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The Kamal Thapa-led Rastri­ya Prajatantra Party (RPP) just completed a nation­wide campaign to garner public support for their pet agendas of reinstating the Hindu state and monarchy. Of late senior RPP leaders have been speaking confidently about the prospect of restoring the Hindu state and monarchy, even though doing so would be unconstitution­al. What explains their new­found confidence? Shashwat Acharya and Kamal Dev Bhattarai met RPP chairman Thapa for some insights.

We should honor public sentiment and declare the country a Hindu state

The Kamal Thapa-led Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) just completed a nationwide campaign to garner public support for their pet agendas of reinstating the Hindu state and monarchy. Of late senior RPP leaders have been speaking confidently about the prospect of restoring the Hindu state and monarchy, even though doing so would be unconstitutional. What explains their newfound confidence? Shashwat Acharya and Kamal Dev Bhattarai met RPP chairman Thapa for some insights.

Your party suddenly seems very upbeat about the revival of the monarchy and Hindu state. Why?

Since the very beginning, the RPP has spoken of the utility of the monarchy and democracy for a country like Nepal, and of a Hindu state with complete religious freedom. We have been campaigning on these issues since the party’s establishment. In the past couple of years, because of the growing crisis in the country, people have started showing greater interest in and even support for our agenda. Naturally, when there is a surge in popular support, we are encouraged by the prospect of restoring the monarchy and Hindu state.

Your party just concluded a nation-wide campaign in favor of a Hindu state. What was the response?

Wherever we went, we were greeted by huge crowds—both in Pahad and Madhes and regardless of people’s faith and caste—and they explicitly expressed their support for our agenda. We found people are unhappy with the current dispensation, and are looking for an alternative. Since our agendas differ not only from those of the current government but also from the political ideologies of our major political parties, people are naturally coming out strongly in our support.  

If your agendas have such public support, what explains the RPP’s electoral drubbing in 2017?

Those elections were not referendums on the monarchy or a Hindu state, but a competition between various political parties with different political agendas. We do not think the last election reflects people’s support for or opposition to the monarchy and a Hindu state. Our experience of the past 12 years has also proved that the roadmap the country has followed after the 2006 political change has failed. It has failed to deliver, and people have not been able to feel substantive changes in their living standards. So they are looking for an alternative.

What is wrong with the current political system?

People had expected that after the promulgation of the constitution in 2015 and the elections in 2017, political stability, peace and economic development would be a priority. Unfortunately, even after the three-tier elections, people have not experienced fundamental changes in their lives. Moreover, although the government has a two-third majority in the parliament, that strength has not been translated into concrete action, and public trust has been betrayed. In my opinion, this represents the failure not just of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli or of this particular government. In fact, there are serious flaws in the roadmap we followed after the 2006 political change.

If the 2017 elections were poor indicators of people’s opinion on a Hindu state and the monarchy, what do you propose we do to gauge true public opinion?

During the time of constitution-drafting in 2015, there was overwhelming public support for a Hindu state. When we sought people’s suggestions on the draft constitution, an overwhelming majority were in favor of a Hindu state. But their sentiments were not honored.

As far as federalism is concerned, people still struggle to understand the concept. We are in the phase of implementing the federal formula and we can already see contradictions. The best way out would be a referendum on federalism.

We know a big section of the population is in favor of a republic. We cannot give them short shrift and impose monarchy. Rather we have to arrive at a compromise, which in our view means democracy with a ceremonial monarch. When we talk about the monarchy, we should not forget the geopolitical realities of Nepal. We cannot simply ignore the limitations imposed by geography.

What is the link between monarchy and Nepali geopolitics?

Nepal is situated between two giant neighbors that have completely different political systems. Both aspire to become a global power. It is natural for them to have interests in the neighborhood, including in Nepal. When those interests clash, Nepal runs the risk of disintegration. As a last custodian of sovereignty and national independence, we need an institution which can remain above party politics and issue a clarion call at a time of emergency. We are not talking about going back. It is impossible to have the kind of monarchial system we had before 2006. Considering people’s aspirations, we must give some space to traditional forces. The best solution to the present-day crisis is a blend of revolutionary and traditional forces. That is what we are trying to explain to the people.

Are you confident that if a referendum is held, people will vote in favor of your party?

Let me make it clear that we are not asking for multiple referendums. We are asking for a referendum only on federalism. Religion is an extremely sensitive issue and there should be no polarization in its name. We can directly address the issue of the restoration of a Hindu state without resorting to a referendum. As I said, in our signature campaign across the country, regardless of their caste, faith and party affiliation, people came out in big numbers and expressed their support for a Hindu state. Since such an overwhelming majority are in favor of a Hindu state, we can honor their sentiment and simply declare the country a Hindu state.

On monarchy, we have proposed a roundtable conference, one that includes former king Gyanendra, Biplab Maoists and other political parties. Such a conference could produce a widely-acceptable solution. In the past also, Maoist leader Prachanda had floated the idea of a roundtable, but it could not be realized for various reasons. Now the time has come to seriously consider this option. We cannot hope for lasting peace and stability by neglecting important political forces.

There are reports of your growing proximity with Prime Minister KP Oli and a section of the Nepal Congress on the agenda of a Hindu state.

We are a responsible political party. Although we have fundamental differences on major constitutional issues, we have accepted the charter with certain reservations and are operating within its framework. So we have excellent relations with all political parties. I have good personal relations with all their top leaders. But after the last election, we have not had extensive discussions on the country’s problems and how we should go about solving them.

How is your relationship with former King Gyanendra? Do you have his backing?

There is an ideological relationship with the former king but there is no financial backing of any kind. We run our party on our own and make decisions independently. Before 2006, all major political parties worked with the palace, and maintained relations with the king. But after 2006, they abandoned this relationship and ditched the monarch. We, on the other hand, continued our relationship and ideological links with the king. I meet former King Gyanendra time and again. We exchange ideas and opinions. At the same time, we are cautious because a single party cannot own the monarchy. It has to be neutral. If it leans toward a particular party, its role will be damaged. We do not want to drag the king into our day-to-day affairs.

How do you think the upcoming Indian elections will affect Nepali politics, if at all?

I am following Indian politics with keen interest. The upcoming elections are going to be very competitive. India is the largest democracy in the world, and has supported democratic movements the world over, including in Nepal. We want to see a stable, peaceful India and the upcoming elections will help in that direction. So far as Nepal-India relations are concerned, my experience says India has always been consistent in its neighborhood policy. So regardless of which party comes in power, I do not expect a major shift in Nepal-India relations. Individual priority and working style will have some impact, but so far Indian policy is concerned, I do not expect any major changes.

When the BJP came to power in 2014, there was a perception that it would support the agenda of a Hindu state in Nepal.

My party firmly believes the political, economic and social system of Nepal should be decided by the people of Nepal. Though I have an excellent relationship with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other BJP leaders, we have never discussed Nepal’s internal politics. There are some misconceptions. People think that during the Madhes agitation, I had some understanding with Indian leaders on certain domestic issues. But I only briefed them on the happenings in Nepal when they asked me. Otherwise there was no mention of domestic affairs, including the agenda of a Hindu state.

In retrospect, almost everything seems obvi­ous. The Meteorological Forecasting Divi­sion of the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology should obviously have better pre­dicted the devastating windstorm that swept across Bara and Parsa districts on March 31, killing at least 28 people, destroying 1,000 homes, and rendering 1,200 locals homeless. Why didn’t the division warn on time, even as its Indian counterpart had come up with clear warnings about severe weather events around the same area that day? Our weather center is incompe­tent—it’s tempting to conclude.

But as tragic as the loss of human lives and proper­ty has been, things are not so straightforward. What happened on March 31 was unprecedented. Yes, our weather folks could have been better prepared, but when the weather deteriorates so fast, and over such a limited area, useful predictions are hard to make, even with the best of equipment and manpower. And even if there had been such a warning, would people have heeded it? After all, India’s better warning systems could not prevent the death of 42 people from severe storms in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan last year.

Scientists expect the number of extreme weather events in the world to keep increasing, reaching dou­ble the current levels by the close of the 21st century. Anthropogenic climate change is largely to blame. It’s a bitter irony that smaller countries like Nepal and Bangladesh that are likely to face the brunt of climate disasters can do little on their own to limit the damage. Of course, that does not mean we should be fatalistic and do nothing. We can improve our weather forecast­ing systems, for instance, by quickly installing all three of the proposed radar stations around the country. We should also help those of lesser means to build sturdier houses that can better withstand extreme weather.

Rather than panic about our likely failure to pre­dict the next big one, there is a need for a sober anal­ysis of what is realistically possible to forecast in an increasingly unpredictable global climate system. The US says up to 200 million Americans are at an imminent risk of flooding in their communities in the upcoming hurricane season. Hardly reassuring. Euro­pean weather-watchers are bracing for an equally unpredictable summer. So let us be better prepared. Let us also make a vigorous case for mitigating global warming with the big polluters, for our own good and for the good of the planet.

 Manika Jha, Janakpurdham

 “How much is a life worth? Many say it’s priceless. But life for some Madhesi women has become even cheaper than their sindoor (the vermil­ion powder worn by married Hindu women along their hair parting). This is happening largely because of disputes over dowry.

Sunita Devi from Birgunj is a recent victim. She endured 15 years of torture for failing to bring ‘adequate’ dowry. She succumbed to her injuries on March 29 at Tribhuvan Uni­versity Teaching Hospital in Kathmandu, where she was brought after she was beaten senseless by her husband Sachitananda Yadav, a medi­cal doctor.

Sunita’s family, which hails from Parwanipur in the dis­trict of Bara, spent Rs 2 million to get her married to a doctor. But Yadav’s greed for more dowry was insatiable. He demanded a car and a house from his in-laws, which they could not fulfill. And so tor­ture against Sunita intensified, according to her parents.

Rani Sharma Tiwari, a provincial MP, blames educated parents for keeping the practice alive

In Janakpurdham, 25-year-old Seema Sharma and her 18-month-old daughter were reportedly poisoned to death in January, because her fam­ily could not meet dowry demands. Seema’s family had given Rs 800,000 in cash, two tolas of gold and a motorcycle so that she could get married to an educated man. But a few years into their marriage, Seema’s life was made hell­ish by her in-laws. The dowry demands kept mounting, and so did the mental and physical torture against Seema, says her aunt Sarita Sharma.

The story of 20-year-old Kriti Jha from Dhanusha is similar. Kriti was married to Randhir Mishra, a businessman from Madhubani district in the Indian state of Bihar. Kriti’s family had given Rs 300,000 in dowry. But just four months into their wedding, Mishra’s family started asking for more, and torturing her. “In the end, they killed her,” says Kriti’s brother Rajeev Jha. Kriti’s body was found in a pond in her village in August 2018.

On 22 November 2018, 22-year-old Ranjana Sharma from Janakpur, who was studying to be a nurse, was found dead in her own bed. Her husband Ananda Mohan Sharma, who works at Pokhara Hospital, beat her repeatedly because her fam­ily could not meet his dowry demands. (Neighbors say there had been a bad alter­cation between Ranjana and her husband a day before her death.) Ranjana’s family had given a dowry worth Rs 1.8 million to Ananda, but he kept asking for more.

Rekha Jha, an advocate, says that although asking for a dowry is a crime, it shows no sign of ending as those involved are socially pro­tected. “So long as the society does not boycott the practice, women will continue to face torture and violence,” she says.

Rani Sharma Tiwari, a pro­vincial assembly member, blames educated parents for keeping the practice alive. “Parents whose daughters endure torture due to dowry disputes do not speak up for fear of losing their dignity. Instead they ask their daugh­ters to adapt,” she says.

Likewise, Subhadra Ale, who served in the Nepal Police for 17 years and now works to control gender-based violence, says, “It’s mostly women from educated fam­ilies who are the victims of such violence. When a wom­an’s family cannot meet the dowry demands negotiated prior to the wedding, torture against the newly married bride starts. So long as parents offer dowries, the cycle of vio­lence will not stop,” says Ale.

Q. A quote you live by?

A. Said by a dear uncle, “Whatev­er you want to become, be the best at it”. Over the years, it has taught me to love my best, work my best, and live my best.

Q. Something your fans wouldn’t believe about you?

A. I am very homely. I enjoy being home, cooking, chilling with loved ones, cleaning, and just hanging around doing something—or absolutely noth­ing.

Q. If one of your wishes were to be granted, what would it be?

A. Eradicate suffering of any kind, from everywhere in this world.

Q. What’s the best part of your day?

A. Coming back home to my dog, Daisy, after a long day. Nothing beats the feeling of being smothered with sloppy kisses and cuddles.

Q. If you could be anything, what would you be?

A. Mindful.

Q. Your favorite getaway?

A. Every place I have been to, has a story of its own. The Caribbe­an, the Turkish Palaces, or the crazy Philippines—every travel has been a memorable one.

Q. What is one outfit you can­not go wrong with?

A. For me, it’s a well-tailored black cocktail dress.

Q. One Nepali celebrity you absolutely admire and why?

A. Priyanka Karki for her out­standing professionalism.

Irish Pub at Lazimpat has always been the go-to place for expats of all backgrounds living in Kathmandu, especially the Irish. (Not to suggest it is any less popular among locals.) The complex opposite the famous Ambassador Hotel in Lainchaur hosts the semi-underground Irish Pub with its wooden-themed, dimly-lit ambience, with touches of green all over to represent Ireland’s favorite color.

 The menu boasts of Irish as well as international cuisines and the full-fledged bar offers a huge variety of local and imported drinks. Irish’s regular clientele also seem to love what little variety of Nepali-styled food it offers, especially the buff sukuti and the pork shyapta. Regular events at weekends, including live bands and DJ sessions, as well as special celebrations on St Patrick’s Day and the like, are what make Irish Pub the hotspot for partygoers.

PS: The pub photographer is damn good and you might want to drop by for a couple of photos when you have taken the trouble to dress in your best, if for nothing else.

THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Shepherd’s Pie

- Chicken Wrap

- Hummus

Opening hours: 3:00 pm-11:00 pm

Location: Lazimpat

Cards: Accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 2,000

Reservations: 01-4416027

By: Toyanath Bhattarai, Illam

Only five armed forest guards are currently deployed for protect­ing 38,000 hectares of forest in Chure and other areas of Ilam, a district in the eastern hills. With the restructuring of the Department of Forests, the number of forest guards has been drastically reduced, making things easier for smug­glers. Earlier, the number of positions for armed forest guards was 33.

Shree Prasad Baral, an officer at the Department of Forests in Ilam, says that the change has added to the challenges of forest con­servation. The change was introduced partly because of the decline in forest cover in the area. Of late, a num­ber of municipalities and rural municipalities in Ilam have witnessed decreasing numbers of Sal trees. “But the government has not paid attention to improving the conservation mechanism or increasing the manpower for forest protection. There are only 40 unarmed forest guards,” says Baral.

Last year, forest guards were attacked by a group of 80 wood smugglers at Ratuwa Khola Chepti in Chulachuli rural municipality. Since the smugglers didn’t escape from the area even after the guards fired seven rounds of bullet, armed police personnel from Beldangi in the adjoining district of Jhapa had to be called in. Smuggling of wood has not stopped even when the Department of For­ests, Nepal Police and Armed Police Force have been guard­ing the forests.

 Smuggled logs from Ilam are reportedly sold to saw mills in Jhapa and Morang

Last year, forest guards were attacked by a group of 80 wood smugglers at Ratuwa Khola

Locals say that smuggling has been taking place from different checkpoints and rivers in Mai municipality and Chulachuli rural munic­ipality. A few days ago, secu­rity personnel recovered 73 cubic feet of wood from a house in Mai municipality. APF Inspector Sanat Kumar Bista of Danabari says no proof of personal owner­ship of the wood could be found. He also says that while wood smuggling in Dana­bari has come down due to the presence of armed secu­rity personnel, it still is tak­ing place in certain parts of Domukha and Chulachuli.

Pradip Chandra Rai, Chair­person of Chulachuli rural municipality, says smugglers have put Ilam’s Chure region at risk. “Even those arrested are later found to be porters employed by smugglers,” he laments. According to him, the smuggled wood from Ilam is taken across Ratuwa and Chanju rivers and transported to Jhapa. Locals claim logs are sometimes taken to Jhapa by drifting them downstream in the Mai river, and then smuggled across the border to India.

Suraj Niraula, an assistant officer at Sub-Division Forest Office in Mai, pleads ignorance about the smuggling of wood from Ilam along the river. “I’m new here and taking stock of the situation,” he says.

That smuggled wood from Chure is transported using public buses, trucks and even bicycles is mentioned in a report published by the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Commission in 2010. The logs from Ilam are reportedly sold to saw mills in Jhapa and Morang.

Outlawing the Netra Bikram Chand ‘Biplob’-led Communist Party of Nepal is justified. The party has, in recent times, acted more like a criminal-cum-terrorist outfit than a political party: spreading terror by detonating bombs in various public places, killing an innocent person, shaking down businesspersons, and reportedly plan­ning the assassination of political leaders after raising a private militia. So long as it doesn’t abandon its ter­ror tactics, there is no point in talking to it. But even then, Prime Minister KP Oli’s ultimatum to the outfit to either surrender within a week or be effectively wiped out was uncalled for.

Expecting Biplob to agree to a humiliating surren­der is highly unrealistic. Instead of issuing such base threats, PM Oli, as head of government, should have been more conciliatory. He should have said the gov­ernment is ready for talks if Biplob puts down arms, now or at anytime in the future. Ultimately, there is no alternative to talking things through, and it is unbe­coming of someone in the prime minister’s chair to spit venom.

In retaliation for the ban, Biplob has announced a series of protest programs, including strikes and bandhs. Although the government claims it can wipe out the party swiftly, the public is rightly skeptical. It will be nigh impossible to stop the kind of hit-and-run attacks from Biplob that had become a signature of the decade-long Maoist insurgency of which he was an integral part. The fear his party has now generated is palpable too. Schools and colleges are already plan­ning to shut down on the days of the protests, and busi­nesses fear a new cycle of extortion.

Again, that the government is acting tough against a group that has adopted terror as its modus operandi is understandable. But if the CPN is ready to disarm, there should always be room for talks. With the govern­ment seemingly committed to a showdown, there will be no incentive for Biplob to give up violence.

There is no room for violence in a civilized society. But peaceful means of dispute resolution should be open for everyone, including Biplob. It is unfortunate that the prime minister has become hostage to par­tisan politics, trying to portray Biplob’s CPN as ‘pseu­do-communists’, apparently in contrast to the ‘real’ ones in the government. Oli should instead be acting in the country’s interest.

 Finding the Belle Ville Café and Pub at Baluwatar is as easy as locating the Chinese Embassy there. You just have to stand in front of the embassy and look across the street. There’s a small parking space for bikes and cars right behind the building. You can also park on the wide road outside, but then you’ll be at the mercy of the nearby traffic cops. (Our APEX food sleuth was not lucky enough with roadside parking.)

 Inside, the simple yet elegant interior will make you want to grab one of those comfy couches and indulge yourself in a variety of multi-cuisine delicacies that Belle Ville serves. The inviting smell of freshly roasted coffee beans will add to your hunger while you wait for the friendly service staff to bring your order. The restaurant opens its doors from breakfast till dinner, also serving a variety of alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages, includ­ing draft beer.

 THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Smoked Chicken Saandeko

- Shawarma

- Grilled Fish

Opening hours: 8:00 am to 10 pm

Location: Baluwatar

Cards: Accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 2,000

Reservations: 014411266