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On the International Day of the Disappeared on Aug 30, the conflict victims in Nepal had little to celebrate. Exemplifying Nepali state’s indifference to transitional justice, neither the federal government nor any major political party observed the day. There was not even a statement. The old wounds will self-heal, the hope seems to be, with the passage of time. As those directly affected by the conflict make way for new generations, the old family resentments won’t feel so raw. Yet no one really knows how when this process of forgetting will be completed, if at all. And impunity will rise when perpetrators of grave rights violations escape punishment. 

Around 1,350 people are still ‘missing’ from conflict period. Their families have waited for justice for nearly a decade and a half since the Maoist guns fell silent with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006. The two transitional justice bodies—the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and the Commission on Enforced Disappearances—were to be formed within six months of the CPA’s signing; it took them nine years to materialize. Again, save for the human rights community and conflict victims, no important state actor seemed serious about seeing the transitional justice process through. Leaders of the mother Maoist party and Nepali Congress were reluctant as they feared persecution for their direct or indirect roles in war-time rights violations. Nepal Army, likewise, was dead- against punishing its officials for torture or enforced disappearance. 

This seriousness is still missing. Besides contributing to impunity and corroding public trust in the state, the other risk of this delay is internationalization of the process as conflict victims are forced to seek redress abroad. That will tarnish the country’s image and make senior political and army officials liable to detention and trial for war crimes when they venture abroad. This sordid drama has dragged on for too long. Realizing this, members of the international community say they now support a ‘home-grown’ transitional justice process, as much as they keep emphasizing the need for timely justice for conflict victims. No one is looking for perfect solutions here. Yet the importance of giving conflict victims a sense of closure cannot be emphasized enough. It will also be a test of the health of the newfangled Nepali democracy.

Would you like to be famous? In what way?

 Well, I don’t want to be famous but I would like to be remembered. Doesn’t matter if it’s just a few of them. I’d be happy if I have had some sort of positive impact in their lives or was there for them when they needed me.

When did you last sing to yourself? 

Just two minutes ago. I love singing!

If you could change something about the way you were raised, what would it be?

I was raised in a very strict household but it sort of molded me to be independent. But if I could change something about my upbringing, I would befriend more kids like myself.

What’s your favorite family vacation?

We didn’t go out on vacations as a family often. But we always had people over dinners and other activities, which was fun. 

What two radio stations do you listen to the most?

I don’t listen to radio anymore, but before all these digital platforms, I sometimes listened to Hits FM and Kantipur FM.

Which character from a kid’s book or movie reminds you of yourself?

Alice from ‘Alice in Wonderland’.

Rich friend or loyal friend?

Loyal friend!

What’s something you could eat for a week straight?

Bokkeumbap (Kimchi Fried Rice) 

If you could join any past or current music group, which one would it be?

‘Queen’ or ‘The Beatles’. I know I may not be good enough for them but I would love to be a part of one of the two bands.

What song would you say best sums you up?

“Oceans” by Hillsong

Over 400,000 Nepali migrant workers have lost their jobs in the Gulf countries and Malaysia, according to the Foreign Employment Board Nepal. In Saudi Arabia alone, of the 350,000 Nepalis there, around 120,000 have been rendered jobless. Of all those who have lost their jobs in the Gulf countries and Malaysia, only 43,000 have made it back to Nepal. Hundreds of thousands more want to return, but they can’t, even though many of them have the means to do so. Nepal has put severe restrictions on international flights. Most flights are to resume on Sept 1. But the government says it is in no position to bring back its nationals from countries like Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Qatar, whose Covid-19 tests are unreliable. 

The stranded Nepalis, who have been fired and asked to go home by their companies, are running out of options. Jhapa’s Raju Murma was released from work by his Saudi employers six months ago. Murma says he is running short of both cash and patience. He had brought a ticket home with the Rs 50,000 his family in Nepal had sent him. He even had a PCR test done. But then his flight got cancelled. Likewise, Morang’s Mahendra Hemron has been relying on the cash sent by his family in Nepal; his former employers declined even food allowance. The Supreme Court of Nepal had in July ordered the government to repatriate Nepali citizens and pay for their return via the Rs 6 billion-strong foreign employment welfare fund. Guidelines were then issued on how Nepali migrants abroad could apply for free return. Yet the guidelines entailed undergoing a time-consuming process—and now flights from many destinations favored by Nepalis have been barred. 

If their suspected Covid-19 infection is a problem, surely, they can be made to follow isolation procedures and get tested back in their home country. There will be many logistical hurdles in this process, no doubt. But those cannot be an excuse to abandon your citizens in times of crisis. The longer the government delays the in-bound flights, the greater will be chances of a chaotic repatriation. The Nepali state has failed to keep citizens inside its borders safe. It could do a better job of managing those struggling for their very lives on the outside. 

Some are calling it a second ‘lockdown’, some say it is a ‘shutdown’, while others prefer the phrase ‘added restriction’. If there is a difference between these terms being used to explain the state of affairs in Kathmandu Valley after Aug 20, the government does not seem to consider it necessary to explain. People are confused. Can they venture out for groceries? How far can they go from their homes? On what condition will they be fined and/or apprehended? The ambiguity is hard to understand. But this vagueness goes far beyond the specifics of the extra measures. It also concerns their rationale. Why are certain restrictions in place, and not the others? How will these measures help combat corona? What is the long-term government plan to contain the virus, or to buy a vaccine? Nothing is clear. 

The government does not feel the need to communicate with common folks, as if everything is self-explanatory. Well, it’s not. Many questions still remain from the time of the first nationwide lockdown. While corona-positive cases were inching up, why was the previous lockdown abruptly lifted? And after going without one for so many days, why are even more stringent measures being mulled? Rather than explain themselves, government ministers, from the PM down, seemingly want people to blindly follow their diktat. No wonder they are trusted so little. 

Public discontent will rise with the length of the restrictions. To regain public confidence, the government must first show it is honest in its fight against the coronavirus. What we have seen so far are arbitrary measures that make little sense. Another vital thing people need in these desperate times is hope. If they are able to see light at the end of the Covid tunnel, however long and dark it is, they will be more willing to bear some hardship. But how do they even know they won’t starve tomorrow? 

This collective despair could one day break bounds but, there are ways to minimize it. Besides daily bulletins on the number of new Covid cases, why not also give updates about government plans to, say, widen the scope of PCR testing? How about informing people about food depots in their community that will be open for business over the next week? And, as the economy sinks and joblessness surges, what kind of new social safety net can those sinking expect? Try to connect with the people. Official smugness will be to the detriment of everyone, including the popularly elected government.  

What word would you add to the dictionary?

“Cheegu”: Anyone who is over-smart, annoying, clever. A friend and I had coined that word from the Newari phrase “cheegau malta palu” which literally means, 'smaller the chili, hotter it is'. It is also used to describe over-smart kids.

If you could live anywhere, where would it be?

Zanzibar. There’s something so evocative about this word; it screams adventure.

One international reality show you'd love to be a part of?

As a contestant (or as a maker) I would love to be in “The Amazing Race”—which would entail a lot of travelling.

What would you sing at a Karaoke night?

I would go for an over-the-top power-ballad so that I could contribute to noise pollution, and why should I be the only one to suffer? So Meatloaf's 'I Would Do Anything for Love'.

Scale of 1-10, how good a driver are you?

I’m very cautious on the road. So I’d give myself 8.

Would you rather speak every language in the world or talk to animals?

I’m sure animals aren’t as two-faced as humans, so I’d rather be Dr. Dolittle.

If you had access to a time machine…

I would go back to the 90s and meet my younger self and tell him to not listen to bullies.  

Between a perpetually cold or hot place to live, what would you choose?

I’m at my happiest when I’m in tees, shorts and slippers. So definitely a hot place.

If you could share a meal with any four individuals, living or dead, who would they be?

Whitney Houston, John Lennon, Mohammad Rafi, and Prince. They were regulars on my shows while I was working at Hits FM 91.2.

Complete the sentence: Durgesh Thapa is…

… the perfect candidate for a reality show.

For those unacquainted with Nepal’s political system, they could do worse than pick up “The Politics of Nepal: Persistence and Change in an Asian Monarchy”. Leo E. Rose and Margaret W. Fisher’s short book covers the country’s history from the time of Prithvi Narayan Shah to the late 1960s, when it was written. Lok Raj Baral’s preface to the new Mandala Print Edition partly covers the subsequent evolution of Nepali politics between late 1960s and now.

The strength of this brief book, like the other books Rose has written on Nepal, is it’s jargon-free, simple language. Anyone can pick it up and easily understand the historic evolution of Nepali polity, while also getting a glimpse of other factors that have shaped Nepal’s destiny over the years: it’s unique geography, its rich ethnic mix, and it’s challenging geopolitical position. 

Besides the preface, and foreword by Richard L. Park, the book is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter ‘Political and Social Heritage’ discusses the evolution of Nepal as a country and its many geographical and ethnic attributes. Also included is an account of the country’s political experimentation since the time of PN Shah until the late 1960s.

The second chapter ‘Monarchy and Representative Institutions’ is basically a history of Shah monarchy: how it was subverted during the Ranarchy and how its role changed drastically in post-1950 politics. Most notably, after dismissing the elected government of BP Koirala in 1959, King Mahendra imposed a party-less Panchayat system the following year.

Other chapters in the book are: ‘The Administrative and Judicial System’, ‘Political Forces in Nepal’, ‘The Modernization of the Nepali Economy’, ‘Nepal’s International Relations’, and ‘Modernizing Nepali Politics”. These chapters are followed by a comprehensive literature guide on Nepal, and suggested further readings.

Again, the book is an initiation into modern Nepali politics. Yet more serious scholars on Nepal would also find it of some interest. Even though it is a brief volume, Rose and Fisher offer their unique take on the course of events in Nepal. For instance, the authors are ready to give King Mahendra benefit of doubt on his imposition of the partyless-Panchayat system, even as they are unsure the experiment will succeed.

They try to understand King Mahendra’s possible motivations. Among other things the monarch must have considered: “Would crown functions be usurped by the present prime minister and the monarch relegated to a figurehead…?”, “Was the very existence of the monarchy imperiled by the growing power of the Nepali Congress…?”, “Was Nepal itself in danger of becoming an Indian satellite?” It would be strange, write Rose and Fisher, if “they [these questions] had not arisen in the mind of a monarch who was only too aware of the underlying factors in both the founding and the collapse of the Rana regime, whose virtual prisoner he had himself once been”.

He argues King Mahendra’s strong prejudice against political parties is “not without substance”: “The record of the political parties in Nepal, as in much of the non-western world, does not inspire confidence in their capacity to provide the leadership and authority necessary in a difficult transitional period”. Yet the writers are far from dyed-in-the-wool monarchists. King Mahendra, they write, must also share some of the blame “for the failure of the Nepali parties to mature” as the palace itself was often engaged in playing favorites among political groups.

Nonetheless, as Baral hints in his preface, it was because of Rose’s rather sympathetic reading of the role of Nepali monarchy that King Birendra awarded Rose ‘Gorkha Dakshin Bahu’ in 1984.

The book hews to the maxim that every two has two sides. It would be wrong to ignore the version of the monarchs even if the reader is a firm believer in the democratic process—for doing so would entail an incomplete reading of Nepali history.

The guide to literature on Nepal that the book ends with is also an invaluable repository of the required reading to understand the country better.

The book, now republished by Mandala Book Point, was originally part of the broader ‘South Asian Political Systems’ series Richard L. Park edited. The series took up cases of individual countries like Nepal, Pakistan, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and Afghanistan. Writes Park, “The rapid rise of nationalism in Asia in the twentieth century, the decline of Western imperial systems, and the founding of the many independent states in the early years of the United Nations have all contributed to a growing interest in Asian culture and politics.” Hence the need for books like ‘The Politics of Nepal”.

It’s worth a read for anyone even remotely interested in understanding the evolution of the Nepali political system.

Non-Fiction

The Politics of Nepal: Persistence and Change in an Asian Monarchy

Leo E. Rose and Margaret W. Fisher

Pages: 197

Publisher: Mandala Book Point

For those unacquainted with Nepal’s political system, they could do worse than pick up “The Politics of Nepal: Persistence and Change in an Asian Monarchy”. Leo E. Rose and Margaret W. Fisher’s short book covers the country’s history from the time of Prithvi Narayan Shah to the late 1960s, when it was written. Lok Raj Baral’s preface to the new Mandala Print Edition partly covers the subsequent evolution of Nepali politics between late 1960s and now.

The strength of this brief book, like the other books Rose has written on Nepal, is it’s jargon-free, simple language. Anyone can pick it up and easily understand the historic evolution of Nepali polity, while also getting a glimpse of other factors that have shaped Nepal’s destiny over the years: it’s unique geography, its rich ethnic mix, and it’s challenging geopolitical position. 

Besides the preface, and foreword by Richard L. Park, the book is divided into seven chapters. The first chapter ‘Political and Social Heritage’ discusses the evolution of Nepal as a country and its many geographical and ethnic attributes. Also included is an account of the country’s political experimentation since the time of PN Shah until the late 1960s.

The second chapter ‘Monarchy and Representative Institutions’ is basically a history of Shah monarchy: how it was subverted during the Ranarchy and how its role changed drastically in post-1950 politics. Most notably, after dismissing the elected government of BP Koirala in 1959, King Mahendra imposed a party-less Panchayat system the following year.

Other chapters in the book are: ‘The Administrative and Judicial System’, ‘Political Forces in Nepal’, ‘The Modernization of the Nepali Economy’, ‘Nepal’s International Relations’, and ‘Modernizing Nepali Politics”. These chapters are followed by a comprehensive literature guide on Nepal, and suggested further readings.

Again, the book is an initiation into modern Nepali politics. Yet more serious scholars on Nepal would also find it of some interest. Even though it is a brief volume, Rose and Fisher offer their unique take on the course of events in Nepal. For instance, the authors are ready to give King Mahendra benefit of doubt on his imposition of the partyless-Panchayat system, even as they are unsure the experiment will succeed.

They try to understand King Mahendra’s possible motivations. Among other things the monarch must have considered: “Would crown functions be usurped by the present prime minister and the monarch relegated to a figurehead…?”, “Was the very existence of the monarchy imperiled by the growing power of the Nepali Congress…?”, “Was Nepal itself in danger of becoming an Indian satellite?” It would be strange, write Rose and Fisher, if “they [these questions] had not arisen in the mind of a monarch who was only too aware of the underlying factors in both the founding and the collapse of the Rana regime, whose virtual prisoner he had himself once been”.

He argues King Mahendra’s strong prejudice against political parties is “not without substance”: “The record of the political parties in Nepal, as in much of the non-western world, does not inspire confidence in their capacity to provide the leadership and authority necessary in a difficult transitional period”. Yet the writers are far from dyed-in-the-wool monarchists. King Mahendra, they write, must also share some of the blame “for the failure of the Nepali parties to mature” as the palace itself was often engaged in playing favorites among political groups.

Nonetheless, as Baral hints in his preface, it was because of Rose’s rather sympathetic reading of the role of Nepali monarchy that King Birendra awarded Rose ‘Gorkha Dakshin Bahu’ in 1984.

The book hews to the maxim that every two has two sides. It would be wrong to ignore the version of the monarchs even if the reader is a firm believer in the democratic process—for doing so would entail an incomplete reading of Nepali history.

The guide to literature on Nepal that the book ends with is also an invaluable repository of the required reading to understand the country better.

The book, now republished by Mandala Book Point, was originally part of the broader ‘South Asian Political Systems’ series Richard L. Park edited. The series took up cases of individual countries like Nepal, Pakistan, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and Afghanistan. Writes Park, “The rapid rise of nationalism in Asia in the twentieth century, the decline of Western imperial systems, and the founding of the many independent states in the early years of the United Nations have all contributed to a growing interest in Asian culture and politics.” Hence the need for books like ‘The Politics of Nepal”.

It’s worth a read for anyone even remotely interested in understanding the evolution of the Nepali political system.

One word to sum up your musical journey so far?

Rollercoaster

Hindustani classical or Western jazz?

Hindustani classical 

What movie/s made you laugh the hardest?

‘Padosan’, ‘Golmaal’.

What business idea do you think would be super-profitable but you would never want to pursue?

Waste management

Where would you travel to if you knew there was a chance you would have to stay there for up to a year?

Macedonia or Egypt

What’s something you wish you could stop people from assuming about you?

That I am too proud of myself. 

What did you want to be when you were younger?

Madhuri Dixit, haha. I actually had no idea what I wanted to be.

If you had a warning label, what would it say?

“Atti Bho La” (This is too much!).

What song would you say best sums you up?

“Rahar”.

If you could travel back in time, what period would you go to?

Fourth Century BC.