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The French Embassy in Kathmandu is holding the fourth edition of ‘Goût de France /Good France’. Goût de France/Good France is a unique global event held across five continents in over 150 countries, involving French embassies and chefs from around the world. It unites all of them on March 21 with one common objective: to celebrate French gastron­omy with local products and talents. The fourth year of Goût de France /Good France will see some 3,000 participating restaurants worldwide.

“There is a traditional link between diplomacy and gastronomy,” says His Excellency Yves Carmona, the French Ambassador to Nepal. “There was a cuisine ‘à La Française’ already in the 14th century, well before there were permanent Embassies [16th century]”.

He said the event was not about diplo­macy but business. France decided to promote its attractiveness to add to the already healthy tourist arrival rate in the country (89 million in 2017). Gastronomy has helped them in this regard. The ‘Gas­tronomic meal of the French’ has been declared as ‘Intangible Heritage’ by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

The event is growing popular in Nepal and is running in its third consecutive year in Kathmandu. Eight restaurants and school are taking part in this year’s prestigious event. On March 21 they will serve special French cuisine.

“Although the origin of the event is French, it can be considered a very Nepali event since almost all restaurants and schools are run by Nepalis,” says Carmona.

The restaurants and schools that are participating this year are

- The Old House Pvt. Ltd, Durbarmarg, Kathmandu

- Garden Terrace (Soaltee Crowne Plaza)

- La terrace (Global Academy of Tourism and Hospitality Education)

- Rox Restaurant (Hyatt Regency Kathmandu)

- The Chimney Fine Dining (Hotel Yak and Yeti)

- Silver Mountain School of Hotel Management

- Olive Garden (Radisson Hotel)

- Pauline’s Garden, Baluwatar, Kathmandu

Kathmandu: Veteran Indian writer of Nepali descent Indra Bahadur Rai passed away in his home town of Darjeeling on Tuesday. He was 90. Rais is considered one of the most erudite and acclaimed writers in the Nepali language. In a career spanning almost seven decades, Rai authored over a dozen books in sev­eral genres including novels, short stories, essays and literary criticism.

There’s a Carnival Today, a trans­lation of Rai’s novel Aaja Ramita Chha, was launched in Kathmandu last year. Long Night of Storm, a translation of 16 stories picked from Rai’s two short story collections—Bipana Katipaya and Kathastha—was launched here last week. The novel and the short story collection were translated by writers Manjushree Thapa and Prawin Adhikari respec­tively.

General Secretary of the CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran’ has announced a ‘new revolution’ in the country following his party’s merg­er with the Netra Bikram Chand ‘Biplab’-led Communist Party of Nepal. Baidya made the announce­ment at a joint program organized in Bharatpur, Chitwan. “The two parties will work togeth­er to start a new revolution,” said Baidya. “But unlike the previous revolution, it won’t be violent.”

Baidya argued that another rev­olution is necessary because the Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachan­da’-led Maoist Center—which has now merged with KP Sharma Oli-led CPN-UML—has ignored those who were killed, disappeared or injured in the ‘People’s War’. Therefore, the responsibility of fulfilling their demands has fallen on the shoulders of his and Biplab’s parties.

Taking a jab at Dahal, Baidya said the country’s hero has turned into a villain. “How can we trust some­one who, when he lost the ability to go at it alone, has tagged along sometimes with the Congress and at other times with the UML? At a time when those who contributed to the ‘People’s War’ are behind bars, Dahal is indulging in power politics. This has compelled us to choose a revolutionary path,” said Baidya.

Baidya accused Dahal of working to protect the same system that he once waged war against. He claimed that the much-touted left unity between the UML and the MC won’t last, notwithstanding the country’s need for a stable government.

Baidya also challenged the govern­ment to arrest Chand, after it issued an arrest warrant against him.

Ranbir Bam, politburo member of the Chand-led CPN, said it had now become glaringly obvious that Dahal was working against Maoist princi­ples. “In the past, many asked us why we splintered from the mother party. Time has provided the answer to that question,” said Bam.

“It was the ‘People’s War’ that gave birth to Dahal. But he ended the war only to be part of the old establishment. How can someone who couldn’t manage the needs of the families of those who fought for the revolution manage the needs of the entire citizenry?” asked Bam. “That’s why Nepal’s revolution remains incomplete. So we’re wag­ing another revolution.”

Before the start of the Holi week, KP Sharma Oli was already thought of as perhaps the strongest prime minister of democratic Nepal.Following the unification of his CPN-UML (the biggest party in national parliament) and Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led CPN Maoist Center (the third biggest), Oli already commanded a single-party majority in the federal parliament as well as in six of the seven provincial assemblies.

If the current efforts to bring Upendra Yadav’s Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum into the government succeed, then the ruling coalition will have 190 MPs in the 275-strong federal lower house, or over two-thirds of all seats.

That will give the coalition enough votes to amend the constitution, most crucially to make it easier to change provincial boundaries. The forum is close to joining the government because PM Oli has assured it of support for such a constitutional change. As we went to the press, the forum’s participation in the government was all but certain, with negotiations deadlocked not over ideological issues but over distribution of portfolios.

When the forum eventually joins the federal government, Oli will also have great leverage over Province 2, the only province that his communist juggernaut does not currently control. (The forum’s Lal Babu Raut is the chief minister in the province.) But the prime minister is not stopping there to consolidate his power.

This week also saw the prime minister change laws to vest all the residual powers—the powers that, for some reason, have not been delegated to the provinces, the local bodies and to other ministries—in the Prime Minister’s Office. He does not stop there. The PMO will henceforth directly oversee such vital state organs as the National Investigation Department (tasked with strengthening national security), the Department of Revenue Investigation (investigating leakage of taxpayer money) and the Department of Anti-Money Laundering.

From now on, the PMO will also set the guidelines for and monitor NGOs and INGOs. It will also have the power to open new think tanks.
PM Oli now has near absolute power. How he uses it will define his political legacy. It will also set a strong precedent, good or bad, for how the all-important task of institutionalizing the new federal democratic republic pans out.

Having secured the unification of the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist Center), the largest and the third largest parties in the federal parliament respectively, UML Chairman KP Oli has formally invited Upendra Yadav’s Sang­hiya Samajbadi Forum Nepal (SSFN) to join his government. Oli has hinted that he is open to the idea of amending the constitution to address the demands of the Madhesi parties.

The prime minister right now has the support of 174 lawmakers in the 275-member lower house of the federal parliament. Oli believes that if he can get the support of the two main Madhesi parties—Mahanta Thakur’s Rastriya Janata Party Nepal (RJPN) with its 17 seats and Yadav’s SSFN (16 seats)—then the leftist ruling coalition will have a solid mandate to govern for the next five years.

But the two main Madhesi forces have so far been non-com­mittal. When The Express wanted to know about the progress in his deliberations with the ruling parties, SSFN chairman Yadav was dismissive: “Oli’s government is all talk. So far it has made no substantial proposal that will convince us to join the government.”

Asked what the bottom-line of the Madhesi parties is, Yadav retorts that the bottom-line “has not changed in a long time.” He was primarily hinting at the old demand of the Madhesi parties that there be two Madhes-only provinces in the entire Tarai belt and that there be more representation from Mad­hes in the national legislature.

The Madhesi parties believe that voters in Province 2 trusted them so that they could make a strong pitch for con­stitution amendment. As such, it will be difficult for them to abandon the amendment issue. But it will be as difficult for the UML chairman to change provincial boundaries, as he reckons that his party won the elections by constantly ques­tioning the rationale for the kind of constitution amendments the Madhesi parties want.

Yet a kind of meeting-point seems to be on the horizon. RJPN leaders in particular say the UML and Oli have, after the elections, “softened on Madhesi issues,” as senior RJPN leader Sarvendra Nath Shukla put it. “So although we may not immediately join the government, we can still consider supporting it from the outside.”

An RJPN leader even hinted that his party could be flexible on the provincial boundary issue, thus far the biggest sticking point between the UML and the Madhesi parties.

Shukla for his part believes the UML has realized that it cannot ignore Province 2, “which among the seven provinces sends the most MPs to the national parliament.” Considering the softening of the UML’s stand, says Shukla, “Madhesi par­ties should also be ready to find common ground.”

 A quick-fire 42 runs in 31 balls by bowler Karan KC propelled Nepal into the qualifiers of the 2019 Cricket World Cup, as they beat Canada by one wicket on Wednes­day, February 15. This represents the greatest victory for Nepal in the 50-over international cricket. Nepal will now be able to take part in the World Cup Qualifiers to be held in Zimbabwe in March later this year. Top two teams in the qualifiers will make it to the 2019 World Cup in England and Wales. In the final (must-win) match of the ICC World Cricket League Divi­sion-2 held at the Wanderers Crick­et Ground in Windhoek, Namibia, Nepal sneaked through on the last ball, thanks to the heroics of KC, whose inning was studded with three fours and four sixes.

Earlier, deciding to bowl first, Nepal had restricted Canada to an average total of 194 runs, for eight wickets, in the stipulated 50 overs. Basant Regmi was the pick of the bowlers for Nepal, taking three wickets and giving away only 34 runs in 10 overs. Sandeep Lamichhane took two wickets while Karan KC and Sharad Veshwakar took one wicket each.

In reply, Nepal made a poor start losing opener Gyanendra Malla for just 9 runs and captain Paras Khad­ka for a first-ball duck. Sharad Vesh­wakar too was out early, scoring only 1 run in 5 balls.

Building on the 45 runs scored by wicket-keeper batsman Dilip Nath and 18 runs by Dipendra Singh Airee, Aarif Sheikh and Rohit Kumar took Nepal close to the victory target. However, Nepal kept losing wickets and were left with the last pair in the 42nd over with only 144 runs on the board.

However, Karan had other ideas and took away the match with a sen­sational innings, while Sandeep gave him company. Karan scored a single of the last ball to script a famous win for the country.

With the win, Nepal finished top of the points on the (six-team table) with 8 points from five matches.

(With inputs from RSS)

Following the conclusion of the election of the National Assembly, the federal upper house, the chief ministers of all seven provinces have been quickly finalized. How well do you know these provincial government heads? Here is a primer into their lives and achievements.

Sherdhan Rai, Province 1

The CPN-UML politburo member was born in Aamchowk, Bhojpur to Jagirman and Ram­rimaya Rai on Feb 13, 1971. Rai, who has a Masters in Sociology, started his political career in 1988. He spent his first three years in politics underground at the fag-end of the Panchayat rule. Rai has risen through the UML via his long-time involvement in its student wing. He won a seat to the new provincial assembly from Bhojpur 1 (B) constituency.

Mohammad Lal Babu Raut, Province 2

The Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum leader, who was born on June 22, 1966, is the sole Madhesi as well as the sole Muslim to be elected chief minister. A resident of Jagaranathpur rural municipality in Parsa, Raut has an MA in English as well as an LLB. He has over a decade of teaching experience in Thakuram Multiple Campus in Birgunj. Raut, an active participant in various Madhesi uprisings, won the provincial election from Parsa 1 (B) constituency.

Dor Mani Poudel, Province 3

The CPN-UML lawmaker in the Province 3 assembly was born on March 28, 1946. He is best known for his innovative development plans for Hetauda municipality. Poudel has twice served in the capacity of the mayor of Hetauda. Active in politics for the past 38 years, he has been jailed four times in his political career. He was elected to the provincial assembly from Makawanpur constituency 1 (B).

Prithvi Subba Gurung, Province 4

The CPN-UML Secretary, known for his humility and intellectual bent, was born on Feb 12, 1958, to Ganga Prasad and Chini Gurung, in Taxar of Lamjung district. Gurung is a graduate in science and a teacher by profession and has been in active politics since 1977. In the recent provincial election, he was elected from Lam­jung 1 (B) constituency.

Shankar Pokhrel, Province 5

UML standing committee member Shankar Pokhrel, born in 1964 in Bijauri of Dang dis­trict, is no stranger to power, having served in senior roles both in his party and the govern­ment previously. He is known for his organi­zational strength. Thought of as particularly close to party chairman KP Sharma Oli, Pokhrel was elected chief minister unopposed when the UML’s Province 5 Parliamentary Party unanimously approved his name. Pokhrel was elected to the provincial assembly from Dang 2 (A) constituency.

Mahendra Bahadur Shahi, Province 6 (nominated)

The CPN (Maoist Center) leader was a min­ister for energy in the outgoing government of Sher Bahadur Deuba. Shahi was a divisional commander in the Maoist military. Born in 1976, Shahi won the provincial elections from Kalikot 1 (B) constituency, beating his party col­league, Naresh Bhandari of Jumla, as the main chief minister contender.

Trilochan Bhatta, Province 7

The second Maoist leader to be selected chief minister, Bhatta was born in 1969 to father Prasad and mother Saradadevi. Bhatta is an old figure in Nepali communist movement, even though he might not be a familiar face in national politics. In 2006 he was nominated the chief of the Doti chapter of the mother Maoist party. Bhatta was elected to provincial assem­bly from Doti 1 (B) constituency.

CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma—as the head of the communist coalition with CPN (Maoist Center), which together have an absolute majority in national parlia­ment—has started his second inning as prime minister. Due to a technicality in the country’s electoral laws, the new government could not be formed for nearly two-and-a-half months of the federal elections.

Now that it is in place, what do people have to look for­ward to? “First and foremost, the left coalition must fulfill the promises on stability and prosperity that it made on the campaign trail,” says political analyst Krishna Khanal. “Oth­erwise, I don’t think Nepali people have traditionally had high expectations of their governments.”

The most remarkable aspect of the latest change of guard at Singadurbar, as Khanal points out, is that a government with people’s direct mandate has been formed after a long time. “The previous time Oli was prime minister, he only had technical mandate to govern. Not so this time,” Khanal says. If he wants, Oli can now enact sweeping reforms to make the government people-friendly, Khanal adds.

“I think the biggest challenge for the new government will be to implement the new constitution,” says former chief election commissioner Bhojraj Pokharel, “State-restructur­ing, as provided in the new constitution, will be a big chal­lenge.” Pokharel adds that state-restructuring is not limited to redrawing the country’s internal boundaries. “It is as much about having the right manpower and the right mindset to bring about sweeping changes in our governance, as required under a federal set-up”.

Both Khanal and Pokharel worry if the country has ade­quate resources to properly implement the federal set-up.

Another tricky issue for the new government will be addressing the demands of the Madhesi parties. Unlike in other six provinces where the left alliance will rule, in Prov­ince 2, the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum and the Rastriya Janata Party Nepal, two Madhesi parties, are forming a coalition. They come to power on the promise of amending the con­stitution to establish the agendas raised by various Madhesi uprisings. Yet changing provincial contours via constitution amendment, as the Madhesi parties want, is a devilishly diffi­cult business. “But since the left alliance has a strong central government, in addition to ruling six of the seven provinces, it will have no good excuse to keep pushing aside the Madhesi demands,” says Pokharel.

All this suggests the new prime minister’s plate will be brimful from Day One.