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 Since July 2018, the con­struction of the Dhan­gadhi-Dipayal fast track has been abandoned. Dhan­gadhi and Dipayal are the respective headquarters of Kailali and Doti districts. Ear­lier, when Dhangadhi was cho­sen as the provincial capital, the state’s political leaders, including the chief minister, had committed to complete the fast track in two years. According to the initial Detailed Project Report, the fast track covered 84 kilome­ters between Kailali’s Khut­iya to Dipayal. However, after the project came under the purview of the provincial government, the fast track was extended to 105 km to connect Dhangadhi with Dipayal via Khutiya, which is half the length of the Dhan­gadhi-Dadeldhura-Dipayal highway on which the locals now travel.

Far-West province government had listed the Dhangadhi-Dipayal fast track as a top priority

A second Environmental Impact Evaluation (EIE) for this project had to be carried out. Birendra Bahadur Chand, the engineer in charge of the second EIE, says another EIE was necessary because more trees were being felled. “The second EIE report is now col­lecting dust at the Ministry of Forests and Environment. Construction could not pro­ceed as there were trees on the track,” he says.

Apart from blacktopping, there have already been appli­cations for five other construc­tion works on the fast track. The section from Dhangadhi’s Hasanpur to Khutiya is now 80 percent complete. Except for a maintenance contract worth Rs 7.1 million, all the work on the fast track is in disarray.

"The second Environmental Impact Evaluation report is now collecting dust at the Ministry of Forests and Environment"

Birendra Bahadur Chand, Engineer

Only 40 percent work is complete in the 20-km Muda Bazar-Babena section. This contract was awarded to Ash­ish Nirman Sewa on April 2017 for Rs 230 million and the work was supposed to be completed in 30 months. Chand says the work on six kilometers of this road stalled because there were trees in the section.

The contract for the 4-km section from Ojhena to BP Nagar was given to Shyam Sundar Saud Construction for Rs 29.5 million in June 2017. The contract stipulated that the work was to be completed in 11 months, but even after 18 months, 20 percent work remains incomplete.

Only 20 percent work is complete in the 8-km-long BP Nagar-Kaftadi section. Shyam Sundar Saud Construction had been awarded this contract for Rs 62.5 million a year and a half ago. The completion date was January 9, yet 80 percent of work remains incomplete.

Work on the 50-km section from Kafaltadi to Salena has also been abandoned. The work on this section given to Surya Construction Pvt Ltd for Rs 90 million is only 40 percent complete. Since there are trees hindering the road’s construction and the cabinet has not approved their felling, the work has stopped.

The first cabinet meeting of the Far-West Province government had listed the Dhangadhi-Dipayal fast track as one of its top priorities. The provincial government has allocated only Rs 120 mil­lion for the fast track. “It’s woefully inadequate. When the required budget is Rs 430 million, how one can make do with Rs 120 million?” asks Chand. “If the cabinet approves the tree-felling, the payment of over Rs 300 million has to be sanctioned within this fiscal,” he adds.

Lack of human resources has also been an obstacle to the fast track’s construction. Locals are visibly frustrated by the delay.

After Dr Govinda KC’s fifth fast-onto-death in 2014, the then government had formed a high-level commission under former TU Vice-chancellor Kedar Bhakta Mathema to suggest improvements in medical education. The committee submitted its final report in June 2015. Among its key recommendations were decentralizing medical education away from Kathmandu and capping the number of medical colleges that a university could grant affiliations to. But the version of the Medical Education Bill now in the parliament violates many of the commission’s key recommendations, which is why Dr KC is now on his 16^th fast-onto-death. Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai spoke to Mathema on what he makes of the unfolding scenario.  

Dr KC is on his 16^th fast. Why does he have to do this again and again?  

All parliamentarians know that the earlier version of the Medical Education Bill was prepared on the basis of our report, which aims to ensure the welfare of all citizens. My understanding is that the bill was modified to protect the interest of some private investors.  

Which are the most worrying modifications to the proposals made by the Mathema committee?

We had proposed that one university not be allowed to grant affiliation to more than five medical colleges. Otherwise, medical education will be compromised. TU and KU granted many affiliations but they failed to ensure necessary support and monitor mechanisms for these colleges. That is why there are lots of anomalies in the medical education sector.

What sorts of anomalies?

There are concerns that private colleges are conducting exams with nominal representation from the university they are affiliated with. Tribhuwan University and Kathmandu University have failed to properly supervise colleges under their watch. Each year, they have to conduct two exams but they don’t have adequate staff to do so. KU has provided affiliations to 11 colleges and TU to 10 colleges. We recommended only five affiliations for each. In fact, in the committee level discussions, we held that universities can handle no more than three affiliations.

We are not against opening medical colleges outside Kathmandu valley. There should be medical colleges in strategic locations outside the valley. But we need to develop a support system to assist those institutions. Just opening new medical colleges won’t do any good if our support system is weak.

What other tweaks have been made to the earlier Medical Education Bill?

We are of the view that the intermediate level should be abolished within five years. But the ruling party lawmakers want to continue the intermediate CTEVT program. Likewise, the parliamentary committee overseeing the health and education sectors wants a separate medical university. But how did this concept of a medical university come about? Which experts were consulted?

Many MPs have a direct stake in private medical education. Given such blatant conflict of interest, is there a way to ensure quality education?

I have a lot of respect for the parliament and its members. I also understand the supremacy of parliament. But laws should not be formulated to protect certain investors. Those should be impartially formulated, keeping the interest of the people and the country front and center. People who understand this issue should speak up because we are talking about the health of all Nepalis.  

Why is sustained civic activism on medical education reform missing?

Thomas Jefferson said if you want democracy, you have to be ready to pay the price of eternal vigilance. The vigilance is brought about by writers, the media and civil society. People are busy with their own lives. Civil society could be more vocal about important issues like higher education, deforestation, loss of public lands, growing pollution and medical education.  

How do you suggest the parliament should address these issues?

There are two parts. First, we humbly request the parliament to endorse the bill without distorting the spirit of our report—something that has been widely discussed among parliamentarians. Second, the government has inked a deal with Govinda KC. The government will face a crisis of credibility if agreements with Dr KC are breached. People may stop trusting the government. The agreement was signed in the presence of top ruling party leaders. PM Oli as well as Pushpa Kamal Dahal had thanked me when it was signed. Of course, our report is not carved in stone and, with time, it can be amended. But the government’s commitment should not go in vain.

What in your view should be the role of the private sector in medical education?

I do not want to blame the private sector because they have helped produce much-needed medical manpower. What’s lacking is a support system and monitoring mechanisms. Medical colleges are concentrated in Kathmandu valley, and driven mainly by money-making motives. There is an acute need of medical colleges and hospitals in the far-flung areas of the country. Now, medical education has become something that only the children of the rich can afford. Students who can pay exorbitant fees get seats, but poor ones, even with good marks, often struggle.  

Is there a model for medical education in other countries that we could emulate?

We seek a model appropriate for Nepal, with the government in the driving seat. But there are credible international examples. For example, there are no private medical colleges in Canada. Similarly, there is no private investment in medical education in Scandinavian countries. We are focusing on two major areas: access and quality. Poor students must have access to medical education. And government presence and investment in the medical education sector will ensure quality.  

 Kathmandu’s favorite breakfast joint is back, after a forced hiatus. Moving from its iconic location in Naxal to an obscure lane in Baluwatar, Mike’s Breakfast is now right where you want it—the Lazim­pat road, near Standard Chartered Bank. Apart from the change in its premises, not much has changed about Mike’s. You still get the same wel­coming smell of fresh coffee, fried eggs and bacon and soft pancakes as you enter. Consistency has been the key to Mike’s success since its opening in 1988.

The prices at Mike’s Breakfast have always been a touch above average and they continue to be so. But, again, quality and consistency comes at a cost. Since it’s re-opening in 2018, Mike’s has brought back its lost customers and gained many new ones, all those who are looking to break their fast like royalty. Lunch and dinner are also served.

 THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Huevos Rancheros

- Eggs Florentine

- Country Breakfast

Location: Lazimpat road

Cards: Accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 2,000

Reservations: 01-4424303

 Besides marking a new chap­ter in our lives, the start of a new year is important for other reasons too. Often, we find ourselves doing two things: look­ing back at the events that shaped the previous year, and crafting new goals and visions for the year ahead. As such, the start of new year is more than an indicator of time. It is also a moment for reflection, and an opportunity to learn from our mistakes. So was it for Daraz, Nepal’s largest online shopping marketplace, which in 2018 provided Nepali customers with various opportunities to shop for the best prices. APEX talked to Lino Ahlering, the Managing Director of Daraz. Just like many of us, Lino had a lot to say about the previous year and the company’s vision for 2019.

What were key milestones for Daraz in 2018?

The acquisition of Daraz and its integration into the Alibaba ecosys­tem has been a huge milestone for us. Being part of the largest and the most successful ecommerce player in the world makes us proud and allows us to work with and learn from the best in the industry. We have entirely revamped our website and our app, which means a sig­nificant improvement in customer experience.

Besides, our workforce grew sig­nificantly and we celebrated many events with our customers in 2018. In particular, the campaigns we organized in the last quarter for Dashain, Black Friday, 11/11 and 12/12 were very special.

What challenges have you faced in Nepal? How do you plan to overcome them?

The Nepali market is very promis­ing and local consumers have been getting increasingly acquainted with online shopping. We clearly see a lot of curiosity and demand among local shoppers, particularly since Alibaba set its focus on Nepal.

Alibaba would not have chosen Nepal had it not seen the potential here. Nevertheless, we are aware of the need to make more people acquainted with online shopping and to establish customer trust in online shopping.

Another challenge has been logis­tics. Besides our own delivery fleet Daraz Express (DEX), we work with a variety of logistics companies for deliveries and returns, but the mas­sive success of our 11/11 campaign took us close to our limits. Some cus­tomers did not receive their orders as quickly as expected.

We take this very seriously and for 2019, a strong emphasis is on strengthening our own fleet through heavy investment in our logistics infrastructure, as well as improving our collaboration with other logis­tics firms and our sellers for fast and smooth delivery.

How did the Nepali market respond to international sale days such as Black Friday, 11/11, and 12/12?

Black Friday was already a famil­iar name in the local market, but Ali­baba’s 11/11 or 12/12 were completely new, not only for Daraz but also for domestic shoppers. Hence we focused a lot on informing our cus­tomers about our exclusive offers, deals and new features.

During 11/11, we sold more than 70,000 items, including exclusive launches. For 12/12, we focused on a different experience by introducing Collectible Vouchers that are auto­matically applied to your order and on Daraz Mall, a separate section for top brands and sellers that have to fulfil higher standards, giving customers even more assurance and comfort with their shopping experience.

What does the future of Nepal’s e-commerce look like?

Nepal is a super interesting market, and having worked in the ecommerce sector for some time now, I am impressed by the curios­ity among local consumers about e-commerce. The sector has been growing rapidly and it is becom­ing more professional. In 2019, for example, we will introduce digital payments to our marketplace, which will be a huge milestone for us as well as for our customers.

What is important is that regula­tors support developments in the field. Not only Daraz but also our competitors have to engage in closer dialogue with regulatory institutions in order to shape the future market. In general, we are optimistic that the government sees the potential of e-commerce. Local competition will also increase, which I believe is very good. We in Daraz are con­vinced that competition is import­ant. It helps us stay focused and set ambitious goals. Moreover, having strong competitors has a positive impact on the overall ecosystem, as customers get more accustomed to online shopping and gain more trust in digital business models.

What is Daraz’s vision for 2019? What other things can your cus­tomers look forward to?

2019 is going to be very exciting, as we have planned many initia­tives to further enhance customer experience. This will involve several campaigns, with 11/11 as the annual highlight, offering Nepali shoppers top deals across the board. We know that there is still a lot to be done, but we are working hard to pro­vide better value to our shoppers with a wider variety of brands and products. We also intend to fur­ther improve our logistics for faster delivery. 2019 means more features, improved services, wider variety and, most importantly, better deals. We are excited about this year and Nepali shoppers have good reason to be equally excited.

Q. Your New Year resolu­tion?

A. This year it’s all about self care and self love. Nothing else.

Q. Alternate career choice?

A. Stylist.

Q. Most misunderstood thing about you?

A. People often mistake me for a snobby lady full of attitude. After they meet me, they are like “Oh my god! You’re so humble and sweet”.

Q. Your celebrity crush?

A. Shawn Mendes.

Q. You were star struck when you met?

A. Varun Dhawan and Sushmita Sen.

Q. One thing you do to cheer yourself up?

A. Dance like no one is watching.

Q. Something that people would be surprised to know about you?

A. I am very spiritual and have healing abilities.

Q. Your best and worst purchase?

A. Best purchase is my Varsace clutch and worst purchase could be shoes which I bought and have not worn even once.

Q. A question you hate to answer?

A. I answer every question. I am an open book.

Q. A quote you live by?

A. One day at a time.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Pradeep Kumar Gyawali has come under flak for his recent US visit. At the center of the controversy was a statement from the US State Department which says the US wants Nepal to play a “central role” in the “Indo-Pacific” region. Some say Nepal should not be a part of the Indo-Pacific strategy, which is aimed largely at checking China’s military rise in the region. In this interview with Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai, the foreign minister says Nepal never acceded to be a part of any such strategy. He also pointed out the foreign policy priorities of Oli government.

What are the foreign policy priorities of Oli government?

The overarching motto of this government is: “Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali”. Our foreign policy is aimed at achieving this goal. Broadly, we are working on four areas: immediate neighbors, development partners, labor destinations and regional multilateral organizations. We attach highest importance to our neighbors and our focus with them has always been economic development. I am trying to enhance mutual trust and promote cooperation with our neighbors, in line with our national priorities. At the same time, our engagement with other key development partners has increased. Of late, our role in international arena has been more active, visible and productive.

Recently there seems to be an emphasis on expanding our foreign relations beyond our two giant neighbors.

We have embarked on a journey of stability and economic development. Our journey to prosperity has garnered global attention. To benefit from this, we are going to organize an international investment summit in March. When I meet my counterparts abroad at bilateral and multilateral forums, I convey the message that we want economic prosperity. I request them to support our tourism, and provide preferential facilities to our goods and services. Political stability is our major attraction.

Your recent US visit drew a lot of attention. Many were critical of Nepal’s closer embrace of the US.

Nepal adheres to the principles of non-alignment, Panchasheel and world peace. Guided by this spirit, we attach high importance to our relations with all countries. The spirit of ‘amity with all and enmity with none’ guides all our external relations. At the center of our foreign engagement is economic diplomacy. Global powers have their own ambitions, and regional powers have their own agenda. Nepal engages with all based on its domestic priority and necessity. We won’t be involved in any activity that is against our basic foreign policy principles or that impinge on genuine concerns of our neighbors. Perhaps due to the long transition there is a tendency in Nepal to be overly suspicious.

Your American counterpart, Mike Pompeo, projected Nepal as a central part of the US’s ‘Indo-Pacific Strategy’? Is that a right characterization?

Let me correct you. America has never said Nepal would be a central part of Indo-Pacific Strategy. They only talked about our pivotal role in this region. Nepal is current Chair of SAARC and immediate past chair of BIMSTEC. In this light, America may have expected greater role and visibility of Nepal in this region. I have made it clear that we do not have any global ambition. Our only ambition is economic development and prosperity. We want to graduate from LDC at the earliest and be a middle-income country by 2030. To meet those objectives, we need more investment. In bilateral meetings, it is natural that we put forward our expectations and they put forward their own. Ultimately, it is up to us to take or reject their offers based on our necessity and requirement.

Of late the geopolitical competition in Nepal between India, the US and China seems to have intensified. How do you balance those powers?  

We never compare our relation with one country with another. Each relation is unique. Our relation with India is age-old. There is high people-to-people contact, of which the open border is the perfect symbol. We also have historical relations with China and it continues to support Nepal’s goals and aspirations. China is the second-biggest economy in the world and we want to connect with China for our economic development. Our engagement with China will further increases as a transit country. America is supporting our development projects and various areas of social development. It has been doing so since 1950s.

There is competition as well as engagement among big powers. We should not think there is only competition.  Of late, there is growing engagement between India and China. There is trade dispute between America and other countries and there are tensions but there is also dialogue. We are closely analyzing those developments.

In your bilateral discussions in the US, what were the Americans mostly interested in?

First, they appreciated Nepal’s role in this region. They also expected Nepal to play an even bigger role. As an active participant of SAARC, BIMSTEC and other regional organizations, America perceives Nepal as a leader of this region. Second, the peace process in the Korean peninsula is gaining momentum. My counterpart was optimistic on this. America is of the view that countries should have a common position on UN Security Council proposal on North Korea. I clearly said that Nepal is in favor of denuclearization in the Korean peninsula and that Nepal wishes for the success of the ongoing peace dialogue.

Third, America officials wanted Nepal to give more attention to fair business and competitiveness when development projects are selected. Similarly, American officials advised that Nepal should think of its pay-back capacity on development projects. I clearly said that Nepal needs resources. We made it clear that we want investment and we want loan. But Nepal would also try to make terms and conditions favorable on development aid. I also requested American companies to invest in Nepal.

Some say the Americans wanted Nepal to crack down on North Korean activities on Nepali soil.
No such issues were discussed. As far as UN resolution on North Korea is concerned, Nepal supports it.

What is the status of relation with India?

We are satisfied with progress in Nepal-India relation. Our main concerns were development projects and there has been progress. Of late, India has amended its power guidelines, paving the way for greater energy cooperation. Now we can use Indian grid to supply electricity to third countries. The progress on inland waterways is also encouraging. Our produce are gradually getting access to Indian markets. Our bilateral mechanisms are regularly holding their meetings. There are commitments on both sides.

What then explains India’s refusal to accept the EPG report?

The EPG was formed at the initiation of two prime ministers. We are happy that there is an understanding on both sides on contentious issues. It is big achievement. I do not doubt the commitment of political leadership on EPG. But there are some spoilers in Nepal-India relations. The implementation of EPG could hamper their interest, and hence the delay.  

What about our relation with China? There is no progress on the BRI.

We have identified some projects under the BRI and shared them with China. Some implementation mechanisms on BRI projects have also been established. We are now finalizing detailed reports and funding modalities of around a dozen projects under the BRI.

The irony! The two co-chairmen of the ruling NCP, KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, were on Jan 7 exploring ways to develop a common understand­ing on key national issues with Sher Bahadur Deuba, the leader of the Nepali Congress, the main opposition. A day later, Congress parliamentary party meeting endorsed a ‘shadow government’ to expose the executive’s wrongdoing. Whatever Deuba told his communist counterparts, the NC wants to corner the Oli government at a time when public dissatisfaction with its functioning is mounting. This shadow government will comprise federal MPs who will be given the responsibility of keeping a close tab on the workings of the assigned ministries. The NC feels its current criticism of the government on the purchase of two wide-body aircraft from Airbus; on Oli bringing tax and spy agen­cies, and big-tickets projects, under the PMO; on Nirmala Pant; and on healthcare reform is feeble, as the party lacks hard data to back up its anti-Oli tirades. By closely follow­ing individual ministries, the NC hopes to amass enough incriminating evidence with which to embarrass the government.

 This shadow government will comprise federal MPs

Formation of shadow governments is a com­mon practice in Westmin­ster-style democracies, helping with checks and balances. The idea remains untested in Nepal. Whether it will work may be the wrong question. A more pertinent one is: Why now? Badly humiliated in the three tier elections in 2017, there seemed to be no way back for the faction-ridden Grand Old Party. Yet PM Oli’s 10-month report card has been so dismal that the NC now feels confident of its ability to cash in on the growing anti-Oli public sentiment.

Following PM Oli’s address to the parliament on Jan 6, Congress MPs obstructed the house when they were stopped from questioning the prime minister. After initially resisting the pressure from the opposition, Speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara eventually relented, and directed the prime minis­ter to answer questions raised in the parliament. Whatever the response to NC questions, the opposition will protest. The goal, on either side, is not to find amicable solutions to pressing issues but to defame the other side.

With both sides determined to play hardball, this war of words is sure to escalate, hampering lawmaking. The parliament needs to update 165 laws in two months to make the federal setup functional. But the NC is determined to cry foul and create hurdles every step of the way.

Dr Govinda KC had no option but to start yet another fast-onto-death, his 16th, this time from Ilam in the eastern hills. He had promised to do so if the federal par­liament’s Education and Health Committee did not endorse the version of the Medical Education Bill that was prepared in consultation with the crusading orthopedic surgeon. On Jan 9, the committee endorsed a different version of the bill, in which key points in the previous version were tweaked mendaciously. Ergo, Dr KC’s 16th hunger strike.

Among the major tweaks was an insertion of a pro­vision whereby both Tribhuvan University and Kath­mandu University will be able to grant affiliations to new medical colleges. Dr KC wanted to cap the number of medical colleges each could oversee at five. Short of both money and manpower, the two universities are struggling to effectively monitor even the operation­al medical colleges under their jurisdiction. Another tweak clears the way for the prospective medical col­leges that have already obtained a ‘letter of intent’ from the Ministry of Education to get new affiliations.

The bill the committee passed is also missing a firm commitment to establish at least one medical college in each of the seven provinces, which was another of Dr KC’s main demands. Clearly, the mighty ‘medical mafia’ that the doctor likes to rail against has once again prevailed. Senior ruling party leaders have invested in many of the proposed medical colleges and stand to personally benefit from the tweaks in the Medical Education Bill. In the parliamentary commit­tee that cleared it, 14 of the 18 members were from the Nepal Communist Party. Such conflict of interest has become a routine affair for the communist-controlled executive and legislative.

It is depressing to see people’s representatives serving themselves rather than their constituencies. This, again, is nothing new. But we expected better of the strongest government in Nepal’s democratic history, which came to power on the promise of ‘prosperity for all’. The first commitment of the avowed socialists should have been to ensure affordable healthcare and education for all Nepalis. Yet an ageing and frail doctor has had to repeatedly put his life on the line to remind the government of its basic duty. If the ruling party wants to retain public support, the full parliament should reject the bill and spare Dr KC yet another ordeal.