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Bangladesh's two major parties, the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), have rejected Interim Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus' proposal to hold nationwide elections in April 2026.

The announcement, made during his Eid address marking ten months in power, was criticized as an attempt to delay the electoral process, according to Firstpost.

Following a meeting headed by acting chairman Tarique Rahman, the BNP stated that Yunus' speech went beyond a festive message and ignored the Interim Government's three-point mandate.

Both parties are demanding elections be held by the end of 2025, Firstpost reported.

Bangladesh has introduced a new series of banknotes that omit political portraits in favor of showcasing the country’s cultural, religious, and historical heritage. Launched under the interim administration of Muhammad Yunus, the redesign marks a departure from decades of currency featuring Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the nation’s founding leader, according to Firstpost.

The new notes feature locations, traditional symbols, and natural landscapes, but no human beings appear. According to Bangladesh Bank, the effort seeks to express national identity while incorporating advanced security elements to combat counterfeiting.

Officials believe that the makeover emphasizes a neutral and unified portrayal of the country, Firstpost reported.

The appointment of Mohammad Yunus as Chief Advisor of Bangladesh, after the acrimonious removal of Sheikh Hasina, signifies an unparalleled shift in the nation’s political course. Globally recognized as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and innovator of microfinance via Grameen Bank, Yunus ascended to the highest executive role amid a period of national upheaval. His leadership has emerged when Bangladesh faces a confluence of challenges—severe economic downturn, waning investor confidence, geopolitical strife in South and Southeast Asia and a domestic landscape characterised by civil upheaval and institutional exhaustion. 

The unelected top official of Bangladesh has been in the news since the ouster of his predecessor, Sheikh Hasina. When the students of Bangladesh, after the uprising, chose Yunus as a top executive, they must have had a few things in their minds: his international stature, his closeness to the Western governments, his reputation as a global economist and finally, for some, his secular credentials. These qualities of Yunus are not providing dividends for the current political climate of Bangladesh. The most recent example of this tension has been the visible opposition from Bangladesh’s Army to the Yunus-proposed ‘humanitarian corridor’.  

Other than that, in a recent speech in Beijing, Yunus stated that India’s northeastern territories are ‘landlocked’ and suggested that Bangladesh could serve as their natural conduit to the Indian Ocean. Although ostensibly a harmless appeal for regional connection and collaboration, the speech directly aligned with Beijing’s geopolitical characterization of India’s vulnerabilities. Chinese state media promptly disseminated Yunus’s statements, portraying Bangladesh as a neutral yet empathetic regional participant. The political characterization of India’s Northeast is very sensitive. India regards this region as strategically vital, mainly because of the constricted Siliguri corridor, often called the ‘Chicken’s Neck’—and symbolically significant for its domestic cohesion. The speech was interpreted in New Delhi as an implicit endorsement of China's enduring attempts to undermine Indian sovereignty in Arunachal Pradesh and to globalize the geopolitical character of the Northeast.

India's response was prompt and multifaceted. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in a pointed retort, affirmed that the Northeast is “central to India’s growth narrative, not peripheral or isolated,” clearly countering Yunus’ assertion, with geographic and diplomatic connotations. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar intensified the matter by publicly alleging that Yunus was “cherry-picking narratives” and emphasized to Dhaka the profound economic, cultural and historical dimensions of Indo-Bangladeshi relations.

Central to India’s response is the Siliguri corridor—a 22-kilometer-wide land passage linking the remainder of India with its northeastern states. The ‘Chicken’s Neck’ is commonly referred to as one of the nation’s most significant strategic vulnerabilities. Yunus’ comments directly contributed to India’s enduring apprehension of encirclement. The episode revitalized New Delhi’s security dialogue, with Indian defense strategists cautioning about a ‘chicken with two necks’, wherein Bangladesh and China may exert pressure on India’s most vulnerable spot together.

It was another blow to an already fragile relationship between India and Bangladesh, considering Bangladesh’s ex-PM Sheikh Hasina is currently residing in India, fearing persecution in Bangladesh. The current Bangladesh government has demanded her return from India. On its part, the government of India has been wary of the current regime as it has “failed to stop the persecution of minorities after the ouster of Sheikh Hasina”. 

While the current regime in Bangladesh has signalled strong ties with China, they are yet to see any material impact. Other than that, Pakistan has also made overtures toward Bangladesh, which the current regime has welcomed, but the strategic and economic viability of this relationship is in question. The political climate in the West has also changed drastically since the arrival of Donald Trump as US president. His transactional relationship is haunting the US’ oldest and most steadfast allies. In his first term, Trump was particularly interested in the Indo-Pacific to counter China. Bangladesh finalized its Indo-Pacific strategy in 2023 during Hasina’s tenure, which more or less aligned with the US’ vision. However, the US is currently dealing with two evolving crises in Gaza and Ukraine, and the Indo-Pacific has again taken a back seat. The other economic powers are trying to cut deals with the US because of Trump’s trade war threat.

Yunus must embrace a more equitable and realistic strategy that harmonizes with Bangladesh’s domestic circumstances and the shifting geopolitical environment to traverse the intricate political and diplomatic landscape ahead. Although advantageous, his global credentials and reformer persona must now be enhanced by a more profound engagement with regional nuances and state institutions. In the light of the recent tensions with India, it would be wise for Yunus to implement confidence-building measures that strengthen Bangladesh’s dedication to regional peace and cooperative benefits, especially on connectivity, trade and border security. This does not inherently necessitate a withdrawal from alliances with other nations, such as China; nevertheless, it demands meticulous recalibration to prevent the appearance of strategic alignment with any one entity. 

Simultaneously, Yunus must tackle national issues regarding governance and institutional credibility. Establishing communication lines with political players, especially moderate opposition factions and civil society, may alleviate tensions and facilitate a more inclusive political process. Enhancing civilian-military interactions will be crucial for ensuring policy continuity and internal consistency. His initiatives, including the humanitarian corridor, must be conveyed transparently and deliberated within national institutions to prevent misunderstandings or suspicions of unilateralism.

Bangladesh’s future will likely hinge on its capacity to sustain strategic flexibility while strengthening internal cohesion. As global power dynamics change and regional alliances develop, Yunus’ leadership will be evaluated on his ability to establish Bangladesh as a constructive regional participant, engaging with all significant actors without excessive dependence on any, and grounding its diplomacy in national consensus and institutional robustness.

The author is pursuing his doctoral research from the School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi

At least thirty-four people have died in India’s northeast after days of heavy rain caused severe floods and landslides, with more downpours expected. In Sikkim, over thousand stranded tourists are being evacuated, while rescue operations continue in Meghalaya and Assam, according to Reuters.

In neighboring Bangladesh, a landslide killed four family members in Sylhet. Authorities in both nations have issued warnings and opened emergency shelters as the possibility of more flash floods and landslides grows.

India has called on Bangladesh to hold early, free, and inclusive elections to honor the people’s mandate, as the country faces political instability.

Chief Advisor Muhammad Yunus of Bangladesh has proposed holding elections between December 2025 and June 2026, assuring he will not extend his tenure beyond that period. However, political parties and the military have demanded elections be held sooner, according to Firstpost.

Bangladesh's Army Chief, Waker-Uz-Zaman, described the current scenario as chaotic, warning that civil administration and law enforcement have collapsed and calling for elections in December to restore order.

India's Ministry of External Affairs highlighted that the interim administration is in charge of preserving law and order till elections are held, Firstpost reported.

Government primary school teachers in Bangladesh began an indefinite strike from Monday, joining public sector workers in opposing a new legislation that allows federal servants to be dismissed without due process, Reuters reported.

The interim administration, which has been led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus since August 2024, is facing increasing criticism from teachers, civil personnel, political groups, and the military.

The ordinance has provoked countrywide protests, with activists calling for its immediate repeal. Following widespread criticism, the administration reversed its decision to disband the National Board of Revenue.

Yunus has proposed elections by June 2026, but opposition parties and the army are pushing for polls by December 2025. Political tensions escalated after the Awami League’s registration was suspended, barring it from the next election, according to Reuters.

Yunus has held talks with key political parties to ease the crisis.

Bangladesh's interim government has banned the Awami League, the political party of deposed former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, under the country's Anti-Terrorism Act due to national security concerns.

The prohibition comes after the National Citizen Party, along with Islamist and right-wing groups, staged escalating demonstrations demanding that the party be labeled a terrorist organization. The government stated that the ban will remain in place until the Awami League and its officials are tried for alleged involvement in protester deaths, according to Reuters.

A new amendment to the International Crimes Tribunal Act allows political parties to be prosecuted as entities, clearing the way for the trial.

The Awami League declared the ruling unlawful and challenged the temporary government's authority, Reuters reported.

The Indian government has unexpectedly dismissed Krishnamurthy Subramanian from his position on the IMF board, six months before his term was supposed to finish. This decision comes only days before a critical IMF board meeting to approve a $1.3bn climate resilience loan for Pakistan, Firstpost reported.

According to government sources, Subramanian's departure was due to his questioning of IMF figures, which occurred amid continuing conflicts between him and the institution. In addition, the former chief economic adviser is facing allegations of misconduct related to his book promotion.

The government has not yet named a replacement, though Finance Secretary Ajay Seth, who is set to retire in June, is being considered. Subramanian, who began his IMF post in November 2022, was appointed for a three-year tenure, as stated by the Firstpost.

The position, which represents India, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka at the IMF, is now vacant, with Harischandra Pahath Kumbure Gedara listed as the alternate director.

India has said that its decision to withdraw the transshipment facility extended to Bangladesh would not affect Bangladesh’s exports to Nepal and Bhutan. In a weekly press conference, Randhir Jaiswal, spokesperson at the  Ministry of External Affairs said decisions would not affect  regional integration and trade.

We do have that in mind that regional trade needs to be promoted, he said, so that how I would look at India-Bangladesh ties.  Last week, India revoked the transshipment facility it granted to Bangladesh, meaning Bangladesh can no longer export goods to third countries through Indian ports and airports.

Chinese President Xi Jinping met Bangladesh’s interim government chief, Muhammad Yunus, in Beijing on Friday, AFP reported.

The visit comes as Bangladesh seeks new allies in the wake of strained relations with India.

Yunus is on a four-day visit to China to strengthen ties and attract investment. He previously went to the Boao Forum for Asia in Hainan, according to AFP.

This is his first bilateral visit after taking office in August 2024, coinciding with the 50th anniversary of Bangladesh-China diplomatic relations.

 Yunus is joined by Foreign Affairs Adviser Md Touhid Hossain, Energy Adviser Muhammad Fouzul Kabir Khan, High Representative Khalilur Rahman, SDG Coordinator Lamiya Morshed, and Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam.

On Nov 15, Nepal marked a historic milestone by beginning to export 40 MW of electricity to Bangladesh via the Indian grid. This first-ever trilateral power transaction between Nepal, India, and Bangladesh symbolizes a significant step toward sub-regional power connectivity. In 2023, India announced its facilitation of this cooperation, setting the stage for broader regional energy trade. Currently, Nepal exports surplus hydroelectricity to the Indian market, and this agreement enables the export of electricity to Bangladesh, creating a foundation for future expansion.

Bangladesh has long expressed interest in investing in Nepal's hydropower projects and is now negotiating with Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) to import power generated by the 25 MW Trishuli and 22 MW Chilime hydropower projects. However, complexities arise from India’s policy of not purchasing electricity from hydropower projects involving Chinese investment. This forces Nepal to seek alternative markets, such as Bangladesh, for energy generated by China-linked projects. Over the past decade, India and China have vied to invest in Nepal’s hydropower sector, but India has established a dominant presence. While discussions between Nepal and China on a potential power trade agreement continue, tangible progress remains limited.

Nepal’s hydropower sector currently comprises 124 operational plants with a combined capacity of 2,600 MW, alongside 235 projects under construction. Presently generating approximately 2,700 MW, Nepal is projected to reach 10,000 MW within the next decade. Yet, inadequate transmission infrastructure hampers optimal utilization, with hydropower plants forced to scale down production during the monsoon. Remote hydropower projects remain disconnected from the national grid, compelling the government to prioritize transmission line construction.

The Ministry of Energy, Water Resources, and Irrigation has introduced an ambitious plan, the Energy Development Roadmap and Action Plan 2023–2035. This blueprint envisions meeting Nepal’s projected peak demand of 13,500 MW by 2035 while exporting 15,000 MW to India and Bangladesh. Achieving this target necessitates generating 28,500 MW of renewable energy within the timeframe. Both India and Bangladesh seek clean energy sources to meet growing demands, and Nepal’s abundant hydropower offers a sustainable solution.

Uncertainty surrounding Nepal’s electricity market persisted for years, but key agreements have fostered confidence. A pivotal moment came in January 2023, when Nepal and India signed a long-term energy agreement, with India committing to purchase 10,000 MW of electricity over the next decade. This agreement has spurred international investment interest in Nepal’s hydropower sector.

Earlier, in April 2022, Nepal and India signed a joint vision statement on power sector cooperation. This agreement highlighted joint hydropower development, cross-border transmission infrastructure, and bi-directional power trade. Both countries also pledged to expand collaboration under the BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, and Nepal) framework, incorporating mutually beneficial terms. India’s quest for renewable energy aligns with its commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2070, positioning Nepal as a key energy partner. India has also deepened energy ties with Bhutan, exporting electricity and exploring new energy trade avenues.

Nepal has already started exporting surplus electricity to India during the monsoon, reaching nearly 1,000 MW in 2023. Power trade is seen as a vital means to reduce Nepal’s trade imbalance with India. Cross-border transmission lines, such as an 18-km link under the US Millennium Challenge Corporation's support, are crucial for enhancing energy trade. India is also assisting in constructing additional transmission infrastructure to strengthen bilateral energy connectivity.

Beyond India, Bangladesh is emerging as a promising energy market for Nepal. According to Bangladesh’s 2023 energy report, its total power consumption is 24,911 MW, with natural gas accounting for 45 percent, coal 11 percent, imports 11 percent, diesel 4 percent, furnace oil 26 percent, and hydropower contributing less than 1 percent. This dependency on fossil fuels highlights the need for clean energy, creating vast opportunities for cooperation with Nepal.

Other South Asian countries, such as Pakistan and Bhutan, also possess significant hydropower potential. Pakistan's estimated hydropower capacity is 60,000 MW, of which only 8,000 MW has been developed. Bhutan, with its long-standing energy partnership with India, demonstrates the feasibility of harnessing hydropower for regional benefit.

While bilateral agreements have gained traction, the prospect of a regional energy framework remains uncertain. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) signed a framework agreement on electricity cooperation in 2014, emphasizing regional power trade, energy efficiency, and conservation. However, strained relations between India and Pakistan have hindered progress. Similarly, BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) has shown potential. The fourth BIMSTEC Summit in Kathmandu in 2018 proposed forming an intergovernmental group to enhance energy cooperation, particularly in hydropower and renewables.

Recent developments, such as Nepal’s trilateral power trade agreement with India and Bangladesh, could serve as a model for broader regional collaboration. By overcoming geopolitical challenges and fostering synergy, South Asian countries can unlock the immense potential of renewable energy trade. A united effort can transform the region into a hub of sustainable energy, benefiting all stakeholders while addressing pressing environmental and economic challenges.

Bangladesh defeated host Nepal to retain the title of the South Asian Football Federation (SAFF) Women's Championship.

In the match played under lights at Dashrath Stadium in Tripureshwor, Bangladesh defeated Nepal by 2-1 goals. Two years ago, Bangladesh had defeated Nepal by 3-1 goals to win the championship for the first time.

All the three goals were scored in the second half, after the first half ended in a goalless draw. Bangladesh took the lead in the 52nd minute, with Monica Chakma opening the scoresheet. However, the lead did not last long, as Nepal's Amisha Karki made it 1-1 in the 56th minute.

Ritu Porna Chokma scored in the 81st minute, as her cross into the box from the left flank beat Nepali goalkeeper to make it 2-1 for the visitors. The scoreline did not change, as Nepal failed to exert any pressure in the remaining nine minutes and added five minutes.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, who watched the final, also gave away the championship trophy and medals to the winners and runner-up.

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Urban Development Prakashman Singh, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, Minister for Youth and Sports Minister Tejulal Chaudhary, ANFA President Pankaj Nembang, were among the dignitaries present at the full-house stadium to watch the final match.

Nepal lost in the final for the sixth time, four times to India and two times, including this one, to Bangladesh. India have won the championship five times while Bangladesh made it two in a row, after winning in 2022.

Host Nepal had made it to the final after defeating five-time champions India 4-2 in a penalty shootout in the semi-final. Bangladesh eased to the finals following a 7-1 win against Bhutan.

The route for electricity export from Nepal to Bangladesh has officially opened. With the signing of an electricity sale agreement between three companies from Nepal, India and Bangladesh on Thursday, Nepal is set to export electricity to a third country for the first time. Nepal has been exporting electricity to India for the past three years.

A tripartite Power Sale Agreement (PSA) was signed between the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), the Bangladesh Power Development Board (BPDB) and India’s NTPC Vidyut Vyapar Nigam Ltd (NVVN) during a program held in Kathmandu. As part of this agreement, Nepal will export 40 MW of electricity to Bangladesh in the first phase.

The agreement outlines that Nepal will sell the electricity, which will be transported through India’s transmission lines, and Bangladesh will purchase it. NEA Executive Director Kulman Ghising, BPDB President Rejul Karim and NVVN CEO Renu Narang signed the agreement.

The signing took place in the presence of Nepal’s Minister for Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation Deepak Khadka, and Bangladesh’s Minister for Forest, Environment, Climate Change and Water Resources, Syeda Rizwana Hasan. The Indian Ambassador to Nepal, Naveen Srivastava, was also present at the event.

Although the tripartite agreement was originally scheduled for July, it was postponed due to political protests in Bangladesh.

NEA Executive Director Ghising described the agreement as a milestone in South Asia’s energy cooperation, stating, “This is the culmination of our shared vision. It will open doors for subregional and regional cooperation.”

According to the agreement, NEA will export electricity to BPDB at a rate of about Rs 8.64 per unit (6.40 US cents).

For the export to Bangladesh, BPDB will pay a ‘wheeling charge’ to NVVN for using India’s transmission lines.

Nepal will install an electricity meter in Muzaffarpur, India, where the amount of electricity exported to Bangladesh will be recorded. NEA will bear the technical losses incurred up to that point, while Bangladesh will cover the technical losses from Muzaffarpur to its border. As a result, the price of electricity will increase from 6.4 cents to 7.6 cents per unit by the time it reaches Bangladesh.

Bangladesh will receive electricity through the Brahmapur (India)–Bheramara (Bangladesh) 400 KV transmission line, which it currently uses to import electricity from NVVN.

The agreement, which is valid for five years, stipulates that 144m units of electricity will be exported to Bangladesh annually, Ghising stated. He also noted that around Rs 1.21trn worth of electricity will be exported to Bangladesh each year.

The export will begin after receiving the necessary permissions from India, making Nepal the first country to export electricity to a third country, according to Ghising.

He added that Nepal aims to export 10,000 MW of electricity to India and 5,000 MW to Bangladesh in the future.

The NEA plans to export electricity generated by the 25 MW Trishuli and 22 MW Chilime hydropower projects—both built with Indian subsidies and owned by the authority—to Bangladesh. Both projects have received approval for electricity export to India.

For the next five years, the authority will sell 40 MW to Bangladesh during the rainy season, from June 15 to Nov 15 each year.

Bangladesh had previously decided to import 40 MW from Nepal. On Dec 20 last year, the Economic Affairs Committee of Bangladesh’s Council of Ministers under then Finance Minister Mustafa Kamal approved BPDB’s proposal to import 40 MW.

NEA and BPDB agreed on the electricity rate in late February. A tripartite agreement was prepared in Kathmandu on July 13, but it was delayed due to political unrest in Bangladesh.

Nobel laureate Mohammad Yunus, as the nominee of the agitating student leaders, is leading the advisory government of Bangladesh after the students uprising of July succeeded in dislodging Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year-old dictatorial government. As per the Army Chief’s advice, as reported, Hasina resigned and fled to India for her safety in the wake of violent protests. The takeover of the country has brought back a semblance of law and order in the country after a spate of revengeful activities targeted against Hasina’s supporters and the minority Hindu community. At this point in time, the Yunus government would do well to draw a roadmap for holding elections at the earliest to restore democracy, as Bangladesh has a history of frequent military interventions.

Per media reports, more than 400 agitators lost their lives since the agitation began. But a question arises: Did the Hasina government direct the army to shoot so many people? The army could have exercised restraint, as the protesters were not its enemy. Had it made its limitations known to the government, the result could have been different. If that had happened, Hasina, in all likelihood, would have been spared the trouble of fleeing the country to save her life.

With Hasina effectively out of national politics, the army has become more relevant, as without its support the interim government cannot function.     

Looking back, Bangladesh is the youngest country of South Asia created in 1972. Hitherto, it was West Pakistan, which was the creation of the partition of India in August 1947 on the ground of Muslim-majority areas. Mujibur Rahman, who achieved independence for Bangladesh with support from India, was not allowed to lead the country, as he was assassinated along with all family members except his two daughters (who were abroad) on 15 Aug 1975, the independence day of India. Ziaur Rahman, who led the military coup against Mujib, ruled the country from 1975 to 1981 after which another military General Hussain Mohammed Ershad held the reins from 1982 to 1990. 

The politics changed gradually, as Khaleda Zia, the widow of Ziaur Rahman, assumed assassinated at the hands of the Ershad group and Sheikh Hasina (in revenge of the assassination of her father and other family members), joine hands against Ershad, who paved the way for the restoration of parliamentary system. In 1991, a caretaker government held general elections through which Khaleda Zia came to power and completed her five-year term. The tradition of caretaker governments holding elections continued in 1996, 2001 and 2008. Hasina formed the government in 1996 after a poll win, only to lose power to her nemesis Khaleda in 2001. Two years after getting elected for the second time in 2009, Hasina abolished the system, sparking a strident opposition from Khaleda and her party. The relations between the two parties (Hasina’s Awami League and Zia’s Bangladesh Nationalist Party) and the two leaders got so worse that Zia and her party did not contest the 2024 general elections, after which Zia landed behind bars on charges of corruption. 

Hasina’s decision to rule the country single-handedly by ignoring, suppressing and persecuting the opposition on the charges of corruption ultimately brought about her downfall.

As Hasina appeared increasingly partisan, this shade of hers perhaps led people to believe that she was no longer a leader suitable for steering an unstable democracy, which has suffered repeated military coups. Her sudden departure from the political scene was the result of constant and concerted efforts on the part of her opponents to remove her from power. It is quite possible that the powerful elements opposing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman did not like to see his heir Hasina leading an independent and secular Bangladesh with good relations with India as the demolition of the statue of Rahman and burning of the houses of the Hindus show. 

Hasina’s autocratic rule and a strain of extremism coming from the political force under Khaleda Zia helped the situation to explode. A major reason for the agitation was the legal provision of reserving 30 percent quota for the family members of the veterans of 1971’s war of independence against Pakistan. Though morally justified during the early days of independence, the quota system had lost its relevance. Perhaps oblivious to the atrocities that their parents suffered during the struggle for independence, the new generation is fighting for a better life amid limited opportunities for employment.

What has happened in Bangladesh can happen in any other country with similar conditions. Politicians blinded by absolute power never want to give it up. They want to cling to power by hook or crook. They do not realize that a prolonged stay in positions of power makes them repulsive.  If the frustration among the youth and public despair continue for long and politicians do not take suitable measures to address this volatile situation, public outrage may erupt like a volcano in Nepal also. 

Molasses worth Rs 150 million have been exported to Bangladesh in Fiscal Year 2023/24 via the Kakadbhitta transit point in Koshi Province.

Subash Pandeya, Chief of Nepal Transit and Warehousing Company Limited, Kakadbhitta Branch Office, said 9741.65 metric tons of molasses was exported to Bangladesh last fiscal year. He said 3,555.6 metric tons of molasses worth Rs 53.19 million has been exported via Kakadbhitta transit until August 30 of the current fiscal year 2024/25 beginning July 16.

Trader and clearing agent Nabin Dahal said that the export of molasses to Bangladesh has increased in the wake of India imposing a 50 percent tax on the export of molasses from there. He said the export of molasses to Bangladesh from Nepal is likely to surge in future with India imposing higher tax on its export.

Pandeya, the Chief of Nepal Transit and Warehousing Company Limited, Kakadbhitta Branch Office, said that trade is carried out with Bangladesh from the Nepal's eastern transit point Kakadbhitta through Fulbari in West Bengal, India and Banglabandh, the northern transit  point of Bangladesh.

Amid growing concerns over the future of Nepali medical students studying abroad, a group of students recently met with top government officials to voice their concerns and demands. They met with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana, Minister for Education, Science, and Technology Bidya Bhattarai, as well as top political leaders and officials from the Nepal Medical Council (NMC) and Medical Education Commission (MEC) and other medical organizations. During these meetings, the students presented a two-point demand letter, asking the Nepal government to arrange internship placements within the country.

Students who complete their MBBS examinations in Bangladesh are required to undertake mandatory internships at hospitals affiliated with various medical colleges before graduating. A year of internship is essential to qualify as a medical doctor. The students argue that providing internships in Nepal would help retain skilled young professionals, familiarize them with the local medical system and improve healthcare services nationwide.

Navin Yadav, chair of the Nepalese Medical Students’ Association, Bangladesh, who is leading the campaign, expressed his frustration thus: “Despite the desire to study in our home country, the situation of being forced to leave our families and country for education, along with the long-term commitment, hard work, high fees and numerous other challenges to obtain a degree, it is disheartening that there are no facilities to support and encourage us in our own country.”

The students have also requested an amendment to the provision requiring a six-month internship for the license examination conducted by the NMC. They advocate for these internships to be scheduled immediately following the MBBS final exams, eliminating unnecessary delays.

“Nepali students must pay the internship fee at the time of admission, which is typically five years in advance, in order to do an internship at a private medical college in Bangladesh. This fee is then returned to them monthly as a salary,” Yadav says. “Even those who study in government medical colleges do not receive any stipend while doing their internship.”

Many organizations have been established in the name of advancing the medical field, yet despite being led by doctors themselves, students complain that these bodies are not taking the lead in improving the medical system, supporting healthcare workers, or enhancing the overall system. The students stressed the absence of policies and opportunities that would encourage young professionals to stay in Nepal and contribute to its development. They questioned when the corrupt mentality of forcing qualified professionals to go abroad for personal gain will end. The students also argued that the state should set clear criteria for colleges and universities, ensuring that those who study abroad for medical education should be permitted to study only in institutions that meet these standards.

Dr Choplal Bhusal, chairperson of the NMC and former ambassador of Nepal to Bangladesh, acknowledged that while he understands the students’ concerns, their demands cannot be addressed as the council’s regulations require internships to be completed in the country where the students are studying. “Nepal does not even have the capacity to provide internships for medical students studying abroad,” he explained. “Moreover, Nepali students who go abroad to study medicine do so with the permission to complete their internships in the respective country’s colleges. The internship system in Nepal is complex, and amending the council’s laws and regulations is not an easy process. The Cabinet would need to make such decisions.”

However, the Association of Private Medical and Dental Colleges of Nepal has expressed its readiness to provide internship facilities to Nepali medical students who return home after leaving their internships midway in Bangladesh. Issuing a statement, the association expressed concern about the students’ academic progress and future. “We are deeply concerned about the well-being of Nepali students in Bangladesh during such a difficult time. However, in our country, such cases are not being addressed with the seriousness they deserve,” read the statement signed by Prof Dr Gyanendra Man Singh Karki, president of the association. Neighboring countries like India and even Bangladesh also allow students to complete their internships within the country.

Meanwhile, the Nepal government is awaiting a report from a study committee formed under the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology to study the issue. Although the committee was given a 10-day deadline that ended on Aug 20, the report has yet to be published or submitted. The students have warned that they will start protests if their demands are not met.

In July 2021, when several Nepali medical students returned home from China during the Covid-19 pandemic without completing their internships, the MEC allowed them to complete their remaining internships in Nepal. “Students from Bangladesh are seeking a similar response, especially given the current political turmoil in Bangladesh,” says Yadav. 

Due to ongoing protests in Bangladesh, most Nepali medical students, including those in the middle of their internships, have returned home. An estimated 3,500 Nepali students, the majority of whom are pursuing medical degrees, are enrolled in various Bangladeshi universities. According to Nepal’s embassy in Dhaka, about 400 students remain in Bangladesh. However, the students’ demands extend beyond the current emergency situation; they are calling for a permanent change in the law to allow internships in Nepal. 

Additionally, the students have urged the government to address the shortage of medical seats in Nepal, which forces many to seek education abroad. “We are forced to go abroad for medical education due to the lack of seats in Nepal. This not only affects us but also has economic implications for the country. If we could study here, we could do so safely,” read the statement submitted by the students to various ministries.