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Namobuddha, an ancient Buddhist monastery situated at an altitude of 1,750 meters, is surrounded by Tamang settlements. There is a special Buddhist legend about King Mahasattva offering his body to a hungry tigress at this very place, which makes Namobuddha a holy site for Buddhists. If you like longish hikes (five hours?), this is the one for you. To reach Namobuddha, get a bus from Lagankhel to Dhulikhel. From Dhulikhel, start your hike. You will see a number of temples and witness great variations in landscapes throughout this hike, in what will be a perfect weekend getaway!

The Backstreet Academy has introduced a class for teaching how to make and play Nepali congas. The training classes on basic conga playing are targeted at small groups for specialized attention. The package is inclusive of English speaking guides and all tools needed for the manufacture. The four-hour class will cost you Rs 4,200 ($38) per person. For details, email [email protected].

With space becoming an issue in Kathman­du, the more traditional sports have suffered. Indoor futsals have thus become a rage. But indoor cricket is also gaining in popularity. Bid all monsoon deterrents goodbye and experience cricket indoors at Ultimate Indoor Cricket, Saha­yoginagar, Koteshwor. Many who have visited this spot have had great things to say about it. You can opt to play here anytime you want between 7 am to 8 pm. Having the place for yourself for an hour will cost you Rs 1,500; after 5 pm, you have to pay Rs 1,800 an hour. For more information, contact 01-415465

 There is much talk of the IPS in Nepal these days. Some argue that as it is a military strategy, Nepal should not subscribe to it.

When we talk about our relation­ship with the wider world or with a specific country like America, we first need to be aware of our current political and economic situations as well as of our priorities. The current government leadership does not have a clear working modality on this. First, we need to formulate a national development policy and on that basis our security, foreign and other policies can be devel­oped. Only after the formulation of this development policy will we be able to evaluate our relations with India, China, the US, and frame our national interests. Then we can start a discourse on the role of China’s BRI, the US’s IPS and India’s ‘Make in India’ in Nepal’s development process.

Again, our government does not have a clear policy on how to derive maximum benefit from the IPS, largely because we do not have a national development policy. The US has listed us among its IPS part­ners but alliances are their neces­sity. Our necessity is not a military alliance. I see this as a continuation of America’s pivot or rebalancing policy and it falls under the grand strategy of maintaining the status of ‘America First’. We should not be troubled by such a strategy. We should rather collaborate with the US even while we continue to work within vibrant regional frameworks. We should learn to strike a balance.

Is the US trying to drag Nepal into a costly military strategy?

From the American perspective, trying to get Nepal into its military orbit is normal. But accepting some military support should also not be seen as an acceptance of a military alliance. At the same time, we are conducting joint military exercises with India, China and other coun­tries on specific issues such as engi­neering, information technology, and terrorism. But despite having a stable government, we have not made our position clear. We go to whoever invites us, and if there is criticism, we have a tendency of say­ing that we went there unknowingly.

America’s military influence and interest seem to have increased in Nepal of late. What could be the reason?

With the goal of retaining its global superiority in the current multi-po­lar world, the US is working to create new alliances and bases. After the conclusion of our peace process, we have seen more US activities here. Through the IPS, and by projecting India as its champion in the region, America wants to promote democ­racy and its principles and it expects India will remain its strategic part­ner in the region. But it is not easy to make an alliance with India, unlike with, say, Pakistan. India also looks after its own economic and strategic interests.

Sometimes, we analyze things by projecting ourselves as an important player. The reality is that we are indeed in an important place but we are yet to develop any kind of national capacity. It may also be a compulsion of big powers to show that Nepal is in their area of influ­ence. This is not a propaganda issue. We should not be in a hurry at the policy level.

Nepal’s old defense partners were India and the US. How do you see China’s new role as a military partner of Nepal?

China has an aggressive presence not only in Nepal. But the crux of matter is how we move ahead. As our threats multiply, our military and strategic alliance with China will further increase.

Does the BRI have greater secu­rity and strategic than economic components?

Some western countries are ask­ing us to question the BRI, citing the issues of debt-trap and sovereign­ty. They have come up with policy papers on the BRI and its implica­tions. On the other hand, China has invested heavily in science and tech­nology. When a powerful country comes up with such a grand strate­gy, the military component figures prominently. Therefore, the BRI has a military component and there is a desire to engage militarily. The military component has also been mobilized through private security companies.

There is a competition between the BRI and the IPS. Under the BRI, new infrastructures are being built. China has the Shanghai Economic Cooperation (SCO) which deals with broader regional and international issues. Under the BRI, China is invit­ing more and more countries for discussion. As a backup structure, China has the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank. Top positions of this bank are occupied by citizens of other countries. For some time, we should be open to development projects under both the BRI and the IPS. We can benefit from other big economies too. We should go beyond India, China and the US.

So we should cooperate with the IPS and the BRI despite their clear military and strategic com­ponents?

They obviously have military and strategic components. But we can­not have a policy of going one step forward and two back. There is a tendency of us stepping back based on the reaction of one country to our engagement with another coun­try. With such a flawed approach, we will get nowhere. We cannot remain aloof in this inter-dependent world.

How should Nepal collaborate with Chinese militarily?

There should be sectoral collabo­ration with Chinese military in areas such as medicine, engineering, intelligence, terrorism, and disaster management. We need collabora­tion in all these sectors because if we face a disaster tomorrow, India and China will be first countries to help us. We should look for compat­ibility. We should be in a position of responding to them when they come to assist us. Similarly, we may face new security threats and challenges, further boosting military collabora­tion with China.

In this context, how should Nepal reform its security bodies?

We should first discuss the right size of our army. If development is a key priority for the next 10 years, how many army battalions do we need for such development? There is no clarity on how we are going to mobilize our security forces. During army integration, there was the talk of creating a separate directorate for development-related activities. I don’t know what happened to it.

Is it right to say our defense col­laboration with India is stuck while such collaboration with China is increasing?

First, we are going to establish a National Defense University. We are working to produce knowledge. We already have a war-college. The Armed Police Force has a Masters’ course at its commanding staff col­lege. In Nepal Police, the academy is extremely capable. So we have a good understanding of our security discourse.

In the past, there was dependency on India in the area of study; now we are diversifying. As far as the per­ception that Nepal is tilting towards China is concerned, the situation is different. I just returned from China. The Chinese say they are ready to do many things here if only Nepal can come up with concrete plans. Indi­an media often says Nepal is tilting towards China, which is not true.

What could be repercussions of major powers continuing to increase their penetration in Nepal Army?

In terms of our economy and our investment in the security sector, we are not in a position of exert­ing ourselves militarily. The threats and challenges of cyber world are increasing. We alone cannot fight these challenges. So we need col­laboration. In the digital world, we need to cooperate with all three big powers we are talking about. Their presence will be more pertinent in coming days because they are coming up with technology-driven policies and strategies.

How do you read the new nation­al security policy?

This is the second edition of the national security policy. The first edition had come during the tran­sition from the interim constitution to the new constitution and sub­sequent implementation of feder­alism. We have already adopted a federal structure and province-level discussions about possible security challenges of the provinces would have been fruitful. For example, Province 2 is connected only with India while Province 6 is connected only with China. But the whole of our country is connected with both India and China. Similarly, the least developed Sudurpaschim province is connected with both India and China. National security discussion should thus be made more vibrant. There should be discussions in the national security council on Nepal’s relations with emerging and big powers, as well as issue-specific discussions. I think there has been a hurry while finalizing the document.

The policy has identified block­ade as a major threat to national security. What is your take?

The two latest national crises we faced were the earthquake and the blockade. If we want to decrease our dependence on the country that imposed the blockade, our focus should be on the finalization of the national development policy. The draft laws on the new national secu­rity council are not in line with the constitution. All these show we are working in haste. We are suffering from the hangover of short-lived governments that could do no long term planning.

A disclaimer first: I have never liked Paulo Coelho. I didn’t even like ‘The Alchemist’ that was so widely acclaimed. I think the Brazilian novelist’s writing really doesn’t deserve the hype it has received. The stories he has chosen to tell might feel relatable or even inspire some people but the messages in his brand of ‘self-help-lit’ aren’t anything new. Like a wise friend once said, you are supposed to leave Coelho behind in high school at best. I picked up ‘The Spy’ because I had forgotten to carry a book and needed to read something while waiting for an appointment.

Here, Coelho retells the story of Margaretha Geertruida, better known by the stage name Mata Hari, who went to trail for allegedly being a double agent for France and Germany during the 20^th century. An exotic dancer and courtesan, she was ultimately executed by a firing squad in France. The story, which doesn’t follow a chronological order, is told in the form of letters between Mata Hari and her lawyer. At the beginning of the book, Mata Hari is positive that she will be pardoned but, as she awaits the verdict of her trail, she writes to her lawyer instructing him on all the things that need to be carried out if her request is denied. 

If you aren’t familiar with Mata Hari’s story then The Spy can, in bits and pieces, read like a thriller and historical drama. But it isn’t Coelho’s narrative that grips you. It’s Mata Hari and her story. From being sexually exploited by the school principal and receiving jewelry and favors in exchange for sex to meeting Pablo Picasso and Amedeo Modigliani, Mata Hari makes for a fascinating subject. But, as an author, Coelho has failed to develop his character. He has sketched pre-war Paris better than Mata Hari. And he also drops bit and pieces of his pop philosophy that don’t really go with the story. What The Spy will do is leave you wanting to know more about Mata Hari and the internet can be a great resource for that.

As you delve deeper into Mata Hari’s story, you will realize that Coelho has barely scratched the surface. Historical fiction is a challenging genre requiring first a lot of research and then an ability to fictionalize events without distorting the facts. While Coelho gets the facts right, The Spy, which is a novella, doesn’t feel like a story he has spent considerable time thinking about and writing. It feels like a spur of the moment book at best and that’s unfortunate given how Mata Hari is a character with so much potential.

Genre: Historical Fiction

The Spy

Paulo Coelho

Translated into English by Zoë Perry

Published: 2016

Publisher: Penguin Books

Pages: 186, Paperback

Deputy Prime Minister Uprendra Yadav, who is also the chairman of the Samajbadi Party Nepal, has repeatedly warned of quitting the federal government if Prime Minister KP Oli continues to ignore the demand of constitution amendment. His party co-chairman Baburam Bhattarai has been goading him to do so since the merger between his Naya Shakti and Yadav’s Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum two months ago. Bhattarai believes time has come to hit the street to force a change in the constitution in favor of marginalized groups like Madhesis, Dalits and Janajatis. Yadav is not convinced.

This is partly because there has been no headway in another much-discussed merger between Yadav’s party and the Rastriya Janata Party Nepal, which have 17 seats each in the federal parliament. (They are also the first and second biggest parties in Province 2, respectively.) Yadav is unsure a street action will succeed, especially without the RJPN merger, against the mighty Nepal Communist Party that has near absolute control over government machinery. Much better to continue to nudge the PM to honor his pledge on constitution amendment from inside the Oli cabinet—a position which with all the added perks for himself as well as his party—then quit in haste, giving up the coveted DPM post and pushing his new party into uncertainty.

As things stand, a merger between Samajbadi Party and the RJPN looks difficult. There are far too many big egos to accommodate under a single roof. Even within the RJPN, which has six heads, it is proving to be difficult to maintain unity among the quarrelling lot. Besides, Yadav does not seem ready to quit the Oli government, an RJPN precondition for merger talks. Meanwhile, the RJPN has started engaging fringe ethnic parties to mount a collective struggle for the rights of marginalized communities.

The problem for these small outfits right now is that identity politics is losing ground in Nepal. Marginalized groups have been accommodated in state institutions through reservations and quotas. Leaderships of political parties are more heterogeneous too. Not enough, those batting for identity politics may contend. They may be right, and they may eventually get their chance as the disenchantment with the two-third Oli government grows. Yet with the next set of elections many-many years away, and most of their youthful cadre-base now out toiling in the Gulf, they have no valid way of immediately regaining their lost political ground. The astute Yadav seems to know exactly what he is doing. 

Nepal has over the past few years seen growing penetration of the US and China in its military. India has always been the primary outside military force in Nepal, as well as a major defense supplier. Now there are new actors in the fray, raising concerns that Nepal could find itself entangled in the military components of the American Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) and the Chinese BRI. Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Deepak Prakash Bhatta, a security expert and lawmaker of the ruling Nepal Communist Party.  

There is much talk of the IPS in Nepal these days. Some argue that as it is a military strategy, Nepal should not subscribe to it.

When we talk about our relationship with the wider world or with a specific country like America, we first need to first be aware of our current political and economic situations as well as of our priorities. The current government leadership does not have a clear working modality on this. First, we need to formulate a national development policy and on that basis our security, foreign and other policies can be developed. Only after the formulation of this development policy will we be able to evaluate our relations with India, China, the US, and frame our national interests. Then we can start a discourse on the role of China’s BRI, the US’ IPS and India’s ‘Make in India’ in Nepal’s development process.

Again, our government does not have a clear policy on how to derive maximum benefit from the IPS, largely because we do not have a national development policy. The US has listed us among its IPS partners but alliances are their necessity. Our necessity is not a military alliance. I see this as a continuation of America’s pivot or rebalancing policy and it falls under the grand strategy of maintaining the status of ‘America First’. We should not be troubled by such a strategy. We should rather collaborate with the US even while we continue to work within vibrant regional frameworks. We should learn to strike a balance.

Is the US trying to drag Nepal into a costly military strategy?

From the American perspective, trying to get Nepal into its military orbit is normal. But accepting some military support should also not be seen as an acceptance of a military alliance. At the same time, we are conducting joint military exercises with India, China and other countries on specific issues such as engineering, information technology, and terrorism. But despite having a stable government, we have not made our position clear. We go to whoever invites us, and if there is criticism, we have a tendency of saying that we went there unknowingly.

America’s military influence and interest seems to have increased in Nepal of late. What could be the reason?

With the goal of retaining its global superiority in the current multi-polar world, the US is working to create new alliances and bases. After the conclusion of our peace process, we have seen more US activities here. Through the IPS, and by projecting India as its champion in the region, America wants to promote democracy and its principles and it expects India will remain its strategic partner in the region. But it is not easy to make an alliance with India, unlike with, say, Pakistan. India also looks after its own economic and strategic interests.

Sometimes, we analyze things by projecting ourselves as an important player. The reality is that we are indeed in an important place but we are yet to develop any kind of national capacity. It may also be a compulsion of big powers to show that Nepal is in their area of influence. This is not a propaganda issue. We should not be in a hurry at the policy level.

Nepal’s old defense partners were India and the US. How do you see China’s new role as a military partner of Nepal?

China has an aggressive presence not only in Nepal. But the crux of matter is how we move ahead. As our threats multiple, our military and strategic alliance with China will further increases.

Does the BRI have greater security and strategic than economic components?

Some western countries are asking us to question the BRI, citing the issues of debt-trap and sovereignty. They have come up with policy papers on the BRI and its implications. On the other hand, China has invested heavily in science and technology. When a powerful country comes up with such a grand strategy, the military component figures prominently. Therefore, the BRI has a military component and there is a desire to engage militarily. The military component has also been mobilized through private security companies.    

There is a competition between the BRI and the IPS. Under the BRI, new infrastructures are being built. China has the Shanghai Economic Cooperation (SCO) which deals with broader regional and international issues. Under the BRI, China is inviting more and more countries for discussion. As a backup structure, China has the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank. Top positions of this bank are occupied by citizens of other countries. For some time, we should be open to development projects under both the BRI and the IPS.  We can benefit from other big economies too. We should go beyond India, China and the US.

So we should cooperate with the IPS and the BRI despite their clear military and strategic components?

They obviously have military and strategic components. But we cannot have a policy of going one step forward and two back. There is a tendency of us stepping back based on the reaction of one country to our engagement with another country. With such a flawed approach, we will get nowhere. We cannot remain aloof in this inter-dependent world.

How should Nepal should collaborate with Chinese militarily?

There should be sectoral collaboration with Chinese military in areas such as medicine, engineering, intelligence, terrorism, and disaster management. We need collaboration in all these sectors because if we face a disaster tomorrow, India and China will be first countries to help us. We should look for compatibility. We should be in a position of responding to them when they come to assist us. Similarly, we may face new security threats and challenges, further boosting military collaboration with China.

In this context, how should Nepal reform its security bodies?

We should first discuss the right size of our army. If development is a key priority for the next 10 years, how many army battalions do we need for such development? There is no clarity on how we are going to mobilize our security forces. During army integration, there was the talk of creating a separate directorate for development-related activities. I don’t know what happened to it.  

Is it right to say our defense collaboration with India is stuck while such collaboration with China is increasing?

First, we are going to establish a National Defense University. We are working to produce knowledge. We already have a war-college. The Armed Police Force has a Masters’ course at its commanding staff college. In Nepal Police, the academy is extremely capable. So we have a good understanding of our security discourse. 

In the past, there was dependency on India in the area of study; now we are diversifying. As far as the perception that Nepal is tilting towards China is concerned, the situation is different. I just returned from China. The Chinese say they are ready to do many things here if only Nepal can come up with concrete plans. Indian media often says Nepal is tilting towards China, which is not true.

What could be repercussions of major powers continuing to increase their penetration in Nepal Army?

In terms of our economy and our investment in the security sector, we are not in a position of exerting ourselves militarily. The threats and challenges of cyber world are increasing. We alone cannot fight these challenges. So we need collaboration. In the digital world, we need to cooperate with all three big powers we are talking about. Their presence will be more pertinent in coming days because they are coming up with technology-driven policies and strategies.

How do you read the new national security policy?

This is the second edition of the national security policy. The first edition had come during the transition from the interim constitution to the new constitution and subsequent implementation of federalism. We have already adopted a federal structure and province-level discussions about possible security challenges of the provinces would have been fruitful. For example, Province 2 is connected only with India while Province 6 is connected only with China. But the whole of our country is connected with both India and China. Similarly, the least developed Sudurpaschim province is connected with both India and China. National security discussion should thus be made more vibrant. There should be discussions in the national security council on Nepal’s relations with emerging and big powers, as well as issue-specific discussions. I think there has been a hurry while finalizing the document.

The policy has identified blockade as a major threat to national security. What is your take?

The two latest national crises we faced were the earthquake and the blockade. If we want to decrease our dependence on the country that imposed the blockade, our focus should be on the finalization of the national development policy. The draft laws on the new national security council are not in line with the constitution. All these show we are working in haste. We are suffering from the hangover of short-lived governments that could do no long-term planning.

1) What are the three words you would use to describe yourself?

Easy, honest and funny.

2) Who inspires you the most?

Me.

3) What is one thing you enjoy about your profession?

Acting.

4) What is your superpower?

Great intuition.

5) Your favorite getaway?

A friend’s house.

6) If you had only one day left to live, what would you do?

I would just be sad.

7) If you could wish for anything, what would it be?

Happiness.

8) If not in the entertainment industry, which field would you be in?

Engineering.

9) Which is the project you are proudest to be a part of?

Every movie I have acted in. A bit prouder of “Bulbul” though.

10) An opinion you hold that most people would disagree with?

There are lots! Perhaps, it would be opinions related to feminism.

CELEB QUIZ

Q. Which Nepali actor does Swastima want to work with?
a) Anmol K.C.   b) Rajesh Hamal
c) Bipin Karki    d) Ayushman Joshi

Send us you answer on our Facebook page. One winner selected by lucky draw will get a
Rs 2,000 coupon from Coffee Pasal, Durbarmarg.