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“A normal day now begins with a schedule. Some chores, some talking, and ‘letting out’ sessions with professional treatment. It was very tough initially, the withdrawal phase: The sleepless nights, the craving, the detoxing and what not. My friends and family helped me a lot but they still have trust issues, which is natural. I have relapsed before. But I have been clean for a year now and I am looking forward to facing the world. I feel healthy.”

 Addiction doesn’t always last a lifetime. Many people recover, mostly on their own. Old habits die hard, and forming a new one can be challenging. What these residential rehabilitation centers do is build up a routine, a new habit. The intense program of support and care for the sufferers inside is aimed at creating for them a healthier community and an optimistic future.

 The recovery journeys are common, as all are essentially on the same boat. The vices may differ, but the acts of ‘cleaning up’ and ‘new beginnings’ are the same, as they together build up courage.

Michael Grills, as much as the name sounds foreign, is a joint where you can savor typical Nepali food. Located at Old Baneshwor on the lane next to the APEX College (one that goes towards Maitidevi), Michael Grills is mainly famous for its sekuwas (marinated barbecue meat).

 Given its low prices and delicious offerings, youngsters looking to grab a quiet bite, and maybe a chilled beer to go with it, are always to be found at Michael’s. It currently can seat around 50-60 customers. But as its customer base grows, it is thinking of expanding to a nearby location.

THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Sekuwa

- Jhol momo

- Biryani

Opening hours: 11 am-10 pm

Location: Old Baneshwor

Cards: Accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 800

Reservations: 9851151508

After stopovers in 80 locations spread over 40 countries, it’s here, finally. Between April 12-26, ‘The German Energiewende: Transforming Germany’s energy system’ exhibition is being showcased inside the premises of Information and Communication Technology Center, Pulchowk Campus.

 This traveling exhibition, organized by the German Embassy Kathmandu, illustrates the German economy’s transformation towards reusable energy sources, and hopes to foster dialogue about climate protection. Along with providing information about milestones achieved and the kind of challenges remaining for energy transition, the traveling exhibition wants to spread the word on working together on green energy throughout the world.

 The exhibition—inaugurated by Minister for Energy, Water Resource and Irrigation Barshaman Pun and German Ambassador H.E. Roland Schaefer—is not only limited to environment protection talks but is also about Nepal’s future in general and Nepal’s relationship with Germany. A photo story celebrating 60 years of German-Nepali friendship accompanies the exhibition. Nepali and German citizens express their personal views of each other’s country and how they feel connected through the displayed photos.

 The exhibition runs every day until April 26 from 10:30 am-4:30 pm.

The government’s reluctance to release the new National Security Policy (2019), endorsed by the cabinet on March 18, is both intriguing and troubling. The policy, consid­ered the country’s ‘second constitution’, is by nature a consensual document, prepared after extensive consultations with multiple stakeholders. But only a select few drafted the policy under the leadership of Defense Minister Ishwar Pokhrel, and without consul­tations with other important stakeholders, including the main opposition Nepali Congress. What does the government have to hide?

We can make a few educated guesses. Reported­ly, the document is rather political: the ruling party’s slogan of ‘Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepalis’ finds repeated mention in it. Mixing partisan politics with national security is never wise. Second, the new policy apparently gives the Nepal Army a predominant role in national security, while undercutting the roles of other security organs. (Recently, the Oli government had also amended the National Security Act to give the prime minister the power to deploy the army under ‘special circumstances’.) The two police forces feel left out.

Third, the new policy reportedly mentions “block­ade” as a major security threat to Nepal, in reference to the 2015-16 Indian blockade. It is to be avoided at all cost, including perhaps by enhancing connectiv­ity with China. The fear is that India may not be too pleased with this mention. But these are lame excus­es for not consulting vital stakeholders and preparing such an important document on the sly.

The underhand manner in which the whole affair has unfolded does not befit a government with an overwhelming public mandate. The centralization of powers in the PMO and the army will be inimical to the health of the nascent federal republic. Such centraliza­tion will make provincial governments uneasy, and lend credence to the voices of those who believe the Oli government is on the path of authoritarianism. Its recent crackdown on press freedom and curtailment of civil liberties have been hardly assuring. To allay doubts about its intent, the government should imme­diately make the policy public and take it to the nation­al parliament for further discussions. The National Security Policy is not just the government’s policy but also a guiding charter that affects every section of the society. Nepalis deserve to know what is in it.

On April 24, President Bidya Devi Bhandari is going to Beijing to take part in the second Belt and Road Ini-tiative (BRI) conference. There are reports that China is preparing to roll out the red carpet for Bhandari. While in Beijing, Bhandari will address the BRI conference, and reportedly sign a slew of agreements with her Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, including on a protocol to the 2016 Trade and Transit Agreement. Some say President Bhandari’s visit will give clear signs of Nepal’s abiding commitment to the BRI, at a time when the Chinese project seems to have stagnated in Nepal. Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Nepal’s former Ambassador to China Tanka Karki for his views on the visit and on Nepal-China relations. 

Why is China giving President Bhandari such importance?

Nepal and China share a 1,400-km-long border. There has been continuous interaction between the two countries for a long time. We help each other, and we support each other’s genuine inter­ests. The Chinese side understands the value of geographical proximity. Not only now, China was extending a helping hand to Nepal even when China was not economically strong.

Neighborhood policy figures prominently in China’s overall for­eign policy. The Chinese realize the importance of peace and stability in the neighborhood. There are no political differences between the two countries. That is why China is giving Nepal utmost priority. I think Bhandari’s visit is taking place in this larger context.

How is President Bhandari’s visit going to differ from previous high-level visits to China?

I think it is a regular visit. In Chi­na’s diplomatic dealings, there is no influence of ideology. If someone thinks the Chinese are giving more priority to this government due to its communist ideology, they are totally wrong and they do not under­stand Chinese foreign policy. Their foreign policy is rather directed by their national interest and mutual interest. I don’t see a difference in President Bhandari’s visit compared to such visits in the past.

What accounts for the delays in the implementation of the BRI projects in Nepal?

Before us are big powers such as India, China, Russia, the US, and others. These powers all exert their influence. Also, instead of focus­ing on our own national interest and issues, we are more sensitive to others’ interests and issues, which could have affected progress on BRI projects. We should be guided by our needs and interests; such an approach will help us gain credi­bility. But in the name of making others happy we are accepting unjust demands and pressures.

Nepal’s participation in the BRI means Nepal can no longer be pro­jected as a ‘Himalayan barrier’. To eradicate poverty, we have to try to reap benefits from three major powers: China, India and the US. At the same time, we should not enter­tain unjustifiable interests of those countries. Joining the BRI means our access to the outer world would be easier. It also means coming out of the old mindset of confining ourselves to only one side of the Himalayas.

Even when China was not economically strong, it was extending a helping hand to Nepal

Are you hinting at pressures from India and western countries for the delay in selecting projects under the Belt and Road Initia­tive?

India is boycotting the BRI and western countries are divided over it. This means there are ideological differences over this project.

More specifically, is Indian and American pressure the reason for the delay?

In my observation, there is obvi­ously external pressure. But we have not developed the ability to resist such pressure.

There is also talk of a debt trap. How do you see this?

There have been attempts to blame China in the name of debt-trap diplo­macy. First, it is mass-scale propa­ganda warfare. Second, you if take a loan from others you are responsible for its proper utilization. It is our responsibility to execute projects cleanly and create an environment of paying back loans. You cannot maintain a corrupt structure at home and then blame China. There is talk of a debt trap in Sri Lanka. In a recent seminar I attended, a Sri Lankan professor said that the debt trap story is not theirs. He shared a different story. It is about propagan­da and we should not run after what others say. We cannot emerge out of poverty only by mobilizing internal resources. We should take loans and correct our defective mechanisms rather than blaming those who loan us money.

Is the new US Indo-Pacific Strate­gy a counter to China’s BRI?

Mainly, we should give priority to our relations with our two giant neighbors, India and China. The changing global context and our development needs encourage us to maintain cordial relations with western powers and take their help in emerging out of extreme poverty. But Nepal’s best interest still lies in maintaining balanced relations with India and China.

Have there been sincere efforts to maintain such a balance?

We have to do a lot of homework to maintain a fine balance between the two countries. To some extent, there has been progress in our relations with China after the political change in 2006. All powers have under­stood that Nepalis do not want to live under the influence of external forces, and we want cordial relations with all counties. On foreign policy, we need to figure out areas of mutual interest. Genuine interests should be accommodated while unjust ones should be strongly resisted.

There is much talk about Chinese railway. Is it feasible?

Railway connectivity between Nepal and China will mean Nepal is no more Himalaya-locked. In a real sense, we will be connected to both India and China as well as with global powers. Railway connectiv­ity between the two countries will ensure our strategic autonomy.

But there are reports that rail connectivity with China is too costly.

It is not true. For example, it takes at least 45 days if you bring goods via seaports from Japan. But with Chinese railway, it would take no more than 10 days. It saves us cost and time. If we have such a rail­way, the current hassles in Kolkata port would be relaxed because they will then have to compete against Chinese transport links with Nepal. When we initiated a railway line with China, India proposed the Raxu­al-Kathmandu railway. Both are ben­eficial to us. India alone cannot meet our demands. We need support from India, China and western countries.

How do you see recent Ameri­can positions and statements on growing Chinese investments in Nepal?

There is a big tug-of-war to reor­der the existing global system. The bipolar world created after the Second World War collapsed in 1989. The short-term unipolar world order with America at the top is no longer feasible. In the post-1989 period, the polariza­tion between North and South has escalated dangerously. Even within countries, the gulf between the rich and the poor is widening. A new world order which can bridge these gaps is inevitable. Now, we should focus on minimizing poverty and strengthening our institutions. Quiet diplomacy may be in our best interest right now.

How would you evaluate the Oli government’s handling of foreign policy?

Despite some shortcomings, I think it is broadly on the right track.

Has the government been suc­cessful in balancing major pow­ers: India, China and the US?

We do not have the capacity to balance major powers. Creating an environment of trust with all major powers will be a big achievement. We should have no trust deficit, which might create problems. There should be no suspicion in bilateral relations with those countries.

Ideology aside, is the Oli govern­ment tilted toward China?

I will say we have not done enough to benefit from China.

Lalit Bahadur Budha, Surkhet

I witnessed a curious scene a couple of weeks ago when I visited a Raute settlement in Ratekhola in the mid-west­ern hilly district of Surkhet. Sitting on a river bank, Raute children were learning Nepali alphabets. Some were sitting in a circle and singing “Kapuri Ka”, a famous children’s rhyme. A few others were writing. They were also learn­ing English alphabets.

Raute children are fearful that their Chief might see them if they study near their settlement, so they go a little farther away to the banks of the Bheri River. “If our Chief comes to know about this, he will get angry. He tells us not to study but we have gone against his command,” says Birkha Bahadur Shahi sitting with his friends on the river banks. Nobody in Birkha’s family is literate; in fact, they believe studying is sinful.

 'There was a time when our Chief used to disapprove of us wearing slippers. But now we are wearing shoes. Times are changing. Soon we will also get to go to school'

 Dish Bahadur ShahiA Raute adolescent

Raute children, until some time back, used to get scared when they saw strangers. They hesitated to speak to anyone from outside their commu­nity. But with time they are becoming more outgoing and gregarious. Besides socializing with people from outside their community, these children are also keen on studying.

Two teachers have been assigned by the Social Service Center, an NGO, to teach the Raute children. “We are learn­ing Nepali and English alpha­bets. Soon we will start learn­ing numbers,” says Birkha Bahadur. “Eventually, I want to become a doctor. Or maybe a driver.”

Durga Khatri, one of the two teachers, says there has been a noticeable change in the children’s behavior since they began their studies. “They are showing greater interest in learning and are also more careful about clean­liness,” she says.

 Raute children tell visitors about their dream of going to school and getting a job

As Rautes are a nomadic tribe, Khatri says she follows the children wherever they go. “But we have to persuade the Rautes to settle in one place, which will help get their chil­dren to school. It might take time, but it is not impossible,” says Khatri.

Deepak Shahi, a Raute teen­ager who cannot go to school although he wants to, says, “Now we need to study; oth­erwise we will not get jobs.” He talks about his dream of becoming his group’s leader when he gets older and the changes he intends to intro­duce. “When I become Chief, I will ensure all children in my group go to school.”

Every day, the Raute settle­ment attracts a number of vis­itors. While some go there just to take photos, others visit to learn more about the nomadic group. Children in the settlement tell them about their dreams of going to school and getting a job one day. Peo­ple are awestruck when they hear this.

“Now it is hard to find game in the forest. And felling trees is strictly forbidden. So it is important that we study,” says Dish Bahadur Shahi, another teenager from the settlement. “I want to go to school and join the police force when I grow up. There was a time when our Chief used to disapprove of us wearing slippers. But now we are wearing shoes. Times are changing. Soon we will also get to go to school.”

In the spring meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank Group from April 8-14 in Washington D.C., various flagship reports of the IMF have been unveiled, namely, the Global Economic Outlook, the Financial Sector Stability Report, and the Fiscal Monitor. Finance Ministers and the Governors of the central banks and representatives of 189 member nations took part in this event. The IMF and the World Bank discussed policy agendas, development and institutional capacity support, with emphasis on prudent fiscal and monetary policy regime for the macro-economic stability in light of the slowdown in global growth to 3.3 percent in 2019. Pushpa Raj Acharya of the Annapurna Media Network talked to Anne-Marie Gulde, Deputy Director of Asia Pacific Department of the IMF, on how Nepal can develop a resilient economy amid the global uncertainty.

The IMF’s Asia Pacific Outlook 2019 is quite optimistic. What are the policy parameters that the IMF would like to prescribe to small economies like Nepal so that they can be more resilient? 

We project Asia to grow by 5.4 percent both in 2019 and 2020, largely unchanged from ourprojection from last October. The region continues to account for more than 60 percent of the global growth, but downside risks have increased, including faster than expected deceleration in global growth and trade, the possibility of new trade tensions, higher oil prices, and global financial market volatility.

On Nepal, we see the near-term outlook for growth as favorable, but macroeconomic and financial vulnerabilities have been building up. Growth is expected to reach 6.5 percent in FY2018/19, supported by ongoing reconstruction, investment in hydro-power projects, and strong tourism-related activity. However, fiscal and credit policies are too expansionary, leading to rising non-food inflation, widening current account deficit, falling foreign exchange reserves, and a buildup of financial sector vulnerabilities.The policy priorities are to contain rising domestic demand pressures and external imbalances and safeguard financial sector health. These policies, combined with actions to make Nepal’s economy more competitive and attractive to investment, will help deliver stronger and more sustainable medium-term growth.

The IMF has emphasized coherence of fiscal, financial and monetary policies for macro-economic and financial stability. However, as per general understanding, fiscal and monetary policies are different. Fiscal policies normally focus on growth while monetary policiesareframed to tame inflation, evaluate credit flows from financial institutions and to assess external sector stability. What sort of coherence is required among them? 

Policymakers—governments and central banks—generally share a broad set of economic objectives: healthy growth, solid job creation, and macroeconomic stability. Fiscal policy involves control over government spending and taxes, while monetary policy involves control over money supply and interest rates. These policies need to work together, but to avoid conflicts among targets it is generally accepted that the primary mandate of the central bank is price stability, which is a precondition for macroeconomic stability and growth.

For Nepal, the improved near-term outlook provides an opportunity to address vulnerabilities and deep-seated structural weaknesses.Expansionary fiscal and credit policies are exacerbating domestic and external imbalances and have led to increased financial sector risks. Policy stimulus should therefore be withdrawn in the near term, in particular by scaling backcentral government spending and tightening monetary and macroprudential policies. This would reduce domestic demand and henceease pressure on the current account. These policies, combined with actions to make Nepal’s economy more competitive and attractive to investment, will deliver stronger and more sustainable medium-term growth.

What does a slowdown in the Chinese economy mean for South Asia?

We expect a continued but gradual slowdown of China’s economic growth, given its demographic trends and the maturing of its economy. South Asia has been less integrated than other parts of Asia into value chains in manufacturing linked to China, but China is an important partner country in investment and financial relations. South Asian economies should focus on policies to sustain their growth over the medium and longer runs, taking into account global, regional and country specific developments. For all countries labor and product market reforms should continue, with a view to boosting employment, firm dynamism, and innovation, while at the same time strengthening social spending to address rising inequality and inclusion gaps. Alongside, more open trade regimes could build resilience.

Deepening trade integration among Asian countries is one major recommendation of the IMF to keep them away from major shocks. What advice would you give South Asian economies which are least integrated in the world in terms of trade and investment?

Trade openness can play a much larger role in shared prosperity. We strongly believe countries in South Asia would benefit from further reform efforts to improve the business climate, ease supply bottlenecks, and facilitate trade and investment liberalization. These would help boost the countries’ export competitiveness and increase their integration into global value chains.

Nepal aims to graduate into the league of ‘developing countries’ by 2022 and to sustainably grow above 6.5 percent compared to under 5 percent over a decade ago. What are the risks for the Nepali economy and what needs to be done in the near and medium terms?

Our growth projection of 6.5 percent for FY2018/19 reflects the authorities’ established policies. However, this elevated near-term growth will likely put substantial pressure on the domestic economy and the current account. As we note in our recent Article IV report on Nepal, it is crucial to withdraw policy stimulus in the near term to manage fiscal and external sector pressures, avoid an abrupt slowdown later, and promote a more durable economic expansion. The medium-term outlook would also be bolstered by a swift implementation of structural reforms. Last month’s successful Investment Summit was an excellent opportunity to showcase improvements in Nepal’s investment climate. Nepal should continue to advance policies to improve its business climate and put the country on a faster growth trajectory.

Will the South Asian economies be able to maintain the same momentum of growth if they do not face any major shocks? 

Asia remains the “growth engine” of the global economy, accounting for over 60 percent of global growth. The outlook for South Asian economies in particular remains broadly positive. However, downside risks have increased, including from trade deceleration, higher oil prices and global financial market volatility. To navigate these risks, macroeconomic policies should aim at stabilizing growth while ensuring sustainability and increasing resilience. Countries also need to focus on policies to sustain their growth over the longer run in the face of declining productivity growth and rapid aging. Policiescan include labor and product market reforms, strengthening social spending to address rising inequality, and efforts to open up the region's economies further to trade.

‘Digital economy’fascinates planners and policymakers everywhere. But there have been delays in developing regulatory frameworks for leveraging these innovations and technologies due to lack of capacity. How can the IMF can help member countries in capacity development in this regard?

Indeed, the digital economy promises a radical transformation of the global economy. In Asia, digital innovation has accounted for nearly one-third of its per capita growth over the past two decades. E-commerce is associated with higher firm productivity. Digitalization is helping improve both revenue collection and expenditure targeting.Neither the opportunities nor the challenges related to digitalization have yet become fully apparent. However, a reorganization of jobs and a wave of investment in physical and regulatory infrastructure will likelydetermine the productivity gains from the digital revolution.

Policy responses will need to strike the right balance between enabling digital innovation and addressing digitalization-linked risks. Policy priorities differ across Asia (and the world), as economies’ initial conditions are different. Policies to harness digital dividends include revamping education to meet the demand for more flexible skill sets and lifelong learning, as well as new training; reducing skill mismatches between workers and jobs; investing in physical and regulatory infrastructure that spurs competition and innovation; and addressing labor market and social challenges, including income redistribution and safety nets. In line with our mandate, we will continue to closely monitor these developments and foster international cooperation among different stakeholders on effective responses to developments in this area.

Head to the sixth floor of Civil Mall in Sundhara for some cool fun. Ice-skating is a recreational activity that also ensures that you burn enough calories. In the synthetic ice rink of Civil Mall, you can spend an entire day skating for just Rs 600. The cost includes necessary gear and even a trainer. It is a great way to spend time with your family and friends. So why don’t you skate your way to fitness and fun?