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For those unacquainted with Nepal’s political system, they could do worse than pick up “The Politics of Nepal: Persistence and Change in an Asian Monarchy”. Leo E. Rose and Margaret W. Fisher’s short book covers the country’s history from the time of Prithvi Narayan Shah to the late 1960s, when it was written. Lok Raj Baral’s preface to the new Mandala Print Edition partly covers the subsequent evolution of Nepali politics between late 1960s and now.

The strength of this brief book, like the other books Rose has written on Nepal, is it’s jargon-free, simple language. Anyone can pick it up and easily understand the historic evolution of Nepali polity, while also getting a glimpse of other factors that have shaped Nepal’s destiny over the years: it’s unique geography, its rich ethnic mix, and it’s challenging geopolitical position. 

Besides the preface, and foreword by Richard L. Park, the book is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter ‘Political and Social Heritage’ discusses the evolution of Nepal as a country and its many geographical and ethnic attributes. Also included is an account of the country’s political experimentation since the time of PN Shah until the late 1960s.

The second chapter ‘Monarchy and Representative Institutions’ is basically a history of Shah monarchy: how it was subverted during the Ranarchy and how its role changed drastically in post-1950 politics. Most notably, after dismissing the elected government of BP Koirala in 1959, King Mahendra imposed a party-less Panchayat system the following year.

Other chapters in the book are: ‘The Administrative and Judicial System’, ‘Political Forces in Nepal’, ‘The Modernization of the Nepali Economy’, ‘Nepal’s International Relations’, and ‘Modernizing Nepali Politics”. These chapters are followed by a comprehensive literature guide on Nepal, and suggested further readings.

Again, the book is an initiation into modern Nepali politics. Yet more serious scholars on Nepal would also find it of some interest. Even though it is a brief volume, Rose and Fisher offer their unique take on the course of events in Nepal. For instance, the authors are ready to give King Mahendra benefit of doubt on his imposition of the partyless-Panchayat system, even as they are unsure the experiment will succeed.

They try to understand King Mahendra’s possible motivations. Among other things the monarch must have considered: “Would crown functions be usurped by the present prime minister and the monarch relegated to a figurehead…?”, “Was the very existence of the monarchy imperiled by the growing power of the Nepali Congress…?”, “Was Nepal itself in danger of becoming an Indian satellite?” It would be strange, write Rose and Fisher, if “they [these questions] had not arisen in the mind of a monarch who was only too aware of the underlying factors in both the founding and the collapse of the Rana regime, whose virtual prisoner he had himself once been”.

He argues King Mahendra’s strong prejudice against political parties is “not without substance”: “The record of the political parties in Nepal, as in much of the non-western world, does not inspire confidence in their capacity to provide the leadership and authority necessary in a difficult transitional period”. Yet the writers are far from dyed-in-the-wool monarchists. King Mahendra, they write, must also share some of the blame “for the failure of the Nepali parties to mature” as the palace itself was often engaged in playing favorites among political groups.

Nonetheless, as Baral hints in his preface, it was because of Rose’s rather sympathetic reading of the role of Nepali monarchy that King Birendra awarded Rose ‘Gorkha Dakshin Bahu’ in 1984.

The book hews to the maxim that every two has two sides. It would be wrong to ignore the version of the monarchs even if the reader is a firm believer in the democratic process—for doing so would entail an incomplete reading of Nepali history.

The guide to literature on Nepal that the book ends with is also an invaluable repository of the required reading to understand the country better.

The book, now republished by Mandala Book Point, was originally part of the broader ‘South Asian Political Systems’ series Richard L. Park edited. The series took up cases of individual countries like Nepal, Pakistan, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and Afghanistan. Writes Park, “The rapid rise of nationalism in Asia in the twentieth century, the decline of Western imperial systems, and the founding of the many independent states in the early years of the United Nations have all contributed to a growing interest in Asian culture and politics.” Hence the need for books like ‘The Politics of Nepal”.

It’s worth a read for anyone even remotely interested in understanding the evolution of the Nepali political system.

One word to sum up your musical journey so far?

Rollercoaster

Hindustani classical or Western jazz?

Hindustani classical 

What movie/s made you laugh the hardest?

‘Padosan’, ‘Golmaal’.

What business idea do you think would be super-profitable but you would never want to pursue?

Waste management

Where would you travel to if you knew there was a chance you would have to stay there for up to a year?

Macedonia or Egypt

What’s something you wish you could stop people from assuming about you?

That I am too proud of myself. 

What did you want to be when you were younger?

Madhuri Dixit, haha. I actually had no idea what I wanted to be.

If you had a warning label, what would it say?

“Atti Bho La” (This is too much!).

What song would you say best sums you up?

“Rahar”.

If you could travel back in time, what period would you go to?

Fourth Century BC.

Nothing tests a political leader’s mettle more than a national crisis. And without a doubt, this is a time of an unprecedented crisis. The coronavirus has the country firmly in its grip, and is expected to get worse. With its half-hearted response, the government of KP Sharma Oli has, rather predictably, been unable to halt its spread. Instead, he has ordered the construction of a temple dedicated to Lord Ram at Thori, near Birgunj, without a shred of evidence to support his claim that Ram was born there. It’s a curious case of a communist prime minister ordering the building of a Hindu temple.

Our southern neighbor is also being ravaged by the coronavirus, its economy is tanking, and it finds itself helpless against Chinese aggression. So what does its chief executive do? Why, inaugurate a Ram temple in Ayodhya, the ‘real’ birthplace of Ram according to his Hindutva acolytes. Narendra Modi, who became prime minister by peddling an openly anti-Muslim pitch, sure knows how to appeal to people’s religious sentiments. Most devout Hindus are apparently willing to forgive all his other sins if he only covers himself in saffron. Oli is taking a page out of his book.

We hear religious politics has no future in Nepal. Tell that to PM Oli. As he fails on nearly every domestic front, he too is using religion as a political tool in this Hindu-majority country; and if such a move riles Modi’s India, so much the better. He has wasted his two-thirds mandate and is trying to cover his mistakes by using these diversionary tactics.

In doing so, he is undermining the country’s constitutionally protected secular character. Oli is also showing that he won’t stop short of anything to cement his hold on power—and frankly, that is all he seems to care about these days. As people no longer trust his government, they are not ready to heed its otherwise vital anti-corona message. In this time of crisis, Nepal needed a strong and trustworthy leader. But here we have a prime minister who has given up all pretense of governing and who has stooped to openly pander Nepal’s Hindu majority. Unfortunately, Lord Ram is not coming to rescue his country from the dreaded virus and, on current form, neither will the prime minister.    

One piece of gear you’d never want to part with? 

My Carl Zeiss Planar 50mm 1.4 lens.

Something on your wishlist you can afford but will probably never buy?

Ursa Mini Pro 12k.

Something on your wishlist you know you can never afford?

The entire kit of ALEXA Mini LF.

While walking: Music or Podcasts?

Podcasts. Currently I listen to “Talk is Jericho” and “JRE.”

If everyone in the world had to get married when they reached a certain age, what would that age be?

Never get married, brother. Why share your cheese when you can enjoy it for life?

What would you do on Mars for fun?

Get on a weighing machine and yell “I lost 62 kg today.”

What is your biggest addiction?

A cup of well-brewed coffee.

What is the first thing you notice about the opposite sex?

The way she talks.

What is the song you listen to most often?

‘Judas’ by Fozzy; ‘Hey Jude’ by The Beatles

Which is better: being organized or attention to details?

If you’re more organized, you will automatically pay attention to details. Even though it’s a bit annoying, being organized, always.

In his August 4th meeting with opposition leaders and health experts, Prime Minister KP Oli expressed his dissatisfaction over the criticism of his government’s handling of the corona crisis. He accused his critics of being quick to blame the government for its shortcomings, while ignoring its achievements in controlling the spread of the virus. We are sorry to say, but there isn’t much it has gotten right. It’s sudden decision to lift the nationwide lockdown, the abrupt reduction in the number of PCR tests despite a steady increase in contagion, and its visible failure to screen those entering Nepal from India—all were egregious failures. 

The experts he consulted on August 4th advised him to re-impose the nationwide lockdown, partially if not completely, and a calibrated lockdown has in fact been imposed. But this is only the first step in effective corona-control. There is now enough evidence, from multiple places, of community spread in Nepal. Health experts were already warning that the country would be headed down this road when the government lifted the nationwide lockdown on July 21st. There is reason to believe concern over public health was not the prime motivator behind that decision. 

The re-imposition of lockdown measures has to be coupled with widespread testing, something the government failed to do during the previous nationwide lockdown. In the absence of such measures, restrictions like confining people to their homes for months on end make little sense. It will only delaying the inevitable. The speed with which the virus has spread of late also has a whiff of inevitability. Thankfully, more people are now being tested, and public booths have been set up to test likely suspects. Yet, even this may not be enough. 

The time may have come to randomly test people in communities to get a fair assessment of the spread. In cities like New Delhi and Mumbai, such random tests have yielded troubling results, and we can expect something similar here. All our actions from hereon have to be taken assuming the worst. This might mean further hardships for people, especially the daily-wage earners. The government thus has to work out a mechanism to provide for them, through direct cash transfers if need be. Having gotten so much wrong thus far, any more mistakes in handling this growing crisis could prove catastrophically costly. 

Google is adding a new, compact-sized Pixel 4a to its smartphone portfolio. The good news is that Pixel 4a won’t hurt your wallet, as the phone starts at $349 in the US, making it the cheapest Pixel-branded smartphone ever.

The Pixel 4a is aimed at budget-conscious consumers who don’t have the money to buy Pixel 4 or Pixel 4 XL, Google’s latest flagship devices. For the price, the Pixel 4a is a compelling purchase—at least for those who do not want features like multiple cameras and higher refresh rate displays in a smartphone.

The company informs that the Pixel 4a is built on the same idea as the last year’s Pixel 3a, and the idea is to bring the “best of Google hardware, software and AI” to more consumers at an accessible price point. But this time, the Pixel 4a is launching at a time when consumers are hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic. With most people cutting down discretionary spending, the $349 price tag of Pixel 4a might just convince them to upgrade to a new smartphone. It’s the same tactic Apple recently applied with the second-generation iPhone SE, which starts at $399.

Many would think that Google has made compromises to launch the Pixel 4a at a low price, but that’s not true. Google took the best out of Pixel 4 and cut features on Pixel 4a. The new low-cost phone has a 5.8-inch FHD+ OLED screen with minimum top and bottom bezels. Google says the screen size is increased by 4.5 per cent compared to the Pixel 3a, while the overall device size is decreased by 5.8 per cent. The 5.8-inch screen is neither too small nor too big for a modern-day smartphone. The Pixel 4a is not a small phone, but compact enough to use one-handed. At the same time, Google has managed to fit a faster Snapdragon 730G processor, meaning the phone will run all the games and apps that many expensive Android smartphones do.

The price of Pixel 4a, though, is its strongest selling point. However, the Pixel 4a faces tough competition from the iPhone SE, which has been well received by consumers.

In fact, Apple saw iPhone sales increased in Q3 2020, largely due to the “very successful” release of the low-cost iPhone SE in April. It remains to be seen how well the Pixel 4a is received, in US and internationally, with a price that already dramatically undercuts Apple’s iPhone SE. The Pixel 4a is expected to officially arrive in South East Asian markets by October.

(Agencies)

Google is adding a new, compact-sized Pixel 4a to its smartphone portfolio. The good news is that Pixel 4a won’t hurt your wallet, as the phone starts at $349 in the US, making it the cheapest Pixel-branded smartphone ever.

The Pixel 4a is aimed at budget-conscious consumers who don’t have the money to buy Pixel 4 or Pixel 4 XL, Google’s latest flagship devices. For the price, the Pixel 4a is a compelling purchase—at least for those who do not want features like multiple cameras and higher refresh rate displays in a smartphone.

The company informs that the Pixel 4a is built on the same idea as the last year’s Pixel 3a, and the idea is to bring the “best of Google hardware, software and AI” to more consumers at an accessible price point. But this time, the Pixel 4a is launching at a time when consumers are hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic. With most people cutting down discretionary spending, the $349 price tag of Pixel 4a might just convince them to upgrade to a new smartphone. It’s the same tactic Apple recently applied with the second-generation iPhone SE, which starts at $399.

Many would think that Google has made compromises to launch the Pixel 4a at a low price, but that’s not true. Google took the best out of Pixel 4 and cut features on Pixel 4a. The new low-cost phone has a 5.8-inch FHD+ OLED screen with minimum top and bottom bezels. Google says the screen size is increased by 4.5 per cent compared to the Pixel 3a, while the overall device size is decreased by 5.8 per cent. The 5.8-inch screen is neither too small nor too big for a modern-day smartphone. The Pixel 4a is not a small phone, but compact enough to use one-handed. At the same time, Google has managed to fit a faster Snapdragon 730G processor, meaning the phone will run all the games and apps that many expensive Android smartphones do.

The price of Pixel 4a, though, is its strongest selling point. However, the Pixel 4a faces tough competition from the iPhone SE, which has been well received by consumers.

In fact, Apple saw iPhone sales increased in Q3 2020, largely due to the “very successful” release of the low-cost iPhone SE in April. It remains to be seen how well the Pixel 4a is received, in US and internationally, with a price that already dramatically undercuts Apple’s iPhone SE. The Pixel 4a is expected to officially arrive in South East Asian markets by October.

(Agencies)