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The World Health Organization (WHO) on Monday announced that Nepal has successfully eliminated rubella, also known as German measles, as a public health problem. This achievement marks a significant step forward in the country’s efforts to protect its population from vaccine-preventable diseases.

Rubella is a highly contagious viral infection that poses a serious threat to pregnant women, as it can lead to miscarriage, stillbirth or severe and lifelong birth defects. The disease, however, is preventable with safe and cost-effective vaccines.

“Nepal’s success reflects the unwavering commitment of its leadership, the persistent efforts of health workers and volunteers, and the unstinting support of engaged and informed communities,” said Dr Catharina Boehme, Officer-in-Charge of WHO South-East Asia. She endorsed the recommendation of the Regional Verification Commission for Measles and Rubella elimination (SEA-RVC), which verified Nepal’s achievement.

The SEA-RVC held its annual meeting from July 22-24, where it reviewed and evaluated data submitted by Nepal’s national verification committee on disease surveillance and immunization coverage rates before recommending verification of rubella elimination.

Nepal is the sixth country in the WHO South-East Asia region to achieve this milestone. The region has prioritized the elimination of measles and rubella as public health problems by 2026. Prior to Nepal, Bhutan, DPR Korea, the Maldives, Sri Lanka and Timor-Leste from the region had eliminated rubella.

“Nepal’s achievement of rubella elimination is yet another testament to the success of the national immunization program, which has long been one of the strongest pillars of our healthcare system,” said Pradip Paudel, Minister for Health and Population. He acknowledged the steadfast support from Gavi and WHO and called on all stakeholders to continue their efforts to ensure no child in Nepal suffers from a vaccine-preventable disease.

Nepal first introduced the rubella-containing vaccine into its immunization program in 2012. Subsequent nationwide campaigns in 2016, 2020, and 2024 helped the country achieve over 95 percent coverage for at least one dose of the vaccine by 2024, despite challenges resulting from the Covid-19 pandemic and the 2015 and 2023 earthquakes.

Innovative strategies, such as ‘immunization months’ and outreach programs to vaccinate missed children, provided additional momentum. Nepal also recently introduced a robust laboratory testing algorithm, the first in the WHO South-East Asia Region, to further strengthen surveillance.

“Congratulations to Nepal for eliminating rubella. This public health achievement is the result of close collaboration between the government, dedicated health workers, partners, and communities,” said Dr Rajesh Sambhajirao Pandav, WHO Representative to Nepal. “WHO is proud to have contributed to this journey and remains committed to supporting Nepal in sustaining this accomplishment.”

The Regional Verification Commission for Measles and Rubella elimination in South-East Asia Region (SEA-RVC) was established in March 2016 to monitor progress toward measles and rubella elimination. The WHO says that the National Verification Committees of countries in WHO South-East Asia Region report on annual progress  made towards achieving the goal of measles and rubella elimination which is then reviewed by SEA-RVC which provides suggestions and recommendations or verify them as achieved the status of measles and  rubella elimination.  

In 2013, the WHO South-East Asia Region set the goal to eliminate measles and control rubella by 2020.  In 2019 the goal was revised to measles and rubella elimination by 2023. In view of setbacks during Covid-19 pandemic, in 2024, member countries agreed to extend the target for elimination of measles and  rubella, aspiring to achieve by 2026.

The United States Department of State’s 2024 Country Report on Human Rights Practices for Nepal gives a bleak report of persisting human rights concerns, citing credible reports of arbitrary killings, torture, arbitrary detention, abridgment of press freedom, and human trafficking. While the government has prosecuted some abuses, it “did not consistently punish officials convicted of human rights abuses,” as per the report published on Aug 12.

While the 2023 report has a very lengthy introduction and numerous appendices and references, this new report only has a single introductory page which is strong on a desire to “decrease the volume of statistical data in the report.” The country reports by themselves are, overall, one-third the length of the previous year.

International media like AP, AFP, CNN and Reuters among others accused the report of having taken a stunning turn with references removed to sexual orientation abuses, and horrid conditions in ally countries played down as a shot at people who have gotten into trouble with US President Donald Trump.

The report has alleviated condemnation of a number of states that have proved to be staunch supporters of the Republican leader, such as El Salvador and Israel, which human rights activists assert have had established records of violations. Rather, the State Department issued an alarm of what it called a sliding trend of freedom of speech in Europe, including the UK, and stepped up its attacks on Brazil and South Africa, both nations with which Washington has been at loggerheads over a myriad of issues.

The report was published months later after Trump officials drastically rewrote an early draft to make it conform to the principles of ‘America First’, government officials said on condition of anonymity with Al Jazeera.

Coming back to Nepal, the report states while the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) documented no allegations of arbitrary deaths at the hands of security forces during 2024, there were four deaths in prison from January through mid-Aug 2024, reportedly caused by torture, denial of medical attention, and inhumane prison conditions.

One such incident was with Sunil Shahi, who died on 8 April 2024 in the Kailali prison when he was allegedly brutally attacked with an iron rod by prison officials and inmates after a failed attempt to escape. His body showed signs of utmost brutality, and the investigation continues.

The government went on paying the family of Padam Limbu, a protester who succumbed to police injuries in 2023. Limbu, who was declared a martyr, had already been awarded Rs 1.3m in the previous year and was awarded another Rs 500,000 in Feb 2024.

Even though Nepal’s constitution stands up for free expression, journalists have to deal with structural and situational barriers. Ambiguity of the criminal code, defamation legislation, and the Broadcasting and Working Journalist Acts allows selective prosecution and fosters self-censorship.

On 19 Feb 2024, photojournalists protested at Tundikhel when they were not allowed into Democracy Day events organized by the Nepali Army for a last-minute ‘special pass’ requirement.

The report also refers to threats to investigative journalists. Center for Investigative Journalism–Nepal reporter Gopal Dahal was threatened in Dec 2024 by Dharan Sub-metropolitan City Mayor Harka Sampang and his supporters following a critical report.

In July 2024, journalists reporting on a protest against ride-sharing were assaulted by public transit operators. The government took no action about it, the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) said. Death threats were also leveled against the then-general secretary of the FNJ on stories on smuggling.

The Labor Law of 2017 preserves the freedom to bargain collectively and unionize but is not strong in enforcement, particularly in the informal sector, where over 70 percent of the workers and over 90 percent of the women work. The State Department reports that the Ministry of Labor does not have sufficient inspectors to enforce minimum wage, hour, and occupational safety laws since some of the positions are unfilled.

Although there are fines, they are never imposed in the private sector. Occupational safety enforcement has been referred to as “the most neglected area,” and violations were found in agriculture, construction, mining, transport, and factories.

The study finds routine police practice of arresting individuals before interrogation and coercing them into confession. While the law requires suspects to be taken to court within 24 hours, the Advocacy Forum found that police violated this rule in eight percent of over 1,100 cases it followed.

In perhaps the most high-profile case, Kantipur Media Group chair Kailash Sirohiya was held in May 2024 for suspected misuse of an illegitimate citizenship number. The FNJ termed the arrest as retaliation for Kantipur Daily’s reportage on senior politicians.

Protracted pretrial detention is a concern due to court delay, whereby individuals are at times detained for years before their trial. Preventive detention, for as long as 12 months without being charged, was not used in 2024, according to the report. Although torture is criminalized, the statute of limitations stands at six months, and impunity is the norm. NGOs documented 16 allegations of torture in police detention through mid-Aug 2024, mostly affecting poor and vulnerable individuals. Police reluctance to investigate fellow officers, victim intimidation, and coercive extrajudicial settlements all facilitated impunity.

Marriage before age 20 is illegal, but child marriage remains common, especially among Dalits and Madhesis. Between mid-July and the end of the last fiscal year, the police documented 52 cases. Early marriage still restricts education for girls and exacerbates exposure to domestic violence and trafficking.

Only the pre-1990 Bhutanese and Tibetans are accepted as refugees by the government, whereas the majority of the other estimated 12,000 Tibetan refugees are not documented. Other state refugees like Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Sri Lanka are regarded as irregular migrants despite having been accepted by UNHCR. Exit permits for third-country resettlement charge refugees Rs 1,063 ($8) a day as a fine for ‘illegal stay’. The government has not been issuing Tibetans with new refugee cards since 1995.

Social stigma against unmarried pregnant women, including migrant workers, is also reported. There were no reports of enforced disappearances, though transitional justice under a newly amended Truth and Reconciliation law still has to be put into practice.

The State Department concludes that there has been no essential transformation in the general human rights situation in the country, while documenting ongoing abuses from arbitrary killings to restriction on press freedom and inadequate labor protections.

The report cites “credible reports” of illegal or arbitrary killings, torture, arbitrary detention, limitation of freedom of speech, and trafficking in people, including forced labor. While the government attempted to investigate some of the abuses, the State Department reports that punishment for convicted officials remained sporadic.

It says that while Nepal has a legal system for protecting rights, the enforcement is selective and uneven, and vulnerable groups like journalists, marginalized groups, refugees, and informal workers remain at risk of systemic threats.

Neighbors’ watch

About India, the report said, “The government took minimal credible steps or action to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses.” It says the same for Sri Lanka too. 

On Pakistan, it added, “The government rarely took credible steps to identify and punish officials who committed human rights abuses.”

The report flagged “significant human rights issues” in Bangladesh. It says that primarily under the previous government of Sheikh Hasina, there were credible reports of: arbitrary or unlawful killings; disappearances; torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; arbitrary arrest or detention; transnational repression against individuals in another country by the previous government, serious restrictions on freedom of expression and media freedom, including violence or threats of violence against journalists, unjustified arrests or prosecutions of journalists, and censorship; significant restrictions on workers’ freedom of association; violence or threats against labor activists or union members; and significant presence of the worst forms of child labor. 

But the report says the interim government of Muhammad Yunus worked with the United Nations and used both its ordinary justice system and the Bangladeshi International Criminal Tribunal to hold the perpetrators accountable.

For China, the report says genocide and crimes against humanity occurred against predominantly Muslim Uyghurs and members of other ethnic and religious minority groups. However, the government did not take credible steps or action to identify or punish officials who committed human rights abuses, it says.

Every year, thousands of Nepali women traverse borders to seek jobs as the domestic and care workers in Gulf countries. Their hope to lift families from poverty is met with peril, abandonment, and, most heartbreakingly, death. While Nepal’s remittance-driven migration economy flourishes on—constituting over a quarter of national GDP—the women fueling this economy are systematically erased during life and death.

According to Foreign Employment Board, between 2008 and 2024, around 400 Nepali female migrant workers died overseas. And a total compensation payouts during this period was Rs 168m.

Take the case of Hira Bhujel, once a proud Kuwait returnee. Her first migration was legal and empowering; she bought land, built a house, and placed her family above poverty. When a government ban stopped her second migration to work as domestic labor, Bhujel turned to an irregular route. She died of ‘illness’ within months. She was left by her employer, denied medical care, and left by the state because her migration had been ‘illegal’. Her body came back in a coffin. No one helped—not the state, not the anti-trafficking networks, nor even the migration agencies built on the framework of ‘safe migration’.

Her mother says, “Because she worked abroad without a permit, the government turned its back on us. No compensation, no clear answers.” “Women like my daughter are treated as disposable labour. She was sent away without protection, forgotten when they fall ill or die.”

Bhujel’s is a far too familiar story. Nepali authorities have prohibited all women’s migration for domestic work since 2017. Although relaxed partly in 2020, the policy remains founded on restriction and gendered protectionism. In spite of such prohibitions, however, women keep migrating, often through illegal channels, by sheer necessity. But many never return.

Restrictions on women’s migration, purportedly in their interests, are in fact enhancing their vulnerability. They close off formal routes to them, push them into dangerous informal ones, and exclude them from government support when they are in need or dead, say the experts. “Even destination country embassy staff are cripplingly under-resourced, with just seven people dealing with tens of thousands of migrant cases,” experts say. “Bureaucratic hurdles prevent access to welfare budgets, and when corpses need to be repatriated, the families and local communities are often left to pay the bill.”

Kani Sherpa died in 1998 in Kuwait due to alleged abuse by her employers. This sparked public outcry and led to the ban on Nepali women working in the Gulf. The ban, however, was not effective in preventing women from seeking work in the Gulf. Instead, it pushed many to seek illegal channels, leading to further exploitation. 

The failure is structural: no legal acknowledgment, no psychosocial assistance, inadequate diplomacy, and a policy regime criminalizing women’s survival struggles. Migration bans have created a trend of invisibility and punishment, where it is simpler to overlook women’s deaths than to go out of one’s way to save their lives.

As per the report ‘Invisible in life and death: The aftermath of Nepali female migrant domestic workers’ death’ released by Brunel University of London and Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC), besides financial problems, relatives of the deceased female migrant workers experience critical mental health-related problems. These comprise, but are not limited to, depression, trauma, anxiety, and social isolation. Older parents and children are specifically affected but do not receive any formal psychosocial intervention.

Sabina Oli, longing to remit money home to her sick husband and children, travelled to Kuwait through India with Rs 50,000 borrowed from relatives. She rang home, crying, telling of brutality and cruelty at the hands of her recruiter. And then the calls stopped. Oli died in her sleep due to extreme heat as per her employer. Her family had to raise funds to bring her body back home. No wages, no compensation, no government support followed. Worse, the community ostracized the family for their undocumented migration and withdrew all support.

Similar to Oli, poverty pushed Sanjita Dangi to Saudi Arabia, where she died of alleged suicide. Her body was bruised and scarred, suggesting violence. And yet, no inquiry ensued. Her already indebted husband was socially boycotted. Neighbors who had been standing by the family turned their backs. “My wife would tell me that hard times are only temporary and good days will come. But when I heard about her death, I was devastated,” her husband says.

Nanimaya Nepali too passed away alone in Kuwait. Having endured torture and isolation, she was finally preparing to return home. She was shown her burial through video call—no death certificate, no paperwork, not even a grave marker. The employer claimed that she had tested positive for Covid-19 but there was no official medical report. Her death shattered her family and drove her children into the very same cycle of migration that had taken her life. “We borrowed money hoping to have a better life, and when she died, loans were still here, even the house was locked by the moneylender,” her sister says.

These women are not isolated cases. There are more than 60,000 Nepali women working in the Gulf as domestic workers, estimated in the report, with 48,000 of them working in Kuwait alone. They are largely undocumented, absent from official data, unshielded by bilateral labour agreements, and beneath the radar in public discourse. When they die, their bodies do not return. Their deaths are unrecorded, and their families mourn in secret.

Even when they travel legally, tragedy befalls. Megha Sunar, a legally migrant worker in Oman, had to escape to Kuwait as her employer died and the company said it can’t provide salary anymore. She died in her sleep. There were no further explanations. And because she traveled across borders illegally, the government refused to help with repatriation. Her body came back only when family members and neighbors pooled money. Her husband, who stayed behind to raise two sons, now lives in a day-to-day economic and emotional struggle.

Some, like Manisha Bhandari, faced violence not from employers, but from her husband. He was working abroad in Malaysia. Though their relationship was not healthy, she too migrated to Malaysia for a data entry job. Though she and her husband lived in different cities, they occasionally met, but their relationship was beyond repair. Ten months later, he invited her into his room and murdered her. Her decomposed body was found wrapped in plastic. Her parents, now raising her daughter, received only an insurance payout. There was no mental health support, no institutional care.

Namita Dangol, burdened by her family debt and hopes for her daughter’s future, defied her family’s instructions and emigrated to Cyprus. She sent remittances and stayed in touch initially, but subsequently showed signs of distress, which she concealed from everyone but herself. When she died, legally certified as a suicide, her family was denied closure. Her coffin was sealed, and her death hangs on a cloud of questions. Following her death, a vicious court struggle broke out over the compensation funds. Her husband seized all the power, marrying again within a year and pushing Dangol’s family and daughter aside.

Radha Giri left as a domestic servant to Kuwait, put by an area agent with the assurance of insurance and clearances. A report arrived after just three months that she had passed away. Her battered neck indicated probable strangulation but no inquiry or clarification followed later. The family was given a paltry Rs 50,000 for burial costs by the agent, who was not held responsible. Giri’s husband struggles to cope with grief, turning to daily labor and sometimes alcohol, while their children live apart under relatives’ care. The family received no legal advice, counselling, or government help.

The story of Amrita Sarki illustrates the risks of clandestine migration. Having proceeded to Kuwait without a labor certificate, she worked in domestic service and then ran a small beauty parlour. Two years later, a fellow worker reported her dead. While the authorities ruled her death as a suicide, her family suspect it was a case of murder. With no official help on offer because she was undocumented, her body took months to be brought home through community efforts. Sarki’s death devastated her family’s financial and social standing, bringing stigma and isolation.

Even sanctioned legal migration proved no guarantee of safety for Asmita Kunwar, a victim of sexual harassment and physical abuse at the hands of Kuwait bosses. When she was found dead by hanging, officially an ‘illegal migrant’ since a job change, neither government departments nor embassies helped. Her family had to wait months and pay huge sums to repatriate her body with no benefits or compensation.

A friend recounts the horrible experience of Shreya Nepali, a single mother, who was pestered with constant abuse and sexual harassment. They both were first taken to Saudi Arabia and then to Kuwait to work as domestic workers where their passports were immediately confiscated. Her life there was a nightmare, says her friend. She endured relentless work during the day and suffered sexual abuse from her employer at night. Refusal brought starvation, sometimes lasting days.

“I did not see her for several days. When I inquired, the employer told me she had taken her own life. I was shocked. I strongly believe she was killed for resisting abuse,” her friend says. Her mother too migrated to India and never returned.The family was left in debt and desperation, without assistance or justice as stigma and silence ostracized them from society.

Susmita Thapa, 22, had left Nepal legally from Kathmandu airport to work in Jordan. She was reserved and reliable and aspired to lift her family out of poverty. The initial signs had been encouraging with remittances back home from her domestic work. But life took a dramatic turn for her family in 2018 when they heard about Thapa’s death. The official report was that of suicide, but Sanu Thapa, her mother, simply couldn’t accept it. The body arrived with company representatives and a postmortem report but without a follow-up investigation. Overwhelmed and ill-equipped, the family cremated Thapa’s body without explanation.

The report says that the death of migrant women workers often results in economic devastation due to unrepaid migration loans and lost income. As a result, different members of the family are forced to sell their houses, property and assets and migrate to other locations. The majority of the families fall into debt cycles with exorbitant interest rates, with female-headed households suffering the most. The families face social stigma and blame from their society for having pushed their women through irregular channels while marginalized castes face further exclusion, and the children are likely to be shunned at school.

The specialists suggest eliminating the ban on internal labor migration and having open legal migration routes. “Unconditionally, recognize, register and protect all undocumented migrants in embassies,” they say.

Sushil Acharya, director of the Foreign Employment Board Secretariat, stated that budget constraints have halted the functioning of valuable programs. He stated that the budget received from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is utilized primarily in running the repatriation of deceased migrant workers and in providing compensation, but the Ministry of Finance has not made additional budget available.

Acharya also committed to accepting the suggestions that flowed through the discussion in a positive manner and proceeded towards their implementation. “Political will is the only way the ban on female migrant workers will be lifted,” he says. “Trade unions also want the ban to be lifted, but they need to pressure their political leaders to act.”

It is clear to everyone, except perhaps for some policymakers who continue to chant the mantra of ‘protecting women’ by restricting their mobility, migration bans on domestic work have not protected women at all. Instead, they have pushed women into using irregular and unsafe routes, easy targets to exploitation. They are thus compelled to either be at the mercy of agents who control their destiny, be voiceless when faced with abuse, or their untimely deaths are dismissed as natural and not subjected to inquiry.

Names of the victims in this story are changed for privacy

Nepal has formulated six strategies to address the challenges that it is set to face once it graduates from the Least Developed Country (LDC) status. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli informed the National Assembly on Wednesday that all six strategies are in place.

These plans are to be implemented by various committees established to carry out these strategies: a high-level steering committee under the PM, an implementation and coordination committee under the Vice-chairperson of the National Planning Commission, a federal evaluation committee under Chief Secretary, and provincial-level implementation committees under Chief Ministers.

The government plans to reenact and lower a few laws while legislating new ones in a way that will move in harmony and sustainably, Oli said, responding to queries during a discussion in the National Assembly on the post-graduation scenario.

According to Oli, Nepal is working to make its external relations robust by effective diplomatic efforts internationally, strengthening the enforcement of international treaties and gaining international solidarity through bilateral and multilateral relations. He also stated that opportunities are opening for more investment and concessionary credit.

The state government is also geared toward overhauling legislation on public procurement and construction policy, institutional and personal capacity building, and infrastructure and connectivity upgrade to transform Nepal from a landlocked country into a land-linked country. In addition, there are attempts to stimulate value chains through multinational companies.

Oli said that measures have been devised to mitigate the impacts of graduation in the private sector, labor and employment, and trade. All sectors, he added, will be facilitated by the government in making the transition sustainable.

Oli expressed confidence that Nepal’s graduation would raise the nation’s global standing and herald efforts toward self-reliance. “It’s a point of happiness. This shows that Nepal is becoming self-sufficient. Our country rating index will also be better, and the investment climate will be strengthened further,” he added.

He also went on to say that LDC graduation would enhance Nepal’s economic diplomacy by hosting events such as Sagarmatha Sambaad and investment forums. Since bilateral trade and cooperation of Nepal are dominant, the direct impact of the graduation in this sector will be minimal in the short term, he said.

Nepal has been on the UN list of Least Developed Countries since 18 Nov 1971. It has taken 55 years, and the country is graduating in the year 2026. Nepal, the LDC group chair of 45 countries at present, has been undertaking a process for graduation from the LDC status since 2010 through regular plans and programs.

Oli explained that Nepal had progressed in the Economic and Environmental Vulnerability Index and Human Assets Index, as assessed by the UN in 2015, 2018, and 2021. 

He noted that some benefits Nepal derives as an LDC—such as preferential trade from the World Trade Organization, UN special facilities and concessions from bilateral partners such as the EU and World Bank—could be restricted after graduation. The same could be true in the sectors of health and education also.

Referring to challenges such as global warming and natural disasters, Oli said the government has already embarked on diplomacy through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and initiated a transition plan smoothly through the National Planning Commission. Emphasizing the commitment of the government, he said: “Some claim the government is doing nothing, but this is not true. We are already making significant strides.”

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari is desperately trying to join CPN-UML, vowing to uphold the ideology of her late husband, Madan Bhandari, who advocated for Nepal’s communists to adapt to multiparty democracy. Some argue that Bhandari’s re-entry is justified, while others say it is inappropriate for a former head of state to rejoin party politics.

The UML has officially refused to renew the party membership of Bhandari, blocking her from rejoining active politics. The party clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

Party chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has long maintained that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. He contends that the Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, even after retirement.

Bhandari, who approved two unconstitutional decisions of the Oli-led cabinet to dissolve the parliament, recently said she is aware that this incident will continue to follow her. She, who endorsed the controversial recommendations for parliament dissolution at Oli’s recommendation, however, says that she was not under any pressure while endorsing it. According to her, she just implemented what the cabinet decided, and followed the constitutional provisions.

Once seen as close political allies—supporting his ambitions and him advancing her profile—the Oli-Bhandari alliance is decidedly over. 

Bhandari’s election in 2015 as Nepal’s first female president presented an image of a neutral head of state in line with Nepal’s constitution. But behind the mask of impartiality lay a fraught relationship with the ruling communist force—and its most dominant leader, Oli.

Let’s revisit the principal flashpoints of the contentious choices of Bhandari while she served as president: the National Assembly process delays, the controversial swearing in of her second term, the two dissolutions of Parliament, and the citizenship and financial-governance ordinance standoffs that pulled her further into partisan controversy. It leads up to the present standoff over UML leadership, explaining how the erstwhile united front has since fragmented under pressures of constitutional interpretation, personal ambition, and shifting political norms.

Shortly after the 2017 general elections, the outgoing government led by Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba presented an ordinance for calling the first National Assembly elections. Pursuant to Article 129, these elections had to be held within certain timeframes, yet Bhandari left the ordinance hanging for weeks, delaying the formation of the upper house. She was accused by critics of succumbing to UML pressure to slow a process that was Congress-skewed; Prime Minister Deuba condemned openly ‘undue influence’, and the debate ignited a national uproar over government paralysis.

In a surprising twist, Bhandari ratified the ordinance on 29 Dec 2017—but only after retracting the original proposal and replacing it with the Congress‑sponsored version. This abrupt volte‑face cleared the way for a new government, but did little to assuage concerns about her impartiality. The episode hinted at an emerging modus vivendi: Bhandari would delay until political pressure reached fever pitch, then step in to resolve crises on terms that often advantaged Oli’s party.

Barely weeks into Oli’s premiership, a second test of Bhandari’s resolve emerged. In Feb 2018, Deuba’s government nominated three members to the upper house. Bhandari refused to endorse them, deferring action even after Oli replaced Deuba on Feb 15. Once Oli sent his own slate of nominees, she approved them immediately—effectively dismissing Deuba’s choices without public explanation.

By then, crucial weeks had slipped by, delaying the assembly’s functioning. Legal scholars denounced the move as a violation of Article 79, arguing that the president’s discretion must not be wielded as a partisan weapon. Though no formal penalties followed, the episode further eroded Bhandari’s reputation for neutrality—and cemented her reputation within UML circles as a loyal ally.

When Bhandari took office again in March 2018, she was faced with another constitutional impediment. Her swearing-in by Chief Justice Gopal Parajuli took place just a few minutes after a Judicial Council notification had ostensibly retired Parajuli on the basis of having exceeded the retirement age. Legal appeals soon challenged the validity of the presidency as well, arguing that the oath taken unlawfully invalidated her mandate.

Though the Supreme Court ultimately allowed the challenge to proceed, the controversy underscored the delicate interplay between executive and judicial branches. Critics argued that Bhandari’s eagerness to proceed with the ceremony—despite clear legal questions—revealed a willingness to ignore procedural safeguards whenever political expedience demanded.

The apex of Bhandari and Oli’s controversial partnership came in late 2020. After losing a confidence vote on Dec 20, Prime Minister Oli advised dissolution of the House of Representatives under Article 76 (1), and Bhandari issued the proclamation that same night. The suddenness of the move—announced at midnight, without parliamentary debate—triggered nationwide protests and mass legal challenges. Seven ministers resigned in protest, and constitutional lawyers decried the act as a blatant usurpation of popular mandate.

The Supreme Court in Feb 2021 invalidated the dissolution as unconstitutional, ordering the House to convene. Unfazed, Oli instructed—and Bhandari sanctioned—a second one in May 2021, this time under Article 76 (5). Protests and petitions again followed. On July 12, the court nullified the second proclamation and named Deuba prime minister, rebuking the president for serially signing off on acts unconstitutional.

These back‑to‑back decisions—rubber‑stamped with minimal scrutiny—fractured public trust. Observers chastised the president for sacrificing constitutional fidelity to prop up Oli’s political fortunes, and for ignoring warnings about the humanitarian costs amid a surging pandemic.

Beyond parliamentary maneuvers, Bhandari’s role in citizenship law reforms sparked further debate. In May 2021, during the Covid-19 pandemic and political crisis, she promulgated a citizenship amendment ordinance at Oli’s behest, only to see the Supreme Court stay its implementation as “colourable legislation” bypassing parliament. Oli did so to please his coalition partners.

The turning point was in Aug 2022, when a gender‑equitable Citizenship Amendment Bill passed both houses. Bhandari vetoed it with fifteen recommendations, but when parliament flared up at the unchanged text, she let it lapse by failing to sign it within the 15‑day constitutional deadline. Deuba was the prime minister.  Tens of thousands of children, especially those born to Nepali women and foreign men, remained stateless. Opponents branded the move as a ‘pocket veto’ legally equal to constitutional violation; five top ruling-party officials publicly criticized the move and threatened impeachment.

Bhandari defended her action as maintaining the sanctity of the constitution. Nevertheless, her denial of assent to a democratically passed bill involved her in further charges of abusing presidential discretion for political ends while disguising it with ceremonial facade.

Several additional controversies have marked Bhandari’s presidency, painting a portrait of a head of state who often blurred the line between ceremonial duty and political involvement.

In Oct 2017, when then–Prime Minister Deuba had presented an ordinance on medical education to the House of Representatives, President Bhandari retained it in her custody for nearly three weeks. Her delay had come under widespread public backlash, particularly from civil society and activist Dr Govinda KC. She signed the ordinance only on Nov 10—much beyond executive standards—drawing charges that she had exercised presidential discretion for political reasons.

In Nov 2020, Bhandari once more courted controversy by wading directly into the internal struggle of the then-ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP). She met with factional leaders such as Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bamdev Gautam, and Oli to attempt to mediate a solution to the party’s internal crisis. This was seen as a grave breach of presidential impartiality by analysts, some of whom stated that she behaved more like a political patron than as a constitutional head of state.

In Dec 2020, the Oli Cabinet pushed through an ordinance amending the Constitutional Council Act to allow council decisions with minimal quorum. President Bhandari swiftly approved it, enabling controversial appointments across constitutional bodies bypassing parliamentary hearings. Critics saw this as unchecked rubber-stamping of executive excess.

On 21 Sept 2022, Bhandari made a pre-recorded address to a Chinese-funded Global Security Initiative forum in Beijing in contravention of reportedly advised by Deuba government’s Foreign Ministry. Her presence was strongly condemned for being a breach of diplomatic etiquette and risking Nepal’s tenuous foreign policy balance.

Again in Oct 2022, Deuba was the prime minister and President Bhandari refused to promulgate a government ordinance presented to amend several laws—including the Money Laundering Prevention Act and Foreign Investment Act—that were necessary for Nepal’s compliance with Financial Action Task Force (FATF) deadlines. Her inaction was condemned for suppressing vital anti–money laundering reforms and for exacerbating Nepal’s slowing efforts to deliver international obligations. She is also blamed by critics for Nepal’s Feb 2025 gray‑listing, which affected foreign investment and bank costs.

Finally, in March 2023, she was faulted for allegedly renaming the formal Twitter identity of the President’s Office (@PresidentofNP) to her name (@BidyaDBhandari), stripping it of official verification. The move raised public and institutional ire, as her replacement was barred from occupying the verified cyberspace, which was condemned as misuse of official facilities for individual purposes.

Every episode has eroded the myth of politically neutral presidency and strengthened the image of Bhandari as a partisan official instead of a fair-minded umpire above factional turmoil. The same controversies that plagued her government now fuel suspicions regarding the true motives for her actions. In UML ranks, there is skepticism as to whether her ascent predicts yet another cycle of internal civil strife.

Bhandari’s eight‑year tenure was marked by contradictions: sworn to uphold Nepal’s constitution, yet accused of stretching its limits; cast as the ultimate ceremonial figure, yet wielding real—and often decisive—discretion. Her partnership with Oli brought the promise of stable governance but delivered repeated constitutional crises. Now, as she lays claim to lead the very party she served from the ceremonial chair earlier, Bhandari has to face the record of those standoffs: the dead ordinances, the contested oaths, the dissolutions abhorred by the judiciary, and the citizenship reforms balancing.

The United States has completed a review of foreign aid for the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) portfolio as part of alignment with the Trump administration’s ‘America First’ foreign policy. The new strategy, MCC explained in a press statement, will make the US ‘safer, stronger and more prosperous’. Further details are to follow after the MCC Board decision-making process and other consultations with the US Congress and partner countries.

The $500m MCC Compact is being implemented in collaboration with the government. The government has agreed to add another $197m, making the project’s total cost stand at $747m. The compact will develop Nepal’s transmission network for electricity and highways, promoting national prosperity and regional energy integration.

Earlier, Millennium Challenge Account Nepal (MCA-Nepal) appreciated the US government’s decision to allow continuation of the project under a special exception with the ongoing suspension of larger foreign aid programs.

On Jan 20, US President Donald Trump issued an executive order directing a review of all US foreign aid in accordance with the ‘America First’ policy. This led to a halt in the disbursement of aid from organizations like USAID and MCC for 90 days. Although MCC was exempted at first, its funding was eventually included in the suspension.

However, in March, MCC granted permission for Nepal to continue with essential procurement and office operations. Since then, project implementation has resumed. The MCC Board has already approved an additional $50m in Jan 2025 to address cost overruns in the transmission line component, although both the Nepal cabinet and US Congress are yet to confirm the release of these funds.

Contracts for three substations of Tanahun (Damauli), Nuwakot (Ratmate) and Nawalparasi, as well as for an 18-kilometer transmission line between the New Butwal substation and the Indian border, have been issued. Physical work has already begun in most places.

MCA-Nepal has also tendered for the remaining 297 km of transmission lines and bid evaluations are in the final phase. An earlier tender for 315 km had to be cancelled after bids received were over 60 percent higher than estimated costs.

Implementation of the five-year compact began on 30 Aug 2023. Any unspent money at the close date will be returned to the US government. To date, during fiscal years 2023 and 2024, $471.3m in obligations have been incurred under the MCC Nepal Compact, states ForeignAssistance.gov.

Signed in Sept 2017, the MCC-Nepal Compact took years of politicking, parliamentary ratification finally happening on 27 Feb 2022. At last, after a six-year break since the signing of the agreement, the project was launched officially in Aug 2023.

Though Nepal has already increased its share from the originally agreed $130m to $197m, the additional $50m MCC aid remains uncertain. Whether or not the Trump administration will approve the additional funds and whether or not Nepal’s cabinet will endorse it remains unknown.

Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is a US government agency established by the Congress in 2004 as an independent entity to reduce global poverty through granting time-limited programs of economic growth, poverty reduction and institution building. While the agency’s top priority is development in partner countries, its mission is also designed to promote American interests abroad.

Nepal was eligible for MCC assistance in 2014 and obtained the $500m grant following persistent dialogue. The compact is one of the biggest bundles of US assistance to Nepal ever and is being implemented under MCA-Nepal, an office established under Development Board Act, 2013.

The CPN-UML has stated that the issue of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s party membership renewal has become ‘automatically inactive’. Speaking at a press conference held at the party’s central office in Chyasal on Wednesday, UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

“We decided that the ex-president should not return to politics. So, the issue of renewing her membership in her party is no longer relevant. We have shelved it,” Pokharel said. He said that Bhandari had submitted her membership renewal application and fee a year ago, but the matter was not disclosed but was kept secret until the internal debate took place. It became known only after Bhandari herself disclosed it.

“Since her honored previous position, it was viewed as a delicate issue. We did not wish to expose it without due deliberation. But as she publicly disclosed it, the party was forced to react,” Pokharel explained.

The UML has also contended that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. The party contends that Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, after retirement. “The Nepali democratic system envisions the President as a constitutional, not an executive head. So, returning to party politics after serving as President cheapens the office,” wrote a UML release.

The statement pointed out that Bhandari is a highly respected figure in Nepali politics and had behaved with dignity—both as a party member and as the President. She was even honored during UML’s Diamond Jubilee as a ‘Pride of the Republic’. But, citing constitutional values and precedence, the party concluded that allowing an ex-president to engage in partisan politics would cast doubt on their previous decisions and impartiality.

At the same time, General Secretary Pokharel claimed that the UML has not excluded anyone from running for leadership in the coming party convention. In reply to the rumors that recent amendments of the statutes—removing two-term and age-70 limitations—were made so as to provide KP Sharma Oli with uncontested leadership, Pokharel claimed the amendments were debated from an institutional point of view. “Anyone who fulfills the party’s requirements can run.” “The offer is open and democratic,” he said, adding that most members of the Central Committee consider Oli to be the most suitable to take the party through the next general elections.

The party’s ninth Central Committee meeting had concluded late Tuesday night after passing eight resolutions. The debate over Bhandari’s political role took up much of the meeting, and a minimal dissent was voiced. However, Oli concluded the meeting by announcing that Bhandari’s party membership issue had not been endorsed. The UML leaders warned that allowing a former president to return to party politics could set a negative precedent, potentially politicizing the constitutional office of the President.

The Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation has obtained the final investigation report on the fatal accident of a Saurya Airlines CRJ-200 aircraft (tail number 9N–AME) that crashed shortly after departure from Tribhuvan International Airport on 24 July 2024 claiming the lives of 18 people.

The report was formally presented to Minister Badri Prasad Pandey by Ratish Chandra Lal Suman, chairman of the government-appointed inquiry commission. Minister Pandey, at the handing-over ceremony, assured that the ministry would take action based on the report’s findings and confirmed that the inquiry was conducted independently and without the influence of any external party.

What, when and where?

On July 24 morning, a Saurya Airlines Bombardier CRJ-200, on a non-commercial ferry flight to Pokhara for routine maintenance, crashed seconds after lifting off from runway 02 of Tribhuvan International Airport. There were 19 people on board, including cockpit and engineering staff.

Shortly after takeoff at 11:11 am, the plane made a sudden rightward bank and plunged near runway 20, bursting into flames upon impact. Emergency responders—including airport firefighters, police, and the military—were deployed swiftly. The accident claimed 18 lives and temporarily shut down airport operations, delaying multiple domestic and international flights. Only the captain survived.

The incident prompted an immediate government response, and a five-member investigation commission was formed in an emergency Cabinet meeting. The team, which was headed by Ratish Chandra Lal Suman, former director general of the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), also included Captain Dipu Jwarchan, engineering professors Kuldip Bhattarai and Sanjay Adhikari, and CAAN air traffic controller Mukesh Dangol.

Their finished report outlines the crash’s causes and provides recommendations for preventing such an incident from recurring.

What went wrong?

Preliminary reports suggest a number of operational failures. One of the most significant was incorrect weight distribution; bags were not properly stowed and may have shifted on takeoff. The crew also used takeoff speeds that did not match guide figures from the plane manual, resulting in unstable flight dynamics.

The report highlights that the pitch rate during takeoff was as high as 8.6° per second—nearly three times higher than that specified by the manufacturer—making the aircraft uncontrollable seconds after rotation. Furthermore, the ferry flight had been cleared without due supervision from CAAN, bypassing critical safety checks.

The aircraft had not been operated for over a month and was heading to Pokhara for base maintenance. Despite holding a valid airworthiness certificate and having undergone minimum return-to-service inspections, the report states that more thorough maintenance tasks had been deferred.

The captain, with over 6,000 hours of flight time—much of it on the CRJ-200—was accompanied by a far less experienced co-pilot. The technically competent crew, it is reported, failed to take into account critical parameters like proper trim settings, load balancing, and correct speed selection.

The aircraft was full of 19 individuals and approximately 600 kg of baggage, bringing its total takeoff weight to over 18 tons. The investigators found that proper load-securing measures, such as cargo nets and straps outlined in the airline’s Ground Handling Manual, were not followed.

It is estimated that the unsecured load created an aft center of gravity, which, in combination with an improper stabilizer setting, might have led to an uncontrollable nose-up pitch during climb-out—aerodynamically stalling.

The investigation also revealed procedural deficiencies at CAAN. The ferry flight was approved despite missing or incomplete documentation, contrary to the requirements of CAAN’s own 2015 Flight Permission Manual. The regulator was chastised by investigators for allowing a potentially non-compliant aircraft to fly without invoking appropriate safety checks.

The commission called for urgent overhaul of CAAN procedures for approving non-scheduled and ferry flights.

Both Flight Data Recorder (FDR) and Cockpit Voice Recorder (CVR) were recovered and analyzed in Singapore with international help. Data revealed that both engines were functioning normally throughout the flight.

However, pitch rate data and audio transcripts revealed a series of stall warnings (stick shaker activations) seconds into the takeoff. The plane rolled uncontrollably as the pilot fought to regain control—first to the right, then left, and once again right—before the crash. It all took place in under 20 seconds, which reflected the rapidity with which events unfolded.

The investigation commission also issued a series of interim safety recommendations directed to airline operators and the CAAN. Among the significant directives was the revision and updating of takeoff speed charts and Reduced Takeoff Weight (RTOW) data with immediate effect so that they align with the aircraft manufacturer’s official manuals.

The commission demanded rigorous enforcement of baggage and cargo handling rules, with proper weight distribution and load securing using nets or straps to prevent load shifts during flight. It also called for the complete overhaul of CAAN’s flight authorization process, particularly ferry and chartered flights, to close oversight loopholes and improve compliance with established safety procedures.

In 2013 the European Union, citing safety issues, banned airlines licensed in Nepal from flying the European airspace.

Saurya Airlines will do “everything possible” to implement and adhere to the recommendations, operation manager Bivechan Khanal told Reuters. The crash highlighted the poor air safety record of landlocked Nepal, which depends greatly on air connectivity.