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The year 2020 was a forgettable one, for the whole world. In some ways, it was worse for Nepal. Like most other countries, it was battered by the Covid-19 pandemic, with nearly 2,000 lives lost to the virus as of this writing. Many more barely survived. The year, declared a ‘Visit Nepal Year’, ended up decimating Nepali tourism. Then, near the year-end, Prime Minister KP Oli unceremoniously dissolved the federal lower house and called for mid-term elections. The poor focus on covid-prevention was made worse.

The start of a brand new year might be the perfect time to take stock of what went wrong in Nepali politics, and devise ways to mitigate the damage. The formation of big political parties is something to be celebrated in countries where political instability is the norm. So most Nepalis supported the Maoist-UML merger, including with their votes, with the belief that if nothing else a strong, single-party government would deliver much-needed stability. This in turn would pave the path for prosperity and development.    

This proved to be misplaced dream. Now as they bid farewell to 2020, the least people hope for is that Nepali politics will soon get a definite direction. Both the NCP factions, each of which is now functioning as a de facto political party, have said that they are not averse to reunification, if not immediately. More than that—and whatever the Supreme Court verdict on House dissolution—the country has now well and truly entered election mode.

Even if the dissolved House is restored, it is hard to see a stable government formed from its floor. The national polity bitterly divided, more likely is a repeat of 2011 when Nepali Congress’s Ram Chandra Poudel had to withdraw his candidacy for prime minister after his bid was defeated in parliament for 16 times. This way, too, there is no alternative to getting a fresh mandate.

As it is, the country is not ready for a quick election. The timeline the prime minister has set—late April—is unrealistic. It will be a herculean task for the Election Commission to hold a nationwide election in such a short time. April elections will also deprive millions of people who have just entered voting age from casting their ballots. Thus the best 2021 gift Nepali political actors can give to their people is a clear and mutually-agreed timetable for fresh elections. But, again, it cannot be a unilateral decision.  

What is your go-to outfit?

Casual jeans and t-shirt.

If you could have coffee with one Nepali celebrity, who would it be?

Shrinkhala Khatiwada as I get that strong intellectual vibe from her.

If you could change something in the world, what would you change?

Less hatred and negativity; more positivity.

A quote to live by?

Always pray to have eyes that see the best in people, a heart that forgives the worst, a mind that forgets the bad and a soul that never loses faith in God.

A question you wish more people would ask you?

If I needed anything :p

If you had only one day to live, what would you do on that day?

I would spend time with my loved ones, speak my heart out and give them the last precious memories.

If you could dis-invent one thing? 

Nothing, because every invention has helped us in one way or the other.

What would be your fancy dress costume of choice? 

Something from the 50’s because I like the fashion from back then.

What are you proud of but never have an excuse to talk about?

The fact that I started accepting that every situation in life is temporary.

Name one fashion faux pas you regularly commit.

Probably not ironing my clothes because I am super lazy!

A democratic culture is not something you develop overnight. Nor is it a given that it will materialize. The responsibility for its flourishing largely falls on the shoulders of the country’s top political leaders. To do so, they must abide by legal norms, realize the importance of check and balance, and commit to building strong institutions. As important is a periodic transfer of power. As in any other discipline, the competent ones need to be promoted, and the old generation paves the way for the next generation. Nepal’s current political leadership is deficient in all these fronts. 

Be it Nepal Communist Party’s KP Oli, Nepali Congress’s Sher Bahadur Deuba, the ex-Maoist supremo Pushpa Kamal Dahal, or Baburam Bhattarai—they have all at one time or other been complicit as prime ministers in playing fast and loose with democratic norms and values. Across the board, what we see is top leaders using every dirty trick to remain in positions of power and to sabotage their political rivals. They thus become ready to dissolve parliament on fictional constitutional grounds, to politically interfere in the national army, to install a sitting chief justice as the chief executive, and to plot against their party colleagues: there really is no limit to what they can do. 

What we don’t see is a party leader who loses an election quit active politics or to at least vacate the top position. We don’t see them groom successors. This is why the same cast of characters who have been repeatedly tried and been found wanting have been running Nepali politics since the 1990 change. They want to forever remain in power, literally, until their last breath. 

Prime Minister Oli’s unconstitutional house dissolution is thus hardly a surprise. Like most of his predecessors as prime minister, rather than have the guts to realize his weaknesses and see the failures of his government, he smashed the government machinery that was being taken away from him. Again, this is not to imply that his (former) party colleagues in Dahal or Madhav Nepal have in the past proven themselves to be better leaders, either of their party or their country. Yet past mistakes cannot be an excuse for present failures. The wise rather learn from past mistakes and apply the lessons in the present. Unfortunately, our incumbent all-knowing prime minister is not taking any lesson from anyone. 

United World Trade Center, Tripureswor

Labim Mall, Pulchowk

Eyeplex, Baneswor

Bhatbhateni, Naxal

King Prithivi Narayan Shah's Divya Upadesh

A hand print of King Rajendra Bikram Shah dated 13 April 1846

The astrology section where books dating back to the 5th century are stored

Microfilms stored in humidity controlled rooms

Microfilms stored in humidity controlled rooms

Microfilms stored in humidity controlled rooms

One of the first four copies of Nepal’s Constitution published in 2072 (2015)

The first copy of Nepal’s national newspaper Gorkhapatra printed in 1968 (1901)

The inscription at Satungal Bishnu Devi Temple dated 1664 which mentions the fact that the Bishnu Devi Temple was built by Bhawani Shankar of Kwa Bahal, Patan

The official emblem of the cabinet formed on 19 February 1951

A 1911 account of lands in Terai

Microfilm scanner

Microfilming machine

Digitizing microfilms

Microfilms reading room

Kumari Chowk section where all the documents related to land are kept.
 

A Lal Mohor (official decree) issued in the names of Sri Ranabhim Company and Shree Mehar Company on 21 March 1847

A letter written by Kathmandu’s King Jaya Prakash Malla to King Prithivi Narayan Shah consulting on installing Nepali lawyers in Tiber, dated December 1757

Server and backup for digital storage

A storage room

Inscription rubbing from 2nd century

Archives

Mothballs to protect books inside storage

Archives

Nilpatra from 13th century which has writings on Bishnu Dharma

Documents written on palm leaves from 18th century

Nepali patro (calendar) from 1947 (1890-1891)

An unidentified document written in Ranjana script

A pen used to sign the constitutional draft of 2047 (1990)

A copper cylinder used to store documents

An edition of Srimat Bhagwat from the 18th century

Stepwise processing of microfilms

A recreated specimen of traditional bamboo pen used in ancient times

If you could choose one person as your dinner guest, who would it be?

Donald Trump. I’ll serve shit on his plate.

At 90 years of age, you have a choice of retaining either the mind or body of a 30-year-old. Which would you want?

Body. I don't mind an old mind. I want a 30-year-old's body right now.

What, if anything, is too serious a topic for a joke?

Cancer, the disease, not the horoscope.

If you could paint anything, what would you?

“Paint my love”: MLTR (MTV's MOST WANTED with Durex is what I grew up with, Sorry not sorry.)

What TV sitcom family would you be a member of?

Big Bang Theory as I want to be friends with Rajesh Ramayan Koothrappali.

You are going on a treasure hunt. Which one of your band members would you take with you?

I don't trust any of them with treasure and such. They'll steal it and call it their own, like that famous riff I once wrote.

If you could learn one new professional skill, what would it be?

Game development. It's been a while since I last played any console-based or computer games. I want to make something I'd want to play. 

Say you’re independently wealthy and don’t have to work, what would you do with your time besides making music?

Make films. Fund films. Buy all the trash that is being made and burn them.

If you were a wrestler what would be your entrance theme song?

Nine Inch Nails’ “The Hand That Feeds.” Because Trent is a hero.

You can have an unlimited supply of one thing for the rest of your life. What would it be?

Prawn crackers. Addiction is real.

Amid the shameless scramble for power in the ruling Nepal Communist Party, the communists’ electoral promise of stability and prosperity sounds like a cruel joke. Top party leaders continue to pull every trick in the book to get an upper hand in the bitter struggle for the control of both the party and the government it leads. Meanwhile, Nepalis, their health and wealth under imminent risk from a dangerous virus, are reckoning with the choices they made in the 2017 federal elections: Did they really elect this bunch of jokers to serve them?

KP Oli’s opponents in the NCP must share some blame for this seemingly never-ending party drama. But as the party’s co-chair and, more importantly, the country’s prime minister, the reckless and irresponsible Oli deserves most of the blame he is getting. To save his government, he has tramped on the principle of separation of powers, made a mockery of the ‘ceremonial’ presidency, and tried to rule by diktat. He seems determined to stop his opponents in the party from prevailing, even if it entails doing harm to the democratic process.

If Oli had handed over government leadership to party co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal, as promised, the NCP would be a more united force today. Short of that, he could have given Dahal control over party functioning, which too would have done the trick. But when the time came to relinquish one of the two chairs, Oli got greedy. He threw the gentleman’s agreement with Dahal out of the window, and is now desperate to hang on. This despite the fact that he is in a clear minority in the nine-member NCP Secretariat as well as the 45-member Standing Committee.

Oli’s refusal to face up to the truth and his tramping of democratic norms are troubling. He keeps talking about the sacrifices he has made over the years for the cause of democracy in Nepal, especially all those torturous years he spent in jail fighting the autocratic monarchy. But he now acts no different to the freewheeling monarchs he fought against. Oli had won the backing of millions of Nepali when he stood up to Indian highhandedness over the new Nepali constitution, which in turn propelled him to power in 2017. In his under three years in office, he has let most of them down.