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Astrek Wall Climbing in Kathmandu

Located at the heart of Kathmandu, Thamel, Astrek boasts of Nepal’s tallest climbing wall of 50 feet. Open every day including on holidays, there are 20 different routes for all experience levels. For those who enjoy a full bodied climb, you will love the two bouldering walls that this place has. The walls are also sheltered from sun and rain, and there is a backup generator in case of power cuts. While there, you can enjoy some food and a fully stocked bar in the Club House. If you thought it could not get better, you also get free Wifi and access to a music system. On weekdays, you can climb for Rs 700 and on weekends, for Rs 800, which includes climbing, shoes and harness rentals. Call 014419265 for more information.

Pasang Lhamu Sports Climbing Center in Kathmandu

This gym/physical center at the Shankha Park in Dhumbarahi also has an amazing wall climbing gym. At just Rs 400 for males and Rs 350 for females, you get rope, helmet, harness, delay device and shoes. If you love wall climbing, taking a membership would be wise; monthly membership costs Rs 4,500. Since 2002, the center has been promoting rock climbing in Nepal and even training aspiring Nepali mountaineers on advanced techniques. So if you are looking for something fun and adventurous to do without going away from Kathmandu, this is just for you! For more information, call 014015515

Psycho Block Wall Climbing in Pokhara

Located in Kahare Chowk in Pokhara, this place might be small but it is very well built and built with many levels and routes. Opened by Guillaume, who is French, you can also learn techniques of rock climbing for Rs 1,500 (inclusive of climbing gears). Every Wednesday evening, they host a climbing game night that you can enter for Rs 500. Open from 9 am to 7 pm, the hourly rate for wall climbing here is Rs 350. Call 980-8100679 for details.

By Keshar Rokka/ Ganga Khadka | Gulmi

 Small shacks with thatched roofs that can’t stop rain water from seeping in. There are 10 of them on the sides of the Madan Bhandari Lokmarg. Each shack is home to about a dozen people. As many as 50 squatters belong to the same extended fam­ily that lost their houses and belongings to a flood about a decade ago. Their neighbors, who have well-built houses, get run­ning water and electricity. The neighborhood, which is about a 15-minute walk from Simaltari Bazaar, Gulmi, has a joyous vibe during festivals.

However, in the squatter set­tlement of Malika rural munic­ipality, access to electricity is a distant dream. The residents, all of whom are Dalits, cook, eat and sleep before sunset. Many eke out a living by doing manual labor. Children are not able to study properly. Girls get married (and pregnant) at an early age.

Between 1999 and 2017, the residents of this settlement have voted four times to elect their representatives. Right before elections, politicians visit the settlement and make lofty promises of bringing water and electricity. But once elected, they forget their promises. The squatters say that many political leaders have pledged to resettle them in a better place and even provide them with land cer­tificates, but they have been empty promises.

Right before elections, politicians come to our settlement and even spend the night here. But all these years, our problems have fallen on deaf ears

Pom Bahadur BK, 46

“During elections, the can­didates come to our shacks and even spend a night here. But all these years, our prob­lems have fallen on deaf ears,” complains Pom Bahadur BK, 46. He laments that he has to go to a nearby river to quench his thirst. Although there is more than enough water in the neighborhood, residents of this settlement do not have access to it just because they are squatters.

Gothi BK, 63, says that peo­ple in her settlement face many challenges, especially during festivals or when they fall sick. “My husband passed away over 25 years ago. I have four kids. Because I get a wid­ow’s allowance from the gov­ernment, I manage to make ends meet,” she says. She rec­ollects the times when she was sick but could not go to the hospital because she had no money.

Local youths here have been unable to find a reliable source of income. They express regret that nobody in the vil­lage trusts them with a loan that they can invest.

Rit Bahadur Thapa, Chair­person of the rural municipal­ity, says public land is being steadily encroached upon. “Not all residents of the settle­ment are landless squatters, only some. After data collec­tion and verification, we will shift them to an integrated settlement,” says Thapa.

He adds that although there are no specific programs in the current fiscal, policies to improve the lives of the squatters will be introduced in the coming year. “As we have plans to resettle them, we cannot build additional infrastructure in the settle­ment,” says Thapa.  

 One year after the formal unification of the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist Center), the new Nepal Commu­nist Party (NCP) has only now finalized the chiefs and secre­taries of its 77 district commit­tees. Party leaders hail this as a major achievement toward full-fledged organizational unification. However, there is still considerable dissatisfac­tion in the party over the deci­sion-making of its top leaders, and organizational issues at the local level are yet to be settled. This is happening against the background of growing public frustration with the functioning of the communist government. Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Shyam Shrestha, an analyst of left politics in Nepal, for his insights.

 How do you evaluate the federal government’s performance thus far?

Latest data show the country’s Gross Domestic Product is growing by 6.8 percent, a definite increase from previous years. So the size of the national economy has grown. In terms of economic stats, the gov­ernment is not so weak. But expec­tations with this government were high because of its two-third com­mand in the national parliament and because of the ruling party’s effec­tive control over six of the seven pro­vincial governments. The NCP made big promises in its election manifes­to and people are judging it on that basis. Another basis of evaluation is how the government is handling the country’s key priorities. These two bases give us grounds for objective analysis. For one, serious problems have emerged in the implementa­tion of federalism.

What problems are you referring to?

The first problem is related to budget allocation. Provincial and local governments cannot fully exer­cise the rights bestowed on them by the constitution if they face a funding crunch. They are short not only of financial but also of human resources. Provincial governments were not given enough financial resources. In last year’s budget, 71 percent was captured by the cen­tral government even though the center does not have many rights. Only 29 percent of the budget has been allocated to provincial and local governments. The alloca­tion is not compatible with federal structures, with a center without many rights keeping more than two-thirds of the budget. This has created a serious problem in the implementation of federalism. Sim­ilarly, the government has failed to mobilize enough staff. The provin­cial government does not have the right to mobilize the police forces, and provincial level home ministries are without any role. The constitu­tion, on the other hand, envisages powerful provincial governments.

What is the state of the local gov­ernments?

They are not doing well either. Let’s take the example of education. Local governments are empowered to exercise rights related to edu­cation but the center is recruiting the teachers. Recently, the National Education Commission submitted its report to the federal government. The commission has outlined areas that need to be separately imple­mented by federal, provincial and local governments. It has been over three months since the government received the report but it has not been made public yet. This is a cen­tralized, anti-federal mentality. Par­ty co-chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has himself expressed displeasure at this state of affairs.

Is it because those in power now are not committed to federalism?

This is a reality. Earlier, KP Oli used to say publicly that federal­ism was not his agenda. But now that he has become the country’s prime minister, the onus is on him to implement the constitution. British Prime Minister Theresa May cam­paigned to remain in the EU before Brexit, but she now has the respon­sibility to implement it. The same applies here. Sincere and effective implementation of federalism is the prime minister’s political and consti­tutional responsibility.

You mean PM Oli himself is not honest about the implementa­tion of the constitution?

Yes. There is inadequate bud­get for the effective functioning of federal structures. The center has monopolized the budget but devel­opment expenditure is low. Most of that budget will be spent at the end of the fiscal. The NCP mani­festo promised radical change in agriculture by ensuring irrigation facilities. The manifesto also states that the country will be self-reli­ant on food within two years. But the budget allocated for agri­culture has been slashed by more than half. This shows the true intent of our prime minis­ter. Farmers are getting very low prices for their produce and yet consumers are overburdened. The government has failed to lessen the role of brokers who are capturing the market. Another problem is that the NCP base is the lower and lower-middle classes but the gov­ernment is serving the interests of the middle and high classes. It seems unaware of the class it represents and how it should function to keep its constituencies intact.

In a separate context, a year after formal party unification, NCP leaders claim to have settled dis­puted issues. What do you think?

Top leaders did not take unifi­cation seriously. Party unification does not mean two leaders coming together. First, there should be ideo­logical unification. Second, there should be amicable unification of organizational structures. They announced party unification despite differences on ideology and orga­nizational structures, which was a blunder. Now they are facing the consequences. They should resolve both ideological and organizational issues through serious discussions.

But you could argue ideological coherence was never their prior­ity and that unification was just a quick way to get to power.

Yes, ideology is not their prior­ity. There has been no discussion or debate on party ideology after unification, even though the two parties came from separate back­grounds. The Maoists glorified the armed insurgency and they believed in bullets. The UML prioritized the parliamentary front. One party glo­rifies the 10-year-long insurgency while another condemns it. They need to think of how to bridge this ideological gap. Still, they have huge differences, which is why Maoist leaders still talk about Janabadi Kranti (People’s revolution) while former UML leaders adhere to the parliamentary path.

How do you see the NCP? Is it a communist or a democratic socialist party?

It would be a big thing if the NCP could be a democratic socialist par­ty. That would be revolutionary. In many Scandinavian countries run by democratic socialist par­ties, the government is responsible for education and health. Norway, Switzerland and Denmark are not communist nations but their govern­ments nonetheless look after senior citizens, and health and education. In our case, Dr. Govinda KC has to stage a fast onto death to improve the health sector. KC, who belongs to the bourgeoisie, is demanding health reform and the communist government listens to him only at the eleventh hour. It is a matter of shame for the government. The constitution clearly mentions that health and education should not be left in the hands of businesses. The government puts on a mask of com­munists but it is pushing a capitalist agenda in practice.

Even in capitalist countries, the state takes the responsibility of health and education. Political ide­ologies are immaterial. But in Nepal crucial areas such are health and education are captured by business­men while the government looks on helplessly. This is not the working style of a communist government with a two-third majority.

Do you think the unification will last?

If they do not take immediate steps to resolve ideological and other dis­putes, unification will be in grave jeopardy, for three reasons. First, ideological and other backgrounds of the two parties are different. Sec­ond, there is growing dissatisfaction over party functioning. Third, even top leaders are saying that justice has not been done. There are com­plaints that a few leaders exercise a monopoly. Madhav Kumar Nepal’s command over the party is strong as he served as its general secretary for more than 15 years. Similarly, Bam Dev Gautam and Jhala Nath Khanal also have a strong hold. Maoist min­isters are not happy with PM Oli. The ideological as well as organizational issues remain unresolved. The orga­nizational structure is becoming more complicated. There also are questions of intra-party democracy.

How do you assess the supposed power-sharing formula between Dahal and Oli?

There may be a dispute as Oli is not ready to step down easily. The party is not working according to a system, and there is a bureaucratic mindset. If a communist party func­tions in a bureaucratic way, it cen­tralizes power at the upper level and creates anarchy at lower levels. Only a participatory approach will sustain unification. The way the party is currently functioning will deepen dissatisfaction among the rank and file, ultimately leading to a split.

There are reports that top lead­ers are ganging up against Oli.

This is because of Oli’s own behavior. I see the possibility of big changes in internal alliances. Dahal, Nepal, Khanal and Gautam have all suffered at Oli’s hands. If these four leaders come together, there would be a change in power balance in favor of this alliance. There are high chances of such an alliance and PM Oli fears this. The power balance is unstable. If the four leaders come together, Oli, already in a minority in the politburo, will face the same situation in the Central Committee and other organizational structures.

Now, the party is like an alliance of different factions, which are based more on differing interests than on ideological differences. Now they are united only because they are in power and disunity could throw them out of power. There are many ways to sustain party unity but senior leaders don’t seem serious about it. So it will be hard to keep the party unity intact.

Is the rift between Oli and Dahal widening?

Yes, due to some pressing issues related to federalism. Similarly, there are reports that PM Oli has not given much importance to min­isters of former CPN (Maoist Center) and constantly interferes with their work. Minister for Education Giriraj Mani Pokhrel, Minister for Industry Matrika Yadav and other ministers have expressed dissatisfaction over the PM’s working style.

Swayambhu Recreation Center, Kathmandu

If you are looking for a quick swim for a reasonable price, this deal is for you. The entry fee for this swimming pool in Swayambhu is just Rs 350! If you want to get a membership, the monthly charge is Rs 4,500 and you can go for a swim anytime. If you wish to learn how to swim, they have coaches who will give you a full swimming course for Rs 9,500. The pool is open from 6 am to 9 pm. Of course, you can first go around Swayambhu stupa, and visit this recreation center later for some rest and a refreshing splash!

Hyatt Regency, Kathmandu

At Hyatt Regency, you can enjoy not just the pool but also admire the lovely gardens and the beautiful ambience. A day at the 25-meter swimming pool here costs Rs 1,500 for adults and Rs 1,100 for children. If you wish to get membership card for swimming at the Hyatt, it will cost you Rs 22,000 a month. When you swim here, you forget that bustling Boudha is right around the corner. The pool is open from 7 am to 8 pm. Give your body this cool treat this summer!

Shangri-La Village Resort Hotel, Pokhara

This is just about the perfect swimming location in Pokhara. With such a beautiful ambience and eye-pleasing view, swimming in this pool is guaranteed to be very relaxing. You can see the beautiful Annapurna Range from this resort. The prices are affordable too. It will cost you Rs 1,000 a person for an entire day in the fancy pool. If you want to get a monthly membership, you pay Rs 8,000. The pool is open from 7 am to 7 pm every day!

The no-less-than legendary Pokhara Pizza House has had a branch in Kathmandu for a couple of years now. With its pizzas priced at just Rs 300 a pop, its luscious offerings are already winning the hearts of the Valley’s food connoisseurs. Popular among budget tourists and locals of the Lake­side area, the Pokhara Pizza House’s Kathmandu branch at Dhumbarahi serves the same fire-wood pizzas they’ve been selling since 2009. The mid-sized, decently priced pizzas can be eaten at the quaint little venue, ordered online or via phone, and the delivery is free.

We recommend you visit the place though, with its exotic placement in the middle of a small plateau formed between Dhumbarahi Chowk and Sukedhara. You can gulp on some chilled draught beer at the joint too.

 THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Firewood Pizzas

- Chicken Wings

- Draught Beers

Opening hours: 11 am-9 pm

Location: Dhumbarahi

Cards: Not accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 1000

Reservations: 014377722, 9851240267

Q. What is your biggest pet peeve?

A. Poor customer service at restaurants and supermar­kets.

Q. If you had just one day left to live, how would you spend that day?

A. Party, time with family, cook great food and enjoy it.

Q. When you are down, what keeps you going?

A. The fear of failure.

Q. What does your perfect day consist of?

A. Drinking warm water, yoga, good lunch and praise at work.

Q. How do you deal with negativity on social media?

A. I have never received nega­tivity on social media. And even if I did, I don’t think I would care.

Q. What is the best thing a fan has ever done for you?

A. Make a fan art. It still hangs on my room wall.

Q. What would be your superpower?

A. Power mimicry.

Q. What is an issue you feel deeply about and wish to highlight?

A. Human-wildlife conflict in conservation areas.

Q. One Nepali celebrity you absolutely admire and why?

A. Anuradha Koirala for the tremendous work she has done for our society and for being idolized worldwide

‘Avengers: Endgame’ is not a movie so it cannot and should not be treated like one. It is, rather, a carnival, a conclusion to 10 years of character and plot develop­ment. It’s like an episode of the final fight of the Mahabharata; you can’t evaluate the battle without under­standing the weight of events like humiliation of Duryodhan, marriage of Draupadi and the game of dice that led up to it. Directed by two brothers, Antho­ny and Joe Russo, Endgame is a direct sequel to ‘Infinity War’ and it picks up where the last movie ends. The Avengers, now less in number, are faced with a task of bringing back their ‘reality’ which they lost in their battle with Thanos (Josh Brolin). The movie starts with Iron Man (Rob­ert Downey Jr.), Captain America (Chris Evans), The Hulk (Mark Ruf­falo), Thor (Chris Hemsworth), and Black Widow (Scarlett Johansson) all getting back together, reassem­bling the Avengers team in good old Nick Fury style. Thanos, our super powerful alien antagonist, has a very noble philosophy of balancing the economics of finite resources and seemingly infinite population growth. However, neither is Thanos an esteemed economist nor a poli­cy researcher; just another weirdo trying to find a quick solution to a complicated problem.

 Every second was an experience in itself, the constant hooting and whoops of the audience indicative of how good a movie this was

And in a very no spoiler fashion, that’s the endgame this ‘Endgame’ deals with: The reality of Thanos’ quick solution to this problem.

I might have made the prem­ise boring with those parallels but I swear the movie’s not. It’s a superhero movie that packs all the punches, literally. It’s electrifying. It’s marvelous. It’s … Okay, enough with the puns.

First off, the movie has an invest­ment of $300-400 million, double of what a typical blockbuster movie costs. So I expected it to be colossal, from its VFX to battle sequences, and it did not disappoint.

Every second was an experience in itself, the constant hooting and whoops of the audience indicative of how good a movie this was. In the typical MCU style, the movie can go from being insanely funny to insanely serious, while excelling in both. And it strikes that cord again. Following the suit of Infinity War, the movie also has its share of emo­tional moments. Also, be it a super­hero showdown or an emotional scene, the background score was perfect and just what you’d expect from Marvel.

I won’t go into details, but as you’d expect, there’s a very big battle sequence and it was at least three times as thrilling as I imagined it to be. Hands down, the best battle sequence in entertainment history. It tells a story of perseverance, of resilience, duty and unity, in the grandest possible way.

There’s also this scene in the bat­tle where all the superhero ladies of Marvel get together and get their hands dirty with the aliens. And no, these women don’t just play a sup­porting role, or semi-important side chicks; they’re in the frontline of the story, because a superhero doesn’t have a gender.

If you’re ready to leave out some plot loopholes and enjoy the movie as it narrates itself, it’s a 3 hour 1 minute movie that feels too short. It’s entertaining while it’s emotion­al. It’s funny while it’s serious. This movie will be remembered for gen­erations to come and will go down in history books as a display of both the cultural and financial prowess of cinema,

 Who should watch it?

Everyone. If you are unfamiliar with Marvel characters and have not watched Infinity War, you may struggle to follow the plot a bit. The movie, as good as it is, may also be a little too long for some. Whatever. Just go and watch

Movie: Avengers Endgame

Genre:  Sci-fi/Action

Cast: Robert Downey Jr., Chris Evans, Mark Ruffalo

Direction: Anthony Russo, Joe Russo

Rating: 4.5/5

The latest forecast of the Central Bureau of Statistics that the national economy will grow by 6.81 percent this fiscal is encouraging. The above-six percent growth, for the third year in a row, has never been attained in over two decades. This kind of sustainable (and increasing) growth is partly the outcome of political stability. The ending of load-shedding has also boosted our industries and businesses. As tourism picks up after the low of the 2015 earthquake and the subsequent blockade, hotels and restaurants are doing a roaring business. Good rainfall has ensured plentiful harvests.

Thus 6.81 percent growth is something to celebrate, any way you look at it. It has, for instance, contribut­ed to an increase in the annual income of a Nepali by around Rs 14,000 in a year. The proportion of those living under the poverty line is steadily declining. So far so good. But it would be an incomplete assessment of the Nepali economy if we don’t dig deeper into these numbers. A big reason for the high GDP growth is the boom in construction, which is fueled by loans from banks and financial institutions. Such loans also boost vehicle ownership. Economists warn that the econ­omy is overheating because of such unproductive spending, and a crash might be imminent. The good numbers do not reveal the whole picture.

The only way to achieve long-term economic pros­perity is to ensure more, and timely, investment in the productive sector: rather than erect credit-supported private apartments, build good roads and airports. Instead of spending most of our foreign reserves on imports, channel more into improving the local busi­ness climate. The state should also invest in quality education and healthcare for all Nepalis. But the oppo­site is happening. Over the past few years, the spending in productive sectors has been half the level of spend­ing in unproductive activities.

While the federal government seems committed to handing out various kinds of benefits and subsidies to the old and the needy, it has made little progress in mass-scale job-creation. Most of our youth in rural areas continue to go abroad in search of well-paying jobs. Yet much of the hard-earned money they send to Nepal is quickly repatriated to pay for our burgeon­ing imports. A growth of 6.81 percent means there is enough money sloshing around for all kinds of produc­tive investments. Too bad the communist government is busy gloating about its high numbers than in laying down the right economic fundamentals.