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People of Kathmandu khaldo are often accused of thinking about the rest of the country only when events outside the valley inconvenience them individually. During last year’s Covid lockdown, we were livid with the hordes of people crossing over into Nepal from India without screening for the dreaded virus. At election-time, we worry about the prospect of the ‘lesser educated’ folks from the outskirts electing the wrong people to govern us. Now, we are blaming all the ‘bumpkins’ who left their fires unattended and had the valley-denizens choking for air. 

But accusing the folks of Gorkha or Gaur of carelessness is a touch rich. Of all the big and small places in the country, the valley emits by far most carbon-di-oxide and other noxious gases that contribute to air pollution and are thus responsible for the current haze over Kathmandu. That the country has received a quarter of the volume of rain it normally does this time of the year is also not their fault. Nor is lack of preparation at any level of government to handle these perennial forest fires. 

More likely, saving the country’s forests and mitigating climate change has not been high on the priority of the administrators in Kathmandu, as they don’t suffer its worst effects (until they do). This is perhaps why there is no mechanism to tackle these summer- and winter-time fires that destroy hundreds of thousands of Nepal’s green cover every year. Nor do those running the national capital seem keen on limiting the emission of harmful gases from vehicles. Despite strict regulations against it, there is no shortage of vehicles here belching thick plumes of smoke.

We also hear of plans to make the valley cleaner and greener, say, in a decade. But how do we believe these planners when not even the bare minimum is being done to cut greenhouse-gas emissions? Whatever little good we see—cycle lanes in Lalitpur, for instance—has come at the initiative of common folks determined to improve the health of the community they call home. We can now complain about stingy eyes and heavy heads all we like, but things will not change without sustained pressure from below. Otherwise, why doesn’t this potentially life-and-death issue ever become an electoral agenda? Only when the citizens push will their representatives make and implement the right agenda. 

Birth: 14 October 1932, Kathmandu

Death: 16 March 2021, Gangalal Hospital, Kathmandu

Maniklal Shrestha, a leader of the Newari language movement, analyst of left politics, and respected academic, died aged 89 in Kathmandu.

A mentor for most of Nepal’s current and ex-communist leaders, Shrestha had for long been fighting kidney and heart ailments and was hospitalized a few weeks ago after falling unconscious.

Shrestha first started reading extensively as a student of Tri-Chandra Campus in Kathmandu, where he also came across the works of Marx and Engels. Deeply inspired by Marxist philosophy, he cultivated a close-knit network with Nepali left-leaning intellectuals and communist leaders.

A good friend of late Pushpa Lal Shrestha, founder of the Communist Party of Nepal, he helped draft the young party’s manifesto. Later, the royal regime arrested him for his involvement in the communist movement. 

The man behind the establishment of Nepal Sambat and Kirat Sambat (calendars based on the history of Newar and Kirat communities), Shrestha also helped establish Nepal Bhasa (Newari language) as one of the country’s official languages. A sharp historian, learner, and mother-tongue activist, Shrestha was known for his uncanny ability to explain difficult ideas in simple, everyday terms. He had an extraordinary memory and often mentioned exact historical dates, time, and even page numbers of books while giving talks. He was a walking encyclopedia for fellow researchers and students.

Shrestha had an MA in English and an LLB, both from Kolkata University, India, before returning home to start teaching at Tribhuvan University. He was the first Nepali to graduate in Constitutional Law.

Elected ward-chairperson of Kathmandu-9 (now Kathmandu-17) in 1958, Shrestha in his lifetime never visited any temple or performed religious rites. He was a women’s rights activist and, unknown to many, was the first to lobby for and ensure women’s voting rights in his electoral constituency, even before Switzerland did so in 1974.

He was also a journalist and wrote articles for Nepal Bhasa daily and various other national and international newspapers. He wrote and translated extensively, and authored acclaimed books like Historical Development of Juche Cause (in English), Manab Samaj ko Bikash Bare Marxbadi distrikon (in Nepali), and Samalochanayam Siddhanta (in Newari).

Shrestha was married to late Sushila Singh, the first female judge of Nepal’s Supreme Court, who passed away almost a year ago on 22 May 2020. He is survived by two sons: senior cardiologist Dr. Malakhlal Shrestha and physician Dr. Situlal Shrestha.

Communist leaders and intellectuals have expressed sorrow over Shrestha’s demise. Posting a picture of himself with hospitalized Shrestha, former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai said on Twitter: “The country has lost an extraordinary intellectual figure.” Political analyst Shyam Shrestha remembered his senior colleague Maniklal Shrestha as “a very down-to-earth, helpful, easily accessible, and welcoming man”. Chairman of CPN (Maoist Center) and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal said: “The demise of Prof. Shrestha is a blow to the whole progressive-communist movement of Nepal.”

Never had we thought that we’d be writing about a restaurant with live music at Kalopul, but here it goes. Haasaa at Kalopul, on the right towards Shifal just after the bridge, is a family-style restaurant that has been serving delicious Newari cuisine with live music on weekends for a couple of years now.

Parking might be bit of a hassle for this restaurant right by the road but we are sure our readers will find a place to park their vehicles and enter the restaurant’s traditional-themed premises. Also serving a few continental dishes as well as pizzas, the indoor restaurant has live unplugged music by various artists at weekends.

Opening hours: 9 am to 10 pm

Chef’s Special:

BBQ Korean Momo

Momo Chopsuey

 Buff Khaja Set

Reservations: 9841460459

Cards: Not accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 1,000

On the cusp of a possible second wave, the country is reeling under a shortage of Covid-19 vaccines. The vaccination program for those under 60 has been suspended. Following the legal split in the ruling Nepal Communist Party, Prime Minister KP Oli is completely focused on knitting together a majority in the 275-member federal lower house. The opposition parties—Nepali Congress, JSPN and breakaway CPN (Maoist Center)—too have tried to form an anti-Oli coalition. Both the efforts have failed, and it could be some time before a majority government is formed.

Big differences separate negotiating parties. Oli’s CPN-UML wants JSPN to unconditionally join the government, perhaps in return of a handful of lucrative ministries. The nationalist prime minister won’t amend the national charter as per JSPN demands; nor will he be keen on releasing Resham Chaudhary, the alleged mastermind of the 2015 Tikapur killings, again for the fear of a nationalist backlash. As negotiations drag on, JSPN could split, if enough of its leaders get the ministries of their choice. This could be a risky course for breakaway Madhesi leaders ahead of the federal elections. 

Nepali Congress leader Sher Bahadur Deuba either gets to be prime minister again, or all government-formation negotiations are off the table. Biding time, he seems to have calculated, is the best course of action now. If he is offered the PM’s chair, all and good; if not, he could still emerge as the leader of the largest parliamentary party after federal elections. JSPN knows Congress too is in no position to address its constitution-amendment demands. In that case, the party should get to lead the tripartite Congress-Maoist-JSPN government, its leaders argue. Meanwhile, Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s revived Maoist party wants Oli out at any cost. 

Oli, who has not stepped down even after the court’s restoration of the house he dissolved, is no statesman. Perhaps he even feels vindicated following yet another Supreme Court verdict, this time dissolving the ruling NCP. The truth is that he has failed to govern the country in the past three years, including during the dark days of the pandemic. That there is no good option to replace him works to his favor, but to great disfavor of the nascent federal democratic republic he leads.  

Located at Baluwatar (near the Chinese Embassy), Old Mate: The Local Table was a relatively new establishment when we were forced to shut down this section in March 2020. By now, the family restaurant, which is designed with a typical Nepali theme and boasts of a lavish multi-cuisine menu, has become a popular junction in the area.

Old Mate covers a single bungalow with plenty of seating arrangements and ample parking space at the convenient location of the main Baluwatar road. Although specializing in Nepali food, the restaurant offers a wide selection of food and drinks including coffee, alcoholic beverages and the now trending hookah.

The Menu

Chef’s Special:

Jetho Budho Thaali

Chicken Gourmet Pizza

Duck Choila

Opening hours: 10 am to 10 pm

Location: Baluwatar  

Cards: Accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 2,000

Reservation: 9856031471

Birth: 12 December 1957, Pulchowk, Lalitpur

Death: 12 March 2021, Om Hospital, Kathmandu

Sushil Sharma, a prominent Nepali journalist, passed away on Friday, March 12. The 63-year-old was undergoing treatment at Om Hospital in Kathmandu for kidney-related problems when a blood clot stopped his heart.

Widely hailed for his non-partisan and liberal approach to journalism, he is perhaps best remembered for his unique interview style, bold commentaries, and to-the-point analysis.

A Dag Hammarskjöld fellow at the University of California at Berkeley, Sharma started his career with The Rising Nepal and later worked with The Kathmandu Post daily, Spotlight newsmagazine, and most prominently, BBC World Service. He was held up as a bold and fair storyteller by the news industry.

As one of the pioneering sports journalists of Nepal, Sharma had made a mark by covering 1984’s South Asian Games. He was also among the first Nepali sports journalists to observe major national and international football tournaments up close. Later, he shifted to doing political and social stories.

Of late, Sharma had taken a break from mainstream journalism to start a research project, Mission Possible Nepal, which he described as “a private initiative for public discourse on the political economy of Nepal.”  He wanted to diagnose the “real causes of the country’s backwardness and the right prescription for it.”

A lesser known side of Sharma’s later years was his spiritual quest. He was a keen follower of Paramhansa Yogananda, a 20th-century Indian yogi, who had stirred the Western world with his extraordinary teaching of Kriya Yoga and with a spiritual masterpiece, Autobiography of A Yogi. 

An inspiration for colleagues and juniors alike, Sharma was also a fine scholar, with several international papers to his credit.

Posting condolence messages on social media, the Nepali media community expressed deep sorrow over Sharma’s untimely demise. Bandana Rana, a noted journalist and a member of UN CEDAW, writes on Facebook: “There was so much more to learn from Sushil Sharma’s professional and spiritual journey!”

Posting a condolence tweet, former vice-chair of the National Planning Commission Swarnim Wagle remembered Sharma as “an exceptional gentleman, a seasoned journalist with integrity; and a thoughtful citizen who cared deeply about his country.”

Sharma is survived by wife, a son and daughter-in-law.