For a new dawn in Nepal

Federal democratic republic is a new system for Nepal and there are people and groups, who want constitutional monarchy back. Some would prefer not having federalism and be content with the development region model of Nepal. 

Nepal had to adopt a new national anthem around the ideals of unity in diversity but many do not even know its words. That is why international intelligence agencies are able to destabilize Nepal. The process is the same, “Find a fraction looking for foreign investment, install them to power and murder any objections.”

Are Nepal’s political parties, the new ones in particular, aware of this design?  

In this political mix, it is almost impossible to run a government for five years. A full-term is a rarity, especially in contemporary Nepali history. 

A perpetual state of flux in Nepal calls for the creation of a powerful intelligence agency of our own. 

Let’s call it the Nepal Intelligence Agency, meant to prevent politically motivated murders in the guise of accidents and carnages.  

Madan Bhandari called US President George HW Bush the hero of capitalism and his brute communist philosophy would have given him the ability to lead for five years. But that was not to be as Bhandari lost his life in mysterious circumstances along with comrade Jivraj Ashrit decades ago. 

Even when a party gets a majority in Nepal, that party is soon divided into smaller fractions as the KP Oli vs Madhav Nepal saga shows. 

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi tried to mend relationships with Nepal on the basis of the RSS philosophy itself. Nepal and India have a cultural relationship that can protect us from the brute force of RAW and CIA. If Nepal becomes too violent, it will affect Indian security but if it becomes too strong then anti-indian sentiments will cause Nepal to tilt toward Chinese communism instead of the Indian-American strain of democracy. 

However, China has shown little interest in Nepal, it has interests in Tibet. During the India blockade against Nepal, China could have supplied goods and services through Tibet, but it didn’t even send medicines, leave alone fuel and gas. It is foolish to think that India, China, the EU or the US will work in the interests of Nepal. They will pursue their own interests. 

Unless we have our own intelligence agency, chances are that we will not be able to live in peace. Also, peace will remain elusive for us for obvious reasons if we fail to deal with anti-Indian or anti-Chinese or even anti-American sentiments as there will always be parties to cash in on such sentiments. 

A two-party system may work just fine for Nepal. The Nepali Congress that works in the interest of Madhesis as well and the CPN-UML, which works also in the interests of the Mongols. But the main problem with these parties is that they are Khas-led parties. The main difference between the Madhesis and the Mongols is hidden in the DNA itself. The Madhesis are closer to Indians genetically; whereas the Mongols are genetically similar to the Chinese. 

The Khas-Aryans, the rulers for nearly a thousand years, have to balance both these communities but their motivation to rule appears to come out of greed instead of selflessness. It is not right to divide a nation based on ideology, genetics, culture, caste or other such factors but that is what happened after the Vedas were written. 

Before the Vedic period, all genes appeared to intermix but after the codification of the Vedas love was confined to caste by the Brahmins, which is a crime against the Vedas themselves because the main teaching of the Vedas is that “all this is but Om”. How can there be casts if everything is one ‘Om’? When we let foreign intelligence agencies govern foreign relations, they tend to destabilize us. We need to reach out to the masses. 

Gurkha soldiers have created a great goodwill for Nepal in India so have the cultural ties and Sita and Buddha. This relationship has created open borders, which need to be regulated for controlling illicit drug trade and other crimes. 

This is the nation that produced the Light of Asia, but we are still living in darkness. If we wake up, if all of us wake up together from our deep sleep and dreams into this reality that hatred cannot cure hatred only love can, if we love any woman or man regardless of who they are, it is certain that the entire world will rise to the stars like the trees painted by Van Gough.

The author is a student of law

Ambiguities over provincial security

The provinces of Nepal have been endowed with the power to maintain security and to administer Provincial Police for that purpose as per Schedule 6 (1) of the Constitution of Nepal 2015. Indeed, the administration of police has little to do with the provincial system. As per the current organizational structure, the Inspector General of Police heads the Nepal Police. It is a complex system which has judges and politicians included in the mix. However, the provincial level has no clear act that describes how the provinces are to maintain security via the police force. Madhes province has been trying to push an act for establishing and running a police force at the provincial level. Other provinces are yet to join in. Schedule 6 has also given provinces the power to run provincial television channels but no province has its own channel. Other rights have also been provided but it is the shortest list of rights amongst all schedules and Madhes is the smallest province as per Schedule 4. Whosoever claims that the Constitution of Nepal 2015 is perfect is yet to recognize what Dr BR Amdedkar said after introducing the Constitution of India 1947. He said in essence: A bad constitution will have good results if the people in charge are good and a good constitution will have bad results if the people in charge are bad. The Constitution of Nepal has come a long way to ensure a federal democratic republican order. The Constitution of Nepal 1990 was not a progressive document; it was the same as before but tried to ensure the monarchy or oligarchy would not reclaim and retain state powers, so that Nepal could remain democratic. However, it didn’t work as planned and King Gyanandra Shah reclaimed the throne after the royal massacre of June 1, 2001. As of now, top political parties and leaders like Sher Bahadur Deuba, Pushpa Kamal Dahal and KP Oli made the new mix among whom one would head the PMO. None of them are concerned with federalism. Rastriya Swatantra Party has not clarified its stance on provinces while Rastriya Prajatantra Party has demanded doing away with the provincial system. The Supreme Court will have to serve as the guardian of the constitution to protect federalism. Without the Maoist insurgency, then monarch Gyanandra would not have given up power, most probably. He still seeks power, which is evidenced by his rallies and programs. The Maoists became weak after Baburam Bhattrai and Mohan Baidhya left the fold handing the sole power to Dahal—who believed too much in himself and undermined teamwork. Indeed, a guerrilla commander has become a politician. However, Dahal too does not seem concerned with provincial decentralization of power. For him also, it is easier to rule from Kathmandu alone by ignoring the rest of Nepal. Provinces have to be restructured and renamed. The present seven state system and the number of parliamentarians is needlessly high. States can be reduced to three and the number of lawmakers can be reduced to half of that today, reducing political expenses by more than half. But they want to legally plunder us, and we sheep have yet to find freedom instead of being led by shepherds to our slaughter. Socrates said: “The biggest penalty for refusing to rule is to be ruled by your inferiors.” Philosopher leaders with deep insight are needed to truly establish a federal democratic republic of Nepal. The author is a student of law