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Before the start of the Holi week, KP Sharma Oli was already thought of as perhaps the strongest prime minister of democratic Nepal.Following the unification of his CPN-UML (the biggest party in national parliament) and Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led CPN Maoist Center (the third biggest), Oli already commanded a single-party majority in the federal parliament as well as in six of the seven provincial assemblies.

If the current efforts to bring Upendra Yadav’s Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum into the government succeed, then the ruling coalition will have 190 MPs in the 275-strong federal lower house, or over two-thirds of all seats.

That will give the coalition enough votes to amend the constitution, most crucially to make it easier to change provincial boundaries. The forum is close to joining the government because PM Oli has assured it of support for such a constitutional change. As we went to the press, the forum’s participation in the government was all but certain, with negotiations deadlocked not over ideological issues but over distribution of portfolios.

When the forum eventually joins the federal government, Oli will also have great leverage over Province 2, the only province that his communist juggernaut does not currently control. (The forum’s Lal Babu Raut is the chief minister in the province.) But the prime minister is not stopping there to consolidate his power.

This week also saw the prime minister change laws to vest all the residual powers—the powers that, for some reason, have not been delegated to the provinces, the local bodies and to other ministries—in the Prime Minister’s Office. He does not stop there. The PMO will henceforth directly oversee such vital state organs as the National Investigation Department (tasked with strengthening national security), the Department of Revenue Investigation (investigating leakage of taxpayer money) and the Department of Anti-Money Laundering.

From now on, the PMO will also set the guidelines for and monitor NGOs and INGOs. It will also have the power to open new think tanks.
PM Oli now has near absolute power. How he uses it will define his political legacy. It will also set a strong precedent, good or bad, for how the all-important task of institutionalizing the new federal democratic republic pans out.

Having secured the unification of the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist Center), the largest and the third largest parties in the federal parliament respectively, UML Chairman KP Oli has formally invited Upendra Yadav’s Sang­hiya Samajbadi Forum Nepal (SSFN) to join his government. Oli has hinted that he is open to the idea of amending the constitution to address the demands of the Madhesi parties.

The prime minister right now has the support of 174 lawmakers in the 275-member lower house of the federal parliament. Oli believes that if he can get the support of the two main Madhesi parties—Mahanta Thakur’s Rastriya Janata Party Nepal (RJPN) with its 17 seats and Yadav’s SSFN (16 seats)—then the leftist ruling coalition will have a solid mandate to govern for the next five years.

But the two main Madhesi forces have so far been non-com­mittal. When The Express wanted to know about the progress in his deliberations with the ruling parties, SSFN chairman Yadav was dismissive: “Oli’s government is all talk. So far it has made no substantial proposal that will convince us to join the government.”

Asked what the bottom-line of the Madhesi parties is, Yadav retorts that the bottom-line “has not changed in a long time.” He was primarily hinting at the old demand of the Madhesi parties that there be two Madhes-only provinces in the entire Tarai belt and that there be more representation from Mad­hes in the national legislature.

The Madhesi parties believe that voters in Province 2 trusted them so that they could make a strong pitch for con­stitution amendment. As such, it will be difficult for them to abandon the amendment issue. But it will be as difficult for the UML chairman to change provincial boundaries, as he reckons that his party won the elections by constantly ques­tioning the rationale for the kind of constitution amendments the Madhesi parties want.

Yet a kind of meeting-point seems to be on the horizon. RJPN leaders in particular say the UML and Oli have, after the elections, “softened on Madhesi issues,” as senior RJPN leader Sarvendra Nath Shukla put it. “So although we may not immediately join the government, we can still consider supporting it from the outside.”

An RJPN leader even hinted that his party could be flexible on the provincial boundary issue, thus far the biggest sticking point between the UML and the Madhesi parties.

Shukla for his part believes the UML has realized that it cannot ignore Province 2, “which among the seven provinces sends the most MPs to the national parliament.” Considering the softening of the UML’s stand, says Shukla, “Madhesi par­ties should also be ready to find common ground.”

 A quick-fire 42 runs in 31 balls by bowler Karan KC propelled Nepal into the qualifiers of the 2019 Cricket World Cup, as they beat Canada by one wicket on Wednes­day, February 15. This represents the greatest victory for Nepal in the 50-over international cricket. Nepal will now be able to take part in the World Cup Qualifiers to be held in Zimbabwe in March later this year. Top two teams in the qualifiers will make it to the 2019 World Cup in England and Wales. In the final (must-win) match of the ICC World Cricket League Divi­sion-2 held at the Wanderers Crick­et Ground in Windhoek, Namibia, Nepal sneaked through on the last ball, thanks to the heroics of KC, whose inning was studded with three fours and four sixes.

Earlier, deciding to bowl first, Nepal had restricted Canada to an average total of 194 runs, for eight wickets, in the stipulated 50 overs. Basant Regmi was the pick of the bowlers for Nepal, taking three wickets and giving away only 34 runs in 10 overs. Sandeep Lamichhane took two wickets while Karan KC and Sharad Veshwakar took one wicket each.

In reply, Nepal made a poor start losing opener Gyanendra Malla for just 9 runs and captain Paras Khad­ka for a first-ball duck. Sharad Vesh­wakar too was out early, scoring only 1 run in 5 balls.

Building on the 45 runs scored by wicket-keeper batsman Dilip Nath and 18 runs by Dipendra Singh Airee, Aarif Sheikh and Rohit Kumar took Nepal close to the victory target. However, Nepal kept losing wickets and were left with the last pair in the 42nd over with only 144 runs on the board.

However, Karan had other ideas and took away the match with a sen­sational innings, while Sandeep gave him company. Karan scored a single of the last ball to script a famous win for the country.

With the win, Nepal finished top of the points on the (six-team table) with 8 points from five matches.

(With inputs from RSS)

Following the conclusion of the election of the National Assembly, the federal upper house, the chief ministers of all seven provinces have been quickly finalized. How well do you know these provincial government heads? Here is a primer into their lives and achievements.

Sherdhan Rai, Province 1

The CPN-UML politburo member was born in Aamchowk, Bhojpur to Jagirman and Ram­rimaya Rai on Feb 13, 1971. Rai, who has a Masters in Sociology, started his political career in 1988. He spent his first three years in politics underground at the fag-end of the Panchayat rule. Rai has risen through the UML via his long-time involvement in its student wing. He won a seat to the new provincial assembly from Bhojpur 1 (B) constituency.

Mohammad Lal Babu Raut, Province 2

The Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum leader, who was born on June 22, 1966, is the sole Madhesi as well as the sole Muslim to be elected chief minister. A resident of Jagaranathpur rural municipality in Parsa, Raut has an MA in English as well as an LLB. He has over a decade of teaching experience in Thakuram Multiple Campus in Birgunj. Raut, an active participant in various Madhesi uprisings, won the provincial election from Parsa 1 (B) constituency.

Dor Mani Poudel, Province 3

The CPN-UML lawmaker in the Province 3 assembly was born on March 28, 1946. He is best known for his innovative development plans for Hetauda municipality. Poudel has twice served in the capacity of the mayor of Hetauda. Active in politics for the past 38 years, he has been jailed four times in his political career. He was elected to the provincial assembly from Makawanpur constituency 1 (B).

Prithvi Subba Gurung, Province 4

The CPN-UML Secretary, known for his humility and intellectual bent, was born on Feb 12, 1958, to Ganga Prasad and Chini Gurung, in Taxar of Lamjung district. Gurung is a graduate in science and a teacher by profession and has been in active politics since 1977. In the recent provincial election, he was elected from Lam­jung 1 (B) constituency.

Shankar Pokhrel, Province 5

UML standing committee member Shankar Pokhrel, born in 1964 in Bijauri of Dang dis­trict, is no stranger to power, having served in senior roles both in his party and the govern­ment previously. He is known for his organi­zational strength. Thought of as particularly close to party chairman KP Sharma Oli, Pokhrel was elected chief minister unopposed when the UML’s Province 5 Parliamentary Party unanimously approved his name. Pokhrel was elected to the provincial assembly from Dang 2 (A) constituency.

Mahendra Bahadur Shahi, Province 6 (nominated)

The CPN (Maoist Center) leader was a min­ister for energy in the outgoing government of Sher Bahadur Deuba. Shahi was a divisional commander in the Maoist military. Born in 1976, Shahi won the provincial elections from Kalikot 1 (B) constituency, beating his party col­league, Naresh Bhandari of Jumla, as the main chief minister contender.

Trilochan Bhatta, Province 7

The second Maoist leader to be selected chief minister, Bhatta was born in 1969 to father Prasad and mother Saradadevi. Bhatta is an old figure in Nepali communist movement, even though he might not be a familiar face in national politics. In 2006 he was nominated the chief of the Doti chapter of the mother Maoist party. Bhatta was elected to provincial assem­bly from Doti 1 (B) constituency.

CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma—as the head of the communist coalition with CPN (Maoist Center), which together have an absolute majority in national parlia­ment—has started his second inning as prime minister. Due to a technicality in the country’s electoral laws, the new government could not be formed for nearly two-and-a-half months of the federal elections.

Now that it is in place, what do people have to look for­ward to? “First and foremost, the left coalition must fulfill the promises on stability and prosperity that it made on the campaign trail,” says political analyst Krishna Khanal. “Oth­erwise, I don’t think Nepali people have traditionally had high expectations of their governments.”

The most remarkable aspect of the latest change of guard at Singadurbar, as Khanal points out, is that a government with people’s direct mandate has been formed after a long time. “The previous time Oli was prime minister, he only had technical mandate to govern. Not so this time,” Khanal says. If he wants, Oli can now enact sweeping reforms to make the government people-friendly, Khanal adds.

“I think the biggest challenge for the new government will be to implement the new constitution,” says former chief election commissioner Bhojraj Pokharel, “State-restructur­ing, as provided in the new constitution, will be a big chal­lenge.” Pokharel adds that state-restructuring is not limited to redrawing the country’s internal boundaries. “It is as much about having the right manpower and the right mindset to bring about sweeping changes in our governance, as required under a federal set-up”.

Both Khanal and Pokharel worry if the country has ade­quate resources to properly implement the federal set-up.

Another tricky issue for the new government will be addressing the demands of the Madhesi parties. Unlike in other six provinces where the left alliance will rule, in Prov­ince 2, the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum and the Rastriya Janata Party Nepal, two Madhesi parties, are forming a coalition. They come to power on the promise of amending the con­stitution to establish the agendas raised by various Madhesi uprisings. Yet changing provincial contours via constitution amendment, as the Madhesi parties want, is a devilishly diffi­cult business. “But since the left alliance has a strong central government, in addition to ruling six of the seven provinces, it will have no good excuse to keep pushing aside the Madhesi demands,” says Pokharel.

All this suggests the new prime minister’s plate will be brimful from Day One.

Around 30,000 new cancer diagnosis are made is Nepal every year—only a third of them get treated. According to the National Cancer Registry Program, the rest do not pursue treatment due to lack of finances, illiteracy and negligence. It is to get these untreat­ed people to seek timely treatment, and to raise general awareness on the disease, that the Annapurna Media Network (AMN) has been organizing a yearly cycle rally, ‘Ride for Life’, on the World Cancer Day on February 4. Lung cancer is the most common cancer in Nepal while incidents of cervical, breast and abdomen can­cers are also rising. A patient diag­nosed with cancer in the first stage has 95 percent chance of cure; with cure rates plummeting to 50 per­cent with a third-stage diagnosis. In the fourth stage, cure is nearly impossible. Raising aware­ness on this was one of the goals of the cycle rally.

The Chief of Army staff Rajendra Chhetri kicked off the fourth edition of the Ride for Life from the AMN head office in Tinkune, Kathmandu. Hundreds of cyclists took part, as the rally passed through Gausha­la, Chabahil, Maharajgung, Gonga­bu, Balaju, Sorakhutte, Lainchaur, Jamal, Ratnapark, Bhadrakali, Tri­pureshwor, Thapathali, Maitighar, Baneshwor, before converging at Tinkune again.

“We should all unite to fight can­cer and to give the message that it can be prevented if we are self-aware,” says Sushil Pant, the Chairman of Nepal Cancer Foun­dation, who was also participating in the cycle rally.

The names of the participants of the cycle rally went into a lucky draw. The bumper award of a 43-inch television went to Samim Paudel. Similarly, Rajendra Chhetri got the first prize (a mountain bike) while Sanubabu Thapa and Ratman Gurung together got the second prize (each a two-way Simrik Air­lines Kathmand-Pokhara ticket). Likewise, in third prize, seven lucky winners were given six-month sub­scription of Annapurna daily and Annapurna Sampurna magazine. APEX BUREAU

A few things stall the long-hyped merger between CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center), the first and the third largest parties in national parliament respectively. The most important of them is the dispute over who gets to lead the unified communist party. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has categorically said in merger talks that unification is happening only is if he gets the post of chairman of the combined outfit. When, back in October, the two parties had announced their pre-poll alliance, and an eventual merger, the ‘gen­tleman’s agreement’ between the two party chairmen was widely publicized: while Dahal would be the head of the new party, UML chairman KP Sharma Oli would lead the new government. UML denies any such deal. Moreover, Oli is reluctant to hand over leadership of what would be an all-powerful party, even if he gets to be the prime minister.

This is why UML has now proposed a middle-way solution: making Dahal and Oli duo co-chairmen, even as Oli also leads the new government. When The Express asked a senior Maoist leader if such an arrangement would be agreeable to the Maoists, he said the party prefers ‘one-person-one-post’ formula.

But UML is unlikely to agree to it easily. “During the elec­tions we followed the 70-30 principle for distribution of constituencies between UML and Maoists,” says UML Secre­tary Pradeep Gyawali. “We would like to continue with this arrangement”. In other words, Dahal and the Maoists must accept their junior status in the merger process.

Gyawali concedes the Maoist concerns over equitable distribution of portfolios are valid, and something to be expected. “But we also need to give a serious thought to the psychological impact on UML rank and file of a sudden change in party leadership.”

Senior Maoist leader Narayan Kaji Shrestha, for his part, believes the hurdles to unification are two-fold: disagreement over the political line of the new outfit and over the shape of the new party organization. “But the two parties continue to talk and discussions so far are extremely positive,” says Shrestha, “A breakthrough is imminent.”

The Maoists are pressing for a merger before the formation of the new government, which, if the current schedule is fol­lowed, could happen as soon as the end of the second week of February. But if Oli becomes the prime minister before the merger, the Maoists fear the loss of their leverage over UML. Perhaps for the same reason UML wants to delay the merger.

Asked when we should realistically expect the merger, Gyawali replies: “Sometime at the end of February.”

  A few things stall the long-hyped merger between CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center), the first and the third largest parties in national parliament respectively. The most important of them is the dispute over who gets to lead the unified communist party. Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has categorically said in merger talks that unification is happening only is if he gets the post of chairman of the combined outfit. When, back in October, the two parties had announced their pre-poll alliance, and an eventual merger, the ‘gen­tleman’s agreement’ between the two party chairmen was widely publicized: while Dahal would be the head of the new party, UML chairman KP Sharma Oli would lead the new government. UML denies any such deal. Moreover, Oli is reluctant to hand over leadership of what would be an all-powerful party, even if he gets to be the prime minister. This is why UML has now proposed a middle-way solution: making Dahal and Oli duo co-chairmen, even as Oli also leads the new government. When The Express asked a senior Maoist leader if such an arrangement would be agreeable to the Maoists, he said the party prefers ‘one-person-one-post’ formula. But UML is unlikely to agree to it easily. “During the elec­tions we followed the 70-30 principle for distribution of constituencies between UML and Maoists,” says UML Secre­tary Pradeep Gyawali. “We would like to continue with this arrangement”. In other words, Dahal and the Maoists must accept their junior status in the merger process. Gyawali concedes the Maoist concerns over equitable distribution of portfolios are valid, and something to be expected. “But we also need to give a serious thought to the psychological impact on UML rank and file of a sudden change in party leadership.” Senior Maoist leader Narayan Kaji Shrestha, for his part, believes the hurdles to unification are two-fold: disagreement over the political line of the new outfit and over the shape of the new party organization. “But the two parties continue to talk and discussions so far are extremely positive,” says Shrestha, “A breakthrough is imminent.” The Maoists are pressing for a merger before the formation of the new government, which, if the current schedule is fol­lowed, could happen as soon as the end of the second week of February. But if Oli becomes the prime minister before the merger, the Maoists fear the loss of their leverage over UML. Perhaps for the same reason UML wants to delay the merger. Asked when we should realistically expect the merger, Gyawali replies: “Sometime at the end of February.”