There is plenty of room to doubt the intent behind the proposed media regulations. A recently-tabled media bill in the federal par­liament proposes harsh fines, of up to Rs 1 million, if a media outlet is deemed to have damaged someone’s reputation. Another bill criminalizes publi­cation or broadcasting of any material seen as under­mining national sovereignty, with the offender facing 10-15 years of jail and Rs 10 million in fines. Another proposal is for the government to be able to hire and fire media regulators at will.

The government has come up with many justifica­tions for the new measures. It believes Nepali media has become unruly; that there is little verification of information before publication; that yellow journal­ism is rife; and that media houses are unduly profiting from the labor of journalists who are not getting even minimum wages. Another gripe is that the media is being influenced by foreign interests. Again, these may all be valid concerns. But the track record of the two-third Oli government suggests the real goal is to stifle all criticism of his government, which has visibly failed on many fronts.

If the intent was right, why isn’t the new press over­sight mechanism being made an autonomous body that can independently assess rule violations? How can its officials function independently when they know that only by constantly keeping the higher-ups happy can they retain their job? Likewise, how will there be any kind of investigative reporting when the journalist knows he or she may be jailed for years on end for it? And isn’t a court of law rather than a handpicked body the right institution to determine a breach of a loaded concept like national sovereignty?

If the government was serious about solving genuine issues facing the Nepali media, it would have proposed new legislations only after extensive consultations with stakeholders: journalists, media houses, intellectuals, lawyers. Forcing restrictive laws on the media on the sly is no way to go about it. At a time when the strong communist government has near complete monop­oly on the executive, the legislative, and some would say even the judiciary, its efforts at taming the ‘fourth organ’ of the state is troubling to say the least. Flawed as Nepali media is, it has performed a vital job of keep­ing people informed and fostering the progressive changes the country has witnessed in recent times. It would be dangerous to go down the slippery slope of restricting the media.

 In over a year of the KP Oli government, the prime minister claims to have brought relations with India and China on an even keel. The other boast is that the long-desired goal of ‘diversifying’ Nepal’s relations away from India and China is being realized, with the country inching closer to the US and other big and small powers around the world. PM Oli was recently in Vietnam and Cambodia as part of this larger goal. Yet there are plenty of critics of Oli’s foreign policy. They accuse his government of lacking seriousness and a clear foreign policy direction. One of them is former Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandey. Biswal Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai caught up with the veteran foreign policy analyst.

 As a former foreign minister, how do you see the evolution of our foreign policy?

In South Asia, Nepal has the longest history of international relations. When we started cultivating relationships with the world, there was not a single independent country in South Asia. When we established diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom (UK) in 1816, Nepal was the only independent country in South Asia. Likewise, we had established a consular level relationship with France as far back as 1943. We had formal relations with the US (1947) before we did with India (1950). Almost a decade later, we established diplomatic relations with China.

During the Cold War, Nepal was at the center of global attention and many countries supported us. India first helped us to build a hydropower project and also constructed the first highway in Nepal. Talking about the US, there used to be 74 districts in Nepal. The whole Chitwan valley was Malaria-infested and unlivable. The American River Valley project in Chitwan eradicated malaria, and helped make the area Nepal’s 75th district. Nepal’s accounts system was traditional and it was an American-aided project that helped modernize it. The Soviets established an agriculture factory in Birgunj and a cigarette factory in Janakpur. The Chinese established a shoe factory in Kathmandu. During the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, Nepal’s relations with India, China and the US were close.

How about now? Do you think the KP Oli government has got its foreign policy priorities right?

Unfortunately, we have lost the core vision of our foreign policy. Do we know what we want to achieve? We are confused. In the past 10-12 years, our actions have been contradictory and not in keeping with basic foreign policy principles. For example, when Russia intervened in Ukraine in 2014, we kept mum. We have inherited a glorious history from our forefathers; our responsibility is to keep it intact and hand it over to the next generation. But right now our foreign policy is flipping and flopping. As a result, in the past one and a half decades, Nepal has faced many debacles in the international arena.

But haven’t Nepal’s relations with its two neighbors improved of late?

The thing is, we have lost the trust of our two neighbors. We cannot achieve anything unless we regain their trust. The loss of the tri-junction point of Lipulekh is the perfect example of this. No recent government has had the courage to take up this important issue with India and China.

The prime minister recently visited Cambodia and Vietnam, reportedly as part of his government’s ‘diversification’ policy. How did you see the visit?

Foreign policy is not an area of adventures; it is a disciplined task in terms of our thinking, our approach and our moves. Even though we have diplomatic ties with both Vietnam and Cambodia, the visits to those countries do not support the diversification of our international relations. In fact, diversification is a wrong word in international relations. Foreign policy is not an arena where you look to ‘diversify’, but to promote your national interests.

Second, we must have a sense of timing and purpose when we conduct our foreign policy. Nepal is already in the strategic radar of the US, India and China. In this situation, how are we going to safeguard our national interests through Vietnam and Cambodia?

The PM has said there have been agreements to bring in tourists from those countries. As a former tourism minister, I am surprised because how many tourists come to Nepal from Cambodia and Vietnam? How many passengers will be there if we start regular flights with them? I do not want to use the word ‘childish’ here, but this is exactly what it is.

One of the specific goals of Nepal’s new national security policy is to prevent another ‘blockade-like situation’. Isn’t diversification justified in this context?

It is an interesting question. The fact remains that when there was a blockade in 1989, China, Russia, Germany, France, the US, and several other countries spoke in favor of Nepal. I remember that the US Congress’ foreign relations committee expressed its concerns over the blockade. But how many countries supported Nepal during the latest economic blockade in 2015? None. Why? Have we evaluated that? In the 1970s and 1980s, we fought the election of UN Security Council twice and won each time with record votes. In 2005, we lost the same election very badly. Why?

You talk about security policy. If you look back, every new government says it would like to change the country’s foreign, economic and defense policy. These are not matters to be taken lightly. The basic point is we have lost the thrust of our foreign policy. The foreign policy of a country never changes; it is permanent, no matter which government comes to power. Foreign policy is about national interest and national interest never changes.

Human beings are emotional because they have hearts. A nation does not have a heart so it is not emotional. The nation is very calculative because it always seeks the best way to serve its interests. Our forefathers protected our national interests, and enhanced the country’s repute because they were loyal to Nepal. They worked in the interest of the country. We should look to emulate them.

How do you view the communist government reaching out to the US?

First, let’s be clear, we do not have a communist government now. It is a democratically elected government. Second, as I already said, Nepal is on the strategic radar of the US, China and India. It is natural for the Americans to be interested in Nepal, a neighbor of two mighty markets in India and China. One (China) is already a global power and another (India) is an emerging one. Nepal’s position in the global power system gives us immense opportunities as well as challenges. If we can work in the national interest, Nepal will greatly develop in the next one and half decade. If we fail to work in the national interest, the country’s stability would be endangered.

Are our state mechanisms capable of leveraging the strategic competition between major powers to our advantage?

Nepali voters took a very wise and mature decision in the last election as they voted for a two-party system. But we have not been able to do justice to the voters. The parliamentary system is not on the right track. No prime minister in a parliamentary system goes on a non-significant foreign trip for a week while the parliament is in session. Also, the opposition is not functioning. So there is a vacuum.

Both India and China understand that their interests will be safeguarded if there is political stability in Nepal. Unfortunately, the two-third government is not functioning the way a strong government is supposed to. We have also been unable to institutionalize our democratic institutions. Without this, the country will not be strong. People are frustrated because of pervasive corruption, muscle power and criminalization of politics.

Let’s talk about Foreign Direct Investment in Nepal. We are saying Nepal is the best place to invest and yet investors are not coming here, even though there are two huge markets right next door. When our foreign minister was in China, one Chinese diplomat with deep knowledge about Nepal publicly said that Nepal needs stability in law. We hear same thing from the Indian side. A few weeks ago, the American Ambassador in Nepal tweeted about corruption and stability in law. All democracies are facing tremendous pressure. People are losing faith in the democratic process. This may happen in Nepal as well.

In a separate context, what does Nepal playing a ‘central role’ in the American Indo-Pacific Strategy mean?

Again, Nepal is on the strategic radar of India, China and the US. It is normal for them to try to look after Nepal, to cultivate ties, and to bring Nepal closer. We should not be surprised by this. In an unprecedented move, the American government invited our foreign minister to Washington. This was a major event in bilateral relations.

When it comes to the Indo-Pacific Strategy, there are many questions, interests and doubts. The statements from the US State Department, our Washington embassy and our foreign ministry were contradictory. This shows something was amiss. In foreign policy, timing and word-selection are important. Relations between India, America and China will continue to be conflict-ridden unless the shape of the new world order is clearly established.

This period of transition is risky for every country, and Nepal is in a sensitive strategic location. We have to carefully formulate our diplomacy, foreign policy and other components of the state. For a long time to come, Nepal will have to deal with three important actors in global politics: India, China and America. We have to look after, enhance and safeguard our national interest, to assure the others that their genuine interests will be protected. But we need a capablegovernment for this.

When we talk about the Indo-Pacific Strategy, there is a lack of a clear understanding about what it means to Nepal. How do you see this strategy?

When you conduct state affairs, sometimes it is better to show confusion to protect your interest. Nepal should not be involved in any conflict. Our policy should be to remain neutral. There is no need for Nepal to take a clear stand on it. The bottom line is: We would like to have very good relations with India and China, and with America as well. In diplomacy, you should not overplay your hand. Sometimes, not saying anything is the best policy. When there is no need to speak, why do you speak?

 The ban on the Netra Bikram Chand Biplab-led Communist Party of Nepal, which has been implicated in extortions and acts of terror, has been contentious. Some think the ban is perfectly justified as the party was behaving more like a criminal outfit rather than a political party. Others counter that no politi­cal party, however odious its beliefs and modus operandi, should be banned: Wasn’t it the state’s initial heavy-handed approach to dealing with the Maoist rebels that fueled the decade-long civil war? Why then is the Oli government intent on repeating the same mistake? Chand himself has been under­ground for a long time, as the state has intensified its manhunt for the CPN kingpin. But what does Chand, who had played an integral part in the civil war, make of the ban on his new party? In his first interview since the start of the ban imposed back in March, Chand appeared livid: “Had it been a true commu­nist government, instead of ban­ning our party, it would have been happy that we took action against tax evasion and corruption, and fought for the rights of laborers,” he said, even while he accused the Oli government of serving the interests of crony-capitalists, brokers, smug­glers and crooks. He reckons the ban is a diversionary tactic meant to distract public attention from the government’s failures.

He warned the government that if it was determined to play hard-ball, it will meet with “fierce resistance.” According to Chand, had the govern­ment been serious about talking to him, there would have been a for­mal invite. When asked if his party was plotting to kill senior leaders, he chastised the ruling parties for turning such a serious issue into a cheap “marketing strategy” for the government.

But what does his party really want then? “We want an end to the way the crony capitalist class is impoverishing the people and bankrupting the country by cap­turing the economic, political and cultural arena and key sectors like education, health and real estate.” And thus “we are waging a revolu­tion to rid the country of a crony capitalist regime.” Chand takes full responsibility for the actions of his party, which he refers to as parts of a new “revolution” rather than acts of violence.

Interestingly, Chand thinks that he has plenty of sympathizers in the federal communist government, especially among his former Maoist comrades. “We all had a common dream,” he mused. “Will they think of finishing us off just because we wage a revolution?”

Ban a tactic to shift attention from government failures

 The government has not only banned the Netra Bikram Chand Biplab-led Communist Party of Nepal, but has also announced that it will take action against anyone aiding and abetting the communist outfit. Those who once fought together with Biplab are now part of the government. They have accused Biplab’s party of plotting to assassinate them. Ram Krishna Adhikari of Annapurna Media Network spoke with the underground rebel leader about the possibility of talks with the government and his broader goals.

 What are your thoughts on the ban on your party?

The ban was announced after we took action against Ncell, a company that has swindled the country of billions of rupees. But that was only a pretext. Fundamentally, the ban represents class interest and ideol­ogy. Had it been a true communist government, instead of banning our party, it would have been happy that we took action against tax eva­sion and corruption, and fought for the rights of laborers. The ban shows that the government does not protect the interests of ordinary laborers, patriots and democrats, but those of crony-capitalists, bro­kers, smugglers, crooks and the corrupt. The ban goes against the principle of political freedom and every citizen’s right to serve the country by running a political party. It is also an affront to the right to dissent. Not only does it show the state’s anarchist character, but also its fascist face.

The Oli government is facing multiple crises and embroiled in countless scandals. Our party, on the other hand, is steadily gaining influence and popularity. Tens of thousands of ordinary people and leaders are rallying in its support. Scientific socialism is slowly taking root as a substitute for crony cap­italism. The ban is an attempt to distract attention away from these developments and is a reflection of the Oli government’s failure—which is why it has been roundly criticized by various political parties, intel­lectuals, civil society leaders, legal experts, human rights activists and others. The government has been estranged. We demand that it lift the ban.

You had issued a statement that if the government did not lift ban by mid-April (which it did not), you would impose a ban on the government and mount a resis­tance. What kind of resistance?

It is a resistance to the fascist ban that the state has imposed on our party and on all freedom-loving citizens. This tit-for-tat strategy was a decision that our central commit­tee took. If the state comes at us forcefully, it will have to face fierce resistance.

The government has been saying that it was compelled to impose a ban after your party rejected its call for talks and perpetrated violent acts.

This is nothing but false propa­ganda. First, the government never invited us for talks formally, so it cannot claim that we rejected it. Second, we had been talking with Prachanda et al. so long that we had some hope that talks would serve the interest of the country and the people. We started rebelling only when, in the name of talks, all the gains of the people’s war were anni­hilated, people’s rights quashed and the country’s independence compromised. We are not afraid of talks, but we are not convinced that they will address the issues raised by our revolution. We are not a violent outfit; we merely took action against anti-nationals, swindlers, exploiters, human traffickers and thugs accus­ing women of witchcraft.

But didn’t you talk with the gov­ernment team led by Somnath Pandey?

It is true that we talked informally with Pandey and others. But it is also true that the government never extended a formal invitation for talks. Contrary to various claims, I am not aware of any conditions pro­posed by the government for talks.

We have heard that talks—whether formal or informal—continue between some leaders of your party and government representatives. It is true?

Political discussions, as far as they are necessary and possible, can take place with anyone. We are always open to talks.

What are your demands? Have you set an agenda for talks?

It does not make a whole lot of sense to discuss our agenda in detail when there is no initiative for talks. But the long and short of it is that we want an end to the way the crony capitalist class is impoverishing the people and bankrupting the country by capturing the economic, politi­cal and cultural arena and key sec­tors like education, health and real estate. We are waging a revolution to rid the country of a crony capitalist regime.

The government claims that your party hatched plans to assassi­nate top leaders. Your response?

It is surprising that such a serious matter has been made a marketing strategy. But we have heard that the government has planned to kill our leaders in “encounters”.

You have not openly declared a violent struggle, but violent acts have been perpetrated in your name. Exactly what form will your fight take?

The issue here is revolution, not violence. Our aim is to protect the country’s sovereignty, to hand over real power to the labor class, to emancipate the exploited and the marginalized, to wipe out the crony capitalist regime and to establish scientific socialism. A revolution is the sum total of all our struggles. We have taken full responsibility for whatever action we have taken.

You have said in an interview that you have formed a people’s army, and that it is getting stron­ger. What kind of an army is it and what immediate purpose does it serve?

It is a force to help the struggling labor class gain the power to rule the country. It comprises men and women of all ages who are fighting for their rights and emancipation. Back when Prachanda and his ilk shook hands with the mainstream parties and tried to dissolve the people’s army, we had said that it has not outlived its purpose. The people’s army remains a necessity.

Your party broke away from the one led by Mohan Baidhya Kiran. Who are your comrades in arms at present?

We are holding talks with Baidhya. Parties unite when they are on the same page in terms of ideol­ogy and a political roadmap. But we are formulating plans for a collective struggle and a functional unity. Any­one who is ready to fight corruption, price hikes, bans, fascism and trea­son against the country that is taking place under the Oli government is our comrade in arms.

We hear that differences within your party have peaked, partic­ularly your disagreements with Khadga Bahadur Bishwokarma Prakanda. Would you shed some light?

Such stories appear regularly in newspapers. While they sometimes amuse us, they also lead to serious reflection. It’s possible that the ene­mies of the people—after failing to stop us ideologically, politically and practically—have concocted such stories. But such tactics will only serve to discredit them.

Our efforts are a unique initiative to wage a revolution and establish scientific socialism-communism. Our party is scaling new heights. When we see the tactics of reaction­ary forces to derail our party, we realize that leading the revolution to success is not easy. But it strength­ens our resolve and unity.

How do you respond to accusa­tions that you are being mobi­lized and protected by foreign forces?

These are rumors being spread by cowards. No one in their right mind believes such nonsense. Scientific socialism-communism is the magic weapon that mobilizes the labor class and illuminates their world.

What about the accusation that the violent attacks, including on Ncell, were an attempt at extor­tion?

These are nothing but ugly rumors spread by hypocrites who not only sold Mahakali, Karnali and Arun rivers, but also continue to provide political protection to middle-men, swindlers, smugglers, dons and loan sharks. Our revolution will bring a day when people, including those who spread false rumors about us, will happily donate to our cause.

Communists hold the dignity of labor in high regard and forbid taking anything from ordinary people. How do you reconcile such ideals with your statement that collecting donations is a nat­ural right?

We have not taken anything from the toiling masses. In fact, we have given to them. People understand that we are fighting for food and shelter for the landless, decent pay for laborers, equal property rights for women, jobs for the unem­ployed, free education for students and easy access to healthcare for citizens. And people have sacrificed their lives fighting for our cause. People give to us willingly and indus­trialists donate voluntarily, but we have to take forcefully from crooks, smugglers and the corrupt. What they have stolen from the people has to be captured and returned to the people. That is what a revolution is. And that is a natural right of a com­munist party.

Some of your documents men­tion the prevalence of financial irregularities within your party. Could you elaborate?

Despite the complexities inherent in an ongoing revolution, ours might be the only party that carries out financial transactions in a system­atic matter. All our transactions are completely transparent. Our under­standing is that problems associated with finance and ownership of prop­erty are the primary reason behind the downfall of communists and the failure of socialism.

The main problem is that those who talk about a communist utopia cannot maintain financial transpar­ency in their own lives. They talk big, but hoard the party’s funds in foreign banks, sell the country’s assets to foreigners, forge papers to claim ownership of public land, etc. We are fighting for a commu­nal economic life expounded by Marx, which is far more civilized and superior to the so-called private life under capitalism.

Several aspects of the peace process following the decade-long conflict have yet to be con­cluded. Can the people cope with another war?

They can’t. That’s why we have been saying for almost a decade that capitalists, crony capitalists, revisionists, opportunists and for­eign power centers are deliber­ately instigating another conflict by reversing the gains of the people’s war. Forcibly imposing crony capi­talism means pushing the country toward conflict. That’s what has hap­pened. Now people, particularly the oppressed laborers, understand that there is no alternative to revolution in order to resolve conflict. People will wage a revolution, not a war. A revolution is not something that people will cope with, but some­thing they will themselves wage.

Have you given any thought to how you will manage it?

Today a crony capitalist regime has tormented communists, leftists, patriots and democrats alike. A sin­gle force cannot defeat this regime. If we all unite and move together in the direction of establishing scien­tific socialism, people’s objectives will be realized.

The regime you’re trying to fight is being run by your old comrades. Won’t that pose a challenge?

If we argue a bit emotionally, it presents an opportunity as well. After the Maoist leadership took a wrong step, a significant num­ber of our comrades were co-opted by the regime. But they were not bad people from the start. All of us fought a war and endured hard­ships together. We all had a common dream. Will they think of finishing us off just because we wage a revo­lution? They can support our revo­lution from within the regime. The brutality inherent in a revolution is a separate issue. We are fully aware of the challenges ahead.

Calm Restaurant In Kathmandu

From 7 pm to 11 pm every Thursday, Calm Restaurant is abuzz with salsa dance enthusiasts. Watch an instructor of the Salsa Dance Academy, Binayek Das Shrestha, turn into a DJ to help people move and groove. There is no entry fee for this social salsa night in Tangalwood, Naxal. If you are a beginner, do not worry as you can partner with a salsa dancer or be guided by someone else. Call 014443904 for more details

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Oskar Bar and Grill In Kathmandu

You can go for salsa dancing in Oskar Bar and Grill, along with some good music and good food. Twice every month, the restaurant hosts salsa dance party, usually on Mondays, from 7:30 pm to 10:30 pm. The entry is free. Just grab some drink and you are good to go. Usually a team of professional salsa dancers are present during the night to guide you, even if you are a beginner. Call 014418648 for details if you want to go to this restaurant in Panipokhari, Lazimpat.

Tamarind In Lalitpur

If you are sad that Monday is here and the work week has already started, hit this restaurant at 7 pm to feel like it is weekend already. This Lalitpur-based restaurant hosts salsa night every Monday, from 7 pm to 10 pm. Riyaz Shrestha and his crew will be there to guide you and help you learn some Salsa moves so that you feel at ease on the dance floor. There is no entry fee. Just grab some food and get ready to groove. Call 015522626 for more information.  

Raj Karan Mahato | Janakpur

The Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Law, the Ministry of Social Development and the Secretariat of Provincial Assembly do not have sec­retaries. New bureaucrats have not replaced the ones who have been transferred elsewhere, posing a serious problem. Of the 48 positions in the Ministry of Economic Affairs and Planning, 23 are vacant. Mukti Acharya, Secretary at the ministry, is taking man­datory retirement, but his replacement Prem Kumar Shrestha has not arrived yet. Similarly, Jagdish Regmi, Sec­retary at the Ministry of Inter­nal Affairs and Law, retired on April 10.

Deputy Secretary Rohit Dahal and Arjun Lama were transferred seven months ago but no one has replaced them. Deputy secretary Arun Jha has been appointed acting chief secretary. On top of that, bureaucrats in this ministry have not received their sal­ary for the past one and half months.

On March 13, the federal council of ministers decided to send five secretaries to Province 2. However only the secretary at the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport, Pushkar Ghimire, has joined office. The fed­eral government has recently signed off on the appointment of two secretaries—Shankar Subedi and Sushil Dhakal—but they are yet to arrive.

 "Monsoon is fast approaching, but we have not been able to make a disaster management action plan"

Hem Bahadur Karki, a section officer in the disaster management unit

Saroj Singh, the provincial Minister of Internal Affairs and Law, has accused the federal government of sending only those bureaucrats who are on the verge of retirement. “They come here as if they are on a vacation,” he says.

The budget allocated for the current fiscal is Rs 29.78 billion. The size of the cap­ital budget is over Rs 14.96 billion. However, the pace of development expenditure is slow, making a budget freeze increasingly likely. The gov­ernment has not been able to spend on areas other than transport and office manage­ment. Even though good poli­cies and programs have been introduced, there are prob­lems in implementation.

Hem Bahadur Karki, a sec­tion officer in the disaster management unit at the pro­vincial Internal Affairs and Law Ministry, says that proj­ects cannot be implemented due to a lack of manpower. “Monsoon is fast approaching, but we have not been able to make a disaster management action plan.”

A public housing project to be implemented by the pro­vincial Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport is also stuck in limbo for lack of human resources. As many as 18 positions in this ministry remain vacant.

The government has not been able to keep its prom­ise of providing housing for the poor. Jitendra Sonal, the provincial Minister of Phys­ical Infrastructure, says Rs 1 billion has been allocated for this project. But although the money is there, work is stagnant.

There are 163 offices under the jurisdiction of the Prov­ince 2 government, which has requested a total of 4,937 bureaucrats. But the federal government has approved only 3,208 positions.

Q. If you had just one day to live, how would you spend that day?

A. I would acknowledge everyone who helped me grow and then I would sleep in my mother’s lap till the end of my time here.

Q. When you are down, what keeps you going?

A. When I am down, I look back at how far I have come and how strong I have become and that feeling keeps me going.

Q. What is an opinion you hold that most people would disagree with?

A. Apologizing to people even when you are not at fault, just to make them feel better, is okay.

Q. What does your perfect day consist of?

A. As it is said “the morning shows the day”, an early morning stroll to a local market like Asan, a proper workout and a good breakfast.

Q. What would be your superpower?

A. Being able to travel anywhere in this world at any time.

Q. What is an issue you feel deeply about and wish to highlight?

A. The plastic solution.

Q. What comes to your mind when you hear the word ‘fame’?

A. It gives us a voice to reach out to a lot of people without much effort, which we can use to address many issues.

Q. One Nepali celebrity you absolutely admire and why?

A. Not one but the duo Madan Krishna Shrestha and Hari Bamsha Acharya are my absolute favorite! I admire them for their down-to-earth nature, sense of humor and friendship.

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After six weeks of pitched battles all over India, the Indian Premier League—the biggest and the most-lucrative cricket franchise in the world—is coming to an end. The May 12 final is slated for Hyderabad, even as one finalist is yet to be decided. With a win in the ‘Qualifier’ on May 8, Mumbai Indians have made it straight into the final while Chhenai Super Kings, despite their loss to MI, get to play Delhi Capitals on May 10 for a place in the Hyderabad final. Our editorial team at APEX couldn’t talk enough about IPL in our lunch breaks and coffee times and we assumed our readers would be interested in taking the rollercoaster IPL ride too. So we asked a few of our readers their favorite teams and their best IPL moment, ever. Here’s what we got.

Niraj Thapa

Chennai Super Kings

I am a huge admirer of Mahindra Singh Dhoni, the CSK skipper. The way he handles pressure situations as well as his teammates, and the way he builds confidence in players and even fans, are just outstanding. Have always been a huge CSK fan. For me, their return to the IPL in 2018 after a two-year hiatus was an overwhelming moment.

Madhu Karki

Royal Challengers Bangalore

Our own spinner Sandeep Lamichhane’s IPL debut is my favorite moment so far. Sandeep debuted for the Delhi Daredevils in a match against Kings XI Punjab in 2018 and managed to get 2 wickets in the third over. Amazing stuff!

Binita Gurung

Royal Challengers Bangalore

The match between RCB and Kings XI Punjab this year where AB De Villiers scored a 44 ball 82 to decimate KXIP. ABD rightly won the man of the match.

 Dipendra Khadka

Delhi Capitals

The match between Kolkata Knight Riders and Delhi Capitals on March 30 this season. KKR chased and when the match was tied at 185 in 20 overs, it went into a super-over. DC managed to win the match when its strike bowler Kagiso Rabada managed to bowl out the in-form Andre Russel with a perfect yorker.

Krishna Thapa

Chennai Super Kings

The second match between Kolkata Knight Riders and Delhi Capitals this year when Kagiso Rabada, in an excellent display of pace bowling, managed to get the dangerous Robin Uthappa and Dinesh Karthik to help his team to victory against KKR for the second time this season.

Binod Neupane

Royal Challengers Bangalore

The 2016 record-breaking stand between Virat Kohli and AB De Villiers where they scored a total of 229 runs between them to give opponents Gujarat Lions a target of 249. Each scored a century and in return RCB managed to bowl out GL for 104 runs, which marked the highest margin of defeat in IPL—144.

Gokul Atreya

Royal Challengers Bangalore

The 2016 season when RCB reached the finals after producing one of the best comebacks in sports history. Having won only two of the first seven matches, they were almost knocked out from the league. Then they went to win six of the next seven and qualified for the finals, which they lost by a narrow margin to Sunrisers Hyderabad.

Abhishek Mishra

Delhi Capitals

I never forget David Warner’s scintillating form as a T20 batsman in the 2014-2015 series. Always felt like he would make a big impact in the future. Over 800 runs and an average of 60 is no joke in an IPL season!

Raju Khadka

Kings XI Punjab

The match between KXIP and Delhi Capitals this year when KXIP’s IPL debutant for the season Sam Curran struck three times in a row to claim this season’s first hat-trick. His over also turned the table for KXIP who were on the verge of losing the match.
 

The Nepali horror feature film entitled ‘Kathaputali’ is slated for a 2019-end release. Kathaputali is a periodic horror feature film entirely based on terrifying Nepali horror myths and rituals. According to writer and executive producer of Kathaputali, Sampada Malla, “The story revolves around a fantasy kingdom where the rulers are tyrant dictators who sexually assault innocent women for pleasure and kill them.” These dead women in turn create an interesting plot of revenge against their perpetrators, resulting into terrifying horror elements. Kathaputali’s Producer Prithvi Rana Magar says, “I wanted to produce a film that would leave a lasting impression in the audience’s mind. It is something that we have heard of, but never seen in any Nepali horror film.” Kathaputali stars big names in the film industry like Gauri Malla, Mithila Sharma, Karma Shakya, Shilpa Maskey, Usha Rajak and Subarna Thapa.