Nepal. 

Meanwhile, RSP has emphasized balanced and dynamic diplomacy in its election manifesto.

The document says:  “Placing Nepal’s sovereignty, territorial integrity, and national interest above all, we will adopt a “balanced and dynamic diplomacy” to transform shifting global geopolitics and the rise of neighboring powers into opportunities for Nepal’s development.”

It also pledges to adapt to the strategic interests of neighboring countries and changes in the global balance of power to transform Nepal from a “buffer state” into a “vibrant bridge,” ensuring national interest through trilateral economic partnerships and enhanced connectivity.

The manifesto says that the party will renew the framework of development partnership with India, so that Nepal can benefit from their achievements in the areas such as digital public infrastructure, high-speed, high-quality physical infrastructure, formalization of economy, synergy between productive industries and the service sector, and overall enhancement of state capacity.

With China, RSP pledges to promote the mobilization of concessional financing for the construction of world-class infrastructure, implement state-directed targets and programs for economic and social development, and incorporate exemplary practices of inter-provincial competition as key pillars of partnership. 

In its election manifesto Nepali Congress (NC) says: “We envision Nepal  will be recognized by the international community as a sovereign, peaceful, and dignified nation.” According to the document Nepal’s foreign policy will be grounded in national interest and the principle of sovereign equality. The party states: “Our relationships with neighboring and friendly countries will be based on equality and mutual respect, and such relations will be advanced on the foundation of mutual trust and economic partnership.”

The NC manifesto also promises to make Nepal known to the world as a responsible and respected member, along with national heritages  like Mount Everest, Lumbini, Pashupatinath, and Janaki.

Trump Administration’s Evolving South Asia Strategy

One year after Donald Trump assumed office for his second term as American President, his administration’s South Asia policy is beginning to take shape.

Over the past year, the Trump administration paid very little attention to the smaller countries of South Asia, as Trump was focused on preventing or stopping major wars occurring in different parts of the world. The Trump administration has recalled several ambassadors from South Asian countries, including Nepal, and has not yet appointed their replacements.

Meanwhile, the administration’s relationship with India witnessed a tumultuous phase due to tariff war. Now, the relationship between India and the United States is returning to normalcy following the settlement of trade disputes. 

This week, at least three senior American officials spoke about their approach to South Asia. S. Paul Kapur, Assistant Secretary in the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs at the U.S. State Department, appeared before the House Foreign Affairs Committee to outline Washington’s South Asia policy.

According to Kapur’s statement, the principal agenda of the Trump administration is to expand trade relationships with South Asian countries, as it is doing elsewhere. In his second term, Trump has employed tariffs as a tool to pressure governments to make trade more favorable to the United States.

Kapur further added: “Just last week, President Trump and Prime Minister Modi reached agreement on a historic trade framework. And two days ago, the Trump Administration signed a trade deal with Bangladesh, providing American exporters with access to Bangladesh’s market of 175 million people.” But, U.S has a very minimal trade with Nepal, Maldives and Sri Lanka. 

Beyond trade, he outlined three broad approaches to strategic capacity-building that the Trump administration is deploying in South Asia: defense cooperation, targeted investment, and diplomacy.

Defense cooperation includes military sales and transfers, co-development of systems and platforms, and bilateral and multilateral exercises.  Targeted investment combines U.S. seed funding, American technology and expertise, and private industry participation.

Diplomacy involves institutionalized engagement between senior leaders, as well as ad hoc interactions to address emerging opportunities or challenges, along with strategic messaging to support U.S. initiatives.

Regarding the smaller countries of South Asia, the Trump administration’s first priority appears to be countering growing Chinese influence. Kapur said: “Bangladesh, Nepal, Maldives, Sri Lanka and Bhutan’s strategic locations afford them outsized importance, but also can make them targets for coercion.”

He added that defense cooperation with the United States helps these countries protect their borders and waterways against encroaching powers, while carefully targeted investment can provide high-quality, transparent, and non-coercive support for critical infrastructure such as ports, telecommunications networks, and energy facilities—helping them avoid the dangers of debt-trap diplomacy. This indicates that the U.S. intends to limit Chinese investment in those countries.

Similarly, House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia Chairman Bill Huizenga said that strengthening ties with New Delhi through defense cooperation, trade, and technology partnerships advances shared interests.

He stated: “I look forward to increasing cooperation, co-production, and investment, especially under the new framework negotiated by the President. Bordering India, Nepal and Bangladesh are undergoing political transformations.”

He noted that Bangladesh will hold free elections tomorrow following its July 2024 revolution, which ousted an authoritarian government in September 2025.

 In Nepal, youth-led protests overthrew the government, and the country will hold democratic elections next month. According to him, both instances offer new chapters for engagement in South Asia, shaping U.S. relations with these new governments.

He further added that South and Central Asia is a dynamic region, where young and growing populations are more often drawn to Western cultures and values than to China’s authoritarian alternative.

“Strategic U.S.-led diplomacy will make a difference in building alliances and achieving our mutually beneficial goals throughout the region,” he said.

“Our strategy in South Asia must be comprehensive, anchored in strong partnerships, economic engagement, and a commitment to democratic values. Our engagement in the region must advance American interests, while also contributing to a more secure, prosperous, and free Indian Ocean,” he added.

Adm. Samuel J. Paparo, commander of the United States Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM), has said his visit highlighted Nepal’s leadership in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness, and peacekeeping. He visited Nepal ahead of the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives (HoR), which are taking place against the backdrop of the September 8–9 Gen Z protest.

The visit highlighted Nepal’s leadership in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness, and peacekeeping. U.S.-Nepal cooperation in these areas benefits Nepali and American citizens throughout the region and supports global peacekeeping efforts, says a press statement issued by INDOPACOM after the two-day visit. 

 

Nepal’s regional leadership takes center stage during U.S. Indo-Pacific commander’s visit

Adm. Samuel J. Paparo, commander of the United States Indo-Pacific Command (INDOPACOM), has said his visit highlighted Nepal’s leadership in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness, and peacekeeping. He visited Nepal ahead of the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives (HoR), which are taking place against the backdrop of the September 8–9 Gen Z protest.

The visit highlighted Nepal’s leadership in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness, and peacekeeping. U.S.-Nepal cooperation in these areas benefits Nepali and American citizens throughout the region and supports global peacekeeping efforts, says a press statement issued by INDOPACOM after the two-day visit.

During his stay, Paparo met Foreign Minister Bala Nanda Sharma and Gen. Ashok Raj Sigdel, Chief of Army Staff of the Nepali Army, to discuss strengthening collaboration in disaster response and Nepal’s significant contributions to United Nations peacekeeping missions.

At the Birendra Peace Operations Training Centre in Panchkhal, Paparo interacted with Nepali peacekeeping professionals and observed pre-deployment training activities. The center plays a vital role in preparing Nepali troops for UN peacekeeping missions and supports multinational peace operations, reinforcing Nepal’s standing as one of the world’s leading troop-contributing countries to UN missions.

An alumni event hosted by the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) and its director, Suzanne P. Vares-Lum, brought together Nepali graduates of APCSS programs. The gathering provided a platform for security professionals to exchange ideas and explore collaborative approaches to regional security challenges.

INDOPACOM and Nepal have maintained close cooperation in strengthening disaster response capabilities through joint exercises, technical assistance, and the provision of non-combat equipment such as helicopters, vehicles, and communication systems. U.S. training and logistical support have also enhanced Nepal’s capacity to conduct humanitarian and peacekeeping operations, the statement said.

Officials said the partnership aligns with Nepal’s goal of enhancing self-reliance while contributing to regional resilience and preparedness. The U.S. Indo-Pacific Command reiterated its commitment to promoting stability across the region through security cooperation, peaceful development, and coordinated responses to emerging challenges, according to the statement.

Paparo’s visit highlighted Nepal’s strategic importance in South Asia and reaffirmed its leadership role in fostering regional stability and advancing global peacekeeping efforts.

During then Foreign Minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali’s visit to the United States on December 18, 2018, then U.S. Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo highlighted Nepal’s central role in a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific and in global affairs.

 The 2019 U.S. Department of Defense Indo-Pacific Strategy Report officially described Nepal as a valued partner. The report listed Nepal as a member of the State Partnership Program (SPP), which was later rejected by the Nepal government.

This week, House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia Chairman Bill Huizenga has said that recent elections in Bangladesh and Nepal present new opportunities for U.S. engagement in South Asia.

In his opening remarks at a subcommittee hearing titled “South Asia: U.S. Foreign Policy in the Region,” Huizenga described South and Central Asia as a dynamic region where young and growing populations are increasingly drawn to Western cultures and values rather than to what he called China’s “authoritarian alternative.”

Bordering India, both Nepal and Bangladesh are undergoing significant political transformations. Bangladesh held general elections on February 12, following the July 2024 revolution that led to the ouster of an authoritarian government in September 2025. Meanwhile, Nepal is set to hold democratic elections on March 5 after youth-led protests overthrew the previous government.

 

Is Beijing angry with Kathmandu?

The election government led by Prime Minister Sushila Karki has come under growing criticism for its handling of Nepal’s relations with its immediate neighbors, particularly China. Since the formation of the government following the GenZ movement, Prime Minister Karki and senior officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have repeatedly reaffirmed Nepal’s commitment to the One-China policy. However, these assurances appear to have done little to fully reassure Beijing.

In recent months, China has dispatched a series of official and semi-official teams to Nepal to assess the evolving political situation and its possible implications for bilateral relations. Diplomatic sources in Kathmandu say these visits reflect Beijing’s concerns about political uncertainty following the Sept 8–9 GenZ movement and the direction of Nepal’s new leadership.

Beijing’s unease reportedly deepened after Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama sent a congratulatory message to Prime Minister Karki upon her assumption of office. The message came as a shock to Chinese officials, who subsequently conveyed strong concerns to the Nepali leadership through diplomatic channels. China views any public engagement—direct or indirect—with the Dalai Lama as a sensitive issue, given its longstanding position that he represents separatist activities.

More recently, the visit of Tibetan spiritual leader Jonang Gyletsab Rinpoche to Nepal and the reception accorded to him in Kathmandu has once again raised eyebrows, both in Beijing and within Nepal’s political circles. Although Nepali officials maintain that the visit was religious in nature, critics argue that the government failed to anticipate the diplomatic repercussions.

Vice-chairperson of the CPN-UML, Ram Bahadur Thapa, publicly accused the Karki-led interim government of providing space to what he described as “anti-China activities” on Nepali soil. “The Dalai Lama’s representative came to Nepal and was received with great honor at the airport,” Thapa said, alleging that the government is implicitly protecting elements opposed to China’s core interests.

Foreign policy analyst Rupak Sapkota also points to the shortcomings in the government’s diplomatic approach. According to him, the Karki administration’s “immature handling” of relations with neighboring countries has raised suspicions in Beijing regarding Nepal’s commitment to the One-China policy.

Sapkota is not alone in his assessment. Several observers of Nepal’s foreign and strategic affairs have expressed concern that relations between Kathmandu and Beijing have become strained since the GenZ movement. Beijing reportedly also harbored reservations about the composition of the new cabinet and the broader political team assembled by Prime Minister Karki.

Adding to the diplomatic unease, the Chinese Embassy in Kathmandu remained without an ambassador for over a month after Chen Song was recalled to China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Beijing has now appointed Zhang Maoming, a familiar face in Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles, who is expected to arrive in Kathmandu in the second week of this month. Observers see his appointment as a signal that China intends to recalibrate its engagement with Nepal during a politically sensitive period.

In recent months, multiple Chinese delegations have visited Kathmandu to study the GenZ movement, assess preparations for upcoming elections, and gauge the likely nature of the next government. Notably, Beijing has maintained near silence on the GenZ movement in official statements, and Chinese state media have published far fewer reports and commentaries on Nepal than in the past—an absence that many analysts interpret as cautious watchfulness rather than indifference.

Nepal’s stability is important for us, says Japanese PM

Japanese Prime Minister TAKAICHI Sanae has said that stability in Nepal is important for Japan as well in ensuring regional stability as a whole. In a meeting with Nepal’s President Ram Chandra Paudel, she said that Japan will continue to support the consolidation of democracy in Nepal and cooperate in Nepal’s development.

Prime Minister TAKAICHI also stated that stability in Nepal is important for Japan in ensuring regional stability as a whole and, from this perspective, emphasized the importance of Nepal’s general election scheduled to be held on March 5 this year being conducted in a free, fair, and inclusive manner with broad participation by the people of Nepal, reads the statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan.

The Japanese PM noted that Japan and Nepal have built friendly relations based on a long history of people-to-people exchanges, including student and mountaineering exchanges. President Paudel welcomed the promotion of people-to-people exchanges between the two countries.

This week, President Ram Chandra Paudel paid an official visit to Japan. This year marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In the meeting, the Japanese PM said that she would like to further strengthen bilateral relations on this occasion. In response, President Paudel expressed his appreciation for the warm welcome extended by Japan and stated his desire to deepen the friendly relations between the two countries, which have spanned more than 70 years, across all areas.

 

Male march, female margins

Women’s representation in Nepal’s national parliament has remained largely unchanged since the formation of the interim legislature in 2007, despite a constitutional requirement that political parties ensure at least 33 percent female representation.

While the quota has prevented a decline in women’s participation, it has failed to generate meaningful growth. The primary reason lies in the scope of the law, which mandates the quota only under the Proportional Representation (PR) system, not under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral category.

As a result, political parties continue to nominate overwhelmingly male candidates in FPTP races, where no legal obligation exists to promote gender balance.

Data from the March 5 House of Representatives (HoR) candidacy nominations highlight this imbalance. Of the 3,486 candidates registered nationwide, 3,089 are men, 396 are women, and one candidate identifies as “other.” Women account for just over 11 percent of total candidates.

Both traditional and newly formed political parties display a similar pattern of male dominance. Under the FPTP category, there is little distinction between established parties and newer political forces in terms of women’s participation.

Among major parties, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) nominated 16 women candidates, while the Nepali Congress (NC) fielded 11, the CPN-UML 12, and the Nepali Communist Party 11. These figures indicate minimal variation among leading parties. The trend mirrors past elections. In the 2022 HoR election, 2,291 men and only 235 women were registered as candidates. In the dissolved House of Representatives, women held 91 of the 275 seats, while men occupied 184.

Experts say the composition of the incoming parliament is unlikely to differ significantly from the previous legislature. Historically, women’s candidacy under the FPTP system has remained below 11 percent across four major elections: the two Constituent Assembly elections in 2008 and 2013, and the House of Representatives elections in 2017 and 2022.

In the 2022 elections, the Rastriya Swatantra Party recorded the highest proportion of women candidates among major parties at 9.2 percent. The Nepali Congress nominated 5.8 percent women candidates in 2017 and 5.5 percent in 2022. Meanwhile, the CPN-UML increased its share of women candidates from 4.9 percent in 2017 to 7.8 percent in 2022. Analysts argue that without extending the 33 percent quota to the FPTP system, Nepal’s progress toward gender-balanced political representation will remain limited, despite constitutional commitments to inclusion.

Nepal reacts to Maduro’s capture by US

Five days after the United States captured Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro, the Government of Nepal has formally reacted, stating that it has been closely following recent developments in Venezuela.

Maduro was captured in a joint US military extraction operation in the country’s capital, Caracas.

Issuing a press statement, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Nepal calls upon all parties concerned to exercise maximum restraint and to avoid actions that may further escalate tensions.

“Nepal underscores the importance of fully respecting the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of states, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations,” the statement said. Nepal emphasized that disputes should be resolved peacefully through dialogue, diplomacy, and mutual understanding.

Earlier this week, youth and student wings affiliated with communist political parties staged demonstrations in front of the US Embassy in Maharajgunj, protesting the US military action in Venezuela. Similarly, major communist parties such as the CPN-UML, led by KP Sharma Oli, and the Nepali Communist Party, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, issued separate press statements criticizing the US intervention. However, the Nepali Congress party and its leaders have not made any remarks regarding the US action.

Other South Asian countries have also reacted to the development. India said the situation in Venezuela is a matter of deep concern. In a statement, India reaffirmed its support for the well-being and safety of the Venezuelan people and called on all concerned to address issues peacefully through dialogue, ensuring peace and stability in the region.

Bangladesh also emphasized the need for diplomacy and dialogue. “Bangladesh believes that diplomacy and dialogue should prevail to resolve all disputes between countries and reaffirms its steadfast commitment to the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law,” Bangladesh’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.