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Nepal has established legal frameworks to combat corruption, yet it remains deeply embedded within political and institutional frameworks. This entrenchment is particularly evident when high-ranking elected leaders openly defend corrupt actors.

Policy corruption refers to manipulation of public policies for private gains. It has surged in Nepal because of several interrelated factors: parliamentary affairs buckling down to party whips and whims, the increasing dependency of civil society groups on international assistance at the expense of their autonomy and the loss of credibility within Nepal’s highly politicized judiciary. Institutions that are supposed to check executive powers are either failing to do their jobs or have become part of the kleptocratic network. As a result, budget (policy) caters to a significant number of new projects rather than offering directions to complete the existing ones. Funds are mostly directed to projects that are susceptible to theft, rather than those that genuinely serve the public interest. This leads to a decline in investments in essential social sectors such as education and health. For instance, Nepal’s federal education budget decreased from 15.66 percent of total expenditure in fiscal year 2013-14 to just 11.27 percent in 2023-24, reaching the lowest 5.18 percent in 2017-18. While the health sector budget rose from three percent in 2017-18 to 8.6 percent in 2021-22—likely due to the pressing need to respond to Covid pandemic—it subsequently dropped to 5.8 percent in 2023-24. These allocations fall significantly short of comparable international benchmarks for investment in essential social sectors.

Public procurement is one of the important government functions. It is also one of the most vulnerable public functions because it receives a substantial portion of public funds, accounting for nearly 25 percent of the total public expenditure. According to the Asian Development Bank (ADB), if principal debt payments are excluded, this figure can go as high as 50 percent. Regardless, the share of procurement in public expenditure is significant and it is likely to grow. However, the credibility of public procurement has declined, and the process has become cumbersome and expensive, increasing incentives to bypass established protocols by offering favors to public officials. This trend has been amplified by a growing nexus between government and the private sector, exemplified by the increasing number of lawmakers representing the business community. Many elected officials have openly promoted their personal businesses while serving in public office, further blurring the lines between private gain and public responsibility.

According to a study conducted by the Federation of Contractors’ Associations of Nepal (FCAN), eight construction entrepreneurs won seats in the House of Representatives in the 2022 general election. Eleven others secured provincial assembly seats. Additionally, in the local body elections held in May 2022, 247 contractors got elected, including 104 as mayors or chairpersons. Furthermore, 129 contractors were elected as ward chairpersons, 14 as ward members and two as district coordination committee members. Recently, the chairperson of a prominent construction company was appointed Minister for Urban Development. The minister continued to run his business and made decisions that benefited his company

Both the Public Procurement Act, 2007 and its associated regulations brought a year later grant significant discretionary authority to public officials. As a result, decisions regarding the types and locations of projects—airports and view towers come to mind—often lack a scientific basis. This discretionary authority arises primarily from deliberately ambiguous language within the laws. The procurement laws, for example, are filled with terms that can be manipulated for personal gain, such as “as prescribed” (‘tokiye bamojim’) and “maybe” (garina sakine cha). Notably, the term “as prescribed” appears 62 times, while "maybe” is mentioned 67 times in the procurement regulations.

It is striking that, in a country where policymaking tends to be slow, the procurement regulations have been amended 13 times since their introduction in 2008. Notably, six of these amendments (from the 6th to the 11th) occurred within just one year. Among these changes, the most controversial pertained to the criteria for assessing the financial qualifications of bidders, which have been altered multiple times. Other amendments permitted businesses to extend project timelines and raised the upper threshold for domestic-only competition. One particular amendment restricted competition by only allowing a select few businesses to bid for projects up to Rs 5bn. It is evident many of these amendments were not implemented to serve the national interest but rather to favor one or two particular companies.

While many scholars agree that the primary objectives of public procurement should be to support the acquisition of quality goods and services at competitive costs in a timely manner, the prevailing focus in Nepal tends to be on low-cost bidding. Technical evaluation is part of the process, but it is often discarded after preliminary screening. Although the law does not explicitly require a need to prioritize the lowest cost, this approach is how oversight institutions typically evaluate procurement activities. As a result, contractors are incentivized to underbid, only to seek contract extensions at higher costs later on.

Public procurement is indeed a daunting task. For public officials, fear of punitive measures sometimes works as a deterrent. The incumbent Minister for Health and Population has noted that some existing legal provisions can frustrate good intentions. He explained how the ministry was unable to use life-saving equipment due to an ongoing investigation into the procurement process.

The minister’s call for safeguarding good intentions and developing a clear understanding of how to make procurement transparent makes sense. One effective way to begin this process is by facilitating dialogues around bills both before and after they are tabled in the parliament. We must find innovative ways to bring good people to policymaking at all levels. This approach can also help ensure that these bills do not become overly centered on individual or party interests.

The author is the executive director of Niti Foundation

Former Minister Govinda Raj Joshi was convicted of corruption by the Supreme Court (SC) on Sunday.

SC Justices Binod Sharma and Bala Krishna Dhakal announced the verdict convicting Joshi on corruption charges, SC's Assistant Spokesperson Govinda Prasad Ghimire said.

According to Ghimire, the SC has slapped Joshi with nine months in jail and a fine of Rs 6.9 million.

Earlier, the Special Court had convicted Joshi and fined Rs 21.61 million stating that he amassed the property illegally.

Following the Special Court's verdict, Joshi had lodged a petition at the Supreme Court some 11 years ago.

A day after assuming the high office, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said his government will work to bring positive results in all walks of national life. PM Oli said the new administration will work to make a noticeable impact on areas such as corruption control, development, construction work and public service delivery.

Speaking during a program that the CPN-UML’s Sindhupalchok district committee had organized at the PM’s official residence in Baluwatar on Tuesday, Oli said his government will focus on “good governance and development, corruption control/elimination and development”.
The government will work to remove difficulties facing the people in relation to public service delivery, he said, requesting all people to be confident that the three sectors—social, development and administration—will work in tandem to serve them. 

The government has taken the losses resulting from floods, landslides and natural disasters seriously, he said, adding that it is making arrangements for the distribution of relief materials.

The newly-formed Cabinet has decided to provide relief to the families of individuals missing for 10 days in natural disasters, including landslides, on a par with aid provided to the families of those deceased in the disasters. 

“Governments keep coming and going. But this change of guard has given rise to new hope and trust. The whole country is hopeful that good governance and development will follow. Also people are hopeful of getting the services and facilities easily,” Oli added.

PM Oli and his Cabinet took the oath of office and secrecy at Sheetal Niwas on Monday after his communist party, the CPN-UML, forged a coalition with the center-left Nepali Congress. This is Oli’s fourth term as PM. 

The Nepal Red Cross Society (NRCS) is facing serious allegations of corruption, financial mismanagement and governance failures.

A recent report by an investigation committee formed by the Social Welfare Council highlights multiple instances of governance breakdowns within the NRCS. According to the report, court orders, including a Supreme Court directive to reinstate the executive committee, were blatantly ignored. Instead, a politically backed faction has reportedly seized control of the institution, preventing the reinstated executive committee from functioning. This has allowed a group with vested interests to maintain illegal control over the organization, it added.

Likewise, the probe committee has raised concerns about the quality of blood distributed by the NRCS’s blood transfusion centers. The report states that the executive director was appointed in an illegal manner and that money was embezzled in the procurement of land in Bhaktapur.

According to the report, irregularities were observed in the procurement of goods and services, corruption was detected in the leasing of buildings and land, fixed deposits were provided to banks without competition, and management was not complying with existing rules and regulations. As many as 16 probe committees have been formed to investigate irregularities in the NRCS. Since the recommendations and suggestions given by these committees have not been implemented, the Social Welfare Council has requested the federal government to take immediate action to implement these suggestions and recommendations.

The latest probe committee was led by Sanjay Kumar Shah. Durga Prasad Bhattarai, Dipendra Pant, Dhruba Bhandari and Giriraj Kandel were the members of the committee.

Outstanding amounts not collected

The investigation committee found that the NRCS management was not putting efforts to recover a total of Rs 20.19m in outstanding rent fees from various individuals and firms. Among the defaulters, Star Enterprises alone owes Rs 1.89m to the NRS in unpaid rent. Additionally, the NRCS needs to collect Rs 7.12m from the Public Health Concern Trust, Rs 1.38m from Santosh Sapkota, Rs 936,380 from Gauri Shankar Dahal, Rs 904,805 from Gaurav Pokharel, and Rs 899,376 from Pramod Dhungana. Likewise, total recoverables, amounting to Rs 19.41m, have not been recorded in the NRCS accounts.

The committee also uncovered significant irregularities in the leasing of NRCS properties, including the building housing Kathmandu Model Hospital. Proper procedures were bypassed, and properties were rented out without competitive bidding or public notices, resulting in substantial financial losses, the committee stated in its report. Outstanding rent fees amounting to Rs 20.19m from various individuals and firms have not been collected, with some pending since the fiscal year 2020/21, it added.

Leadership issues 

According to the report, Umesh Dhakal lacks the legal grounds to continue serving as the Executive Director of the NRCS. It states that Dhakal’s financial transactions and activities during the transitional phase have not complied with existing laws and regulations. Dhakal’s term, along with that of another director, expired two and a half years ago. Although the District Administration, Kathmandu, permitted them to continue their roles until further arrangements were made, both have remained in their positions even after a new executive assumed office in June last year.

Irregularities in land procurement

The committee has concluded that Rs 210m was embezzled during the procurement of land in Bhaktapur. The NRCS purchased a land plot measuring 5 ropani 13 ana 3 paisa from Rajesh Deshemaru in Bhaktapur Municipality-4 for Rs 63.28m. However, various reports revealed that the actual land measurement was only 5 ropani 7 ana and 2 paisa.

The report highlights several irregularities in this transaction. It points out that the maximum cost for the land purchase was not determined beforehand, an unusually large amount of money was spent, and the procurement notice was published with a shortened notice period of 15 days instead of the standard 30 days. Additionally, the notice did not specify the frontage of the land.  

Furthermore, it was discovered that the purchased land lacked road access. To address this, the NRCS bought an additional 13 ana 3 paisa of land to construct a road to the plot, costing another Rs 9.95m.

Operational irregularities

According to the report, elections for the NRCS central committee, seven provincial committees, and over 50 district committees were conducted by violating established regulations. The NRCS statute specifies that only the general secretary and the executive committee have the authority to conduct elections. However, the report states that the executive director unilaterally appointed election officers and held elections across the center, provinces, and districts, bypassing the NRCS statutes and election regulations.

The report also highlights illegalities in the NRCS’s earthquake response program and staff management. Volunteers were found to have been reimbursed for airline tickets without the required approved travel orders, violating organizational rules and directives. It was unclear what work these travels were for, and no reports were submitted post-travel to justify the expenses, it added.

Further, the justification for travel undertaken by executive committee members and the disaster management committee coordinator during the earthquake response was not transparent. The report states that the NRCS failed to adopt cost-cutting and austerity measures despite its severe financial constraints.

Given the severity of the findings, the Ministry of Women, Children and Senior Citizens has recommended forming a new ad-hoc committee to hold a general assembly of the NRCS and implement the technical report's recommendations. Likewise, immediate action has been urged to address the serious quality issues at the blood transfusion centers. 

The investigation committee has called for the implementation of recommendations from various bodies, and suggested amending the NRCS constitution to limit the tenure of office-bearers to no more than two terms to prevent individuals from holding positions for prolonged periods.

The United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), the major treaty guiding anti-corruption work worldwide, does not explicitly define corruption. But the treaty, which entered into force in December 2005, includes a series of offenses that should be criminalized and fall under its jurisdiction. 

The purposes of this convention are: (a) To promote and strengthen measures to prevent and combat corruption more efficiently and effectively (b) To promote, facilitate and support international cooperation and technical assistance in the prevention of and fight against corruption, including in asset recovery and c) To promote integrity, accountability and proper management of public affairs and public property. 

Unlike the UNCAC, Transparency International (TI) and the World Bank (WB) appear to have no qualms about defining this scourge. TI defines corruption as the ‘abuse of entrusted power for private gain’ whereas the WB describes it as the ‘abuse of public office for private gain’.

In its website (transparency.org), TI further states: Corruption erodes trust, weakens democracy, hampers economic development and further exacerbates inequality, poverty, social division and the environmental crisis. Exposing corruption and holding the corrupt to account can only happen if we understand the way corruption works and the systems that enable it.

The World Bank Group states in its website (worldbank.org) that it considers corruption “a major challenge to its twin goals of ending extreme poverty by 2030 and boosting shared prosperity for the poorest 40 percent of people in developing countries”. 

It adds: Corruption has a disproportionate impact on the poor and most vulnerable, increasing costs and reducing access to services, including health, education and justice. Corruption in the procurement of drugs and medical equipment drives up costs and can lead to sub-standard or harmful products. The human costs of counterfeit drugs and vaccinations on health outcomes and the life-long impacts on children far exceed the financial costs. Unofficial payments for services can have a particularly pernicious effect on poor people. 

J S Nye describes corruption as “behavior which deviates from the formal duties of a public role because of private-regarding (personal, close family, private clique) pecuniary or status gains; or violates rules against the exercise of certain types of private-regarding influence.”

Drawing from these definitions, one can conclude that corruption is a scourge that can cause the multiple organ failure of states, lead to their ultimate collapse and threaten the world order too. 

How it works?

It takes two to tango. But corruption, policy corruption in particular, is way more complex than the famous Argentinian ballroom dance. Corruption seems to have given even King Prithvi Narayan Shah, one of the re-unifiers of Nepal, a pretty hard time. Otherwise, why would the powerful king declare through his Divyopadesh that the givers and the recipients of bribes were the biggest enemies of this country? 

The great king’s take on bribery is a pointer to a chronic and stubborn scourge sapping this country of its energies for ages. 

Corruption, policy corruption in particular, has been plaguing Nepal even after epochal political changes in the 1950’s, the 1990’s and in 2005-06, effected on the strength of popular movements launched for higher ideals like democracy, national sovereignty, human dignity, human rights and transparency. 

What do major scandals witnessed since the 1950’s point at? They point at institutionalization of corruption through a rigged polity, marked by weakening of the very walls separating the organs of the state and the system of checks and balances. 

Of course, there are various authorities in place, including the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), the courts and law enforcement agencies, to take on corruption. But they all lack teeth when it comes to dealing with policy corruption.

On top of it, whenever a major scam unravels, the government of the day swiftly constitutes commissions and committees to get to the root, identify the guilty and initiate legal action against them. 

But recent investigations into some of the most high-profile scams show the long arm of the law falling quite short when it comes to bringing the apex predators of the complex food web called policy corruption under the ambit of law. 

Interestingly, such investigations have never covered several treasonous bi-national treaties and agreements, effected with the consent of the sovereign Parliament (manufactured or otherwise) or without the consent, though several of such instruments have been negatively impacting generations of Nepalis and will continue to do so for ages, if the State takes no steps for their amendment. 

Also, TI’s annual reports show Nepal in an unenviable position in terms of the global corruption perception index (CPI), with a score ranging from 27 to 35 out of 100. This is hardly surprising in a society that worships power and wealth, regarding the rich and the powerful people as thula manchhe (‘great people’) without bothering to do a background check on such people, the source of their power and wealth, etc. While the holders of highest public offices responsible for making final decisions in cases of policy corruption go scot-free, the law unevenly applies to subordinate functionaries involved in paperwork.

The way forward

The weakening of the walls separating the principal organs of the state and the system of checks and balances means the State lacks the will to take on corruption, policy corruption in particular. This calls for those crusading against corruption, including jurists, journalists, retired law enforcement officials, politicians and retired bureaucrats to constitute an ombudsman, probe all major cases of policy corruption since the 1950’s in a free and fair manner, and make the findings public, as part of a relentless campaign against corruption. 

Here’s hoping that this move will put our fledgling State under tremendous moral pressure to act really tough against corruption.

The 61st Annual Report of the Auditor General on local government financial management and accountability has revealed serious issues. The report highlights that many local bodies are misusing funds and engaging in corruption and mismanagement. 

Common problems include excessive and unauthorized spending on travel, fuel, mobile phones, vehicles, and hospitality; hiring staff and advisors beyond approved positions; direct procurement without competitive bidding; paying higher wages and allowances than authorized; misuse of disaster relief and social security funds; and lack of proper accounting and documentation for expenses. According to the Auditor General’s report, local officials arbitrarily spent over Rs 185.32m on travel and monitoring, fuel, mobile phones, transportation vehicles, and hospitality.

Many local officials have made arbitrary expenditures on personal secretaries and advisors. The report indicates that 171 local units spent Rs 91.5m on the remuneration and facilities of personal secretaries in the fiscal year 2022/23. Additionally, 424 local units spent Rs 6.92bn on staff appointed on contract. Although local units are allowed to appoint only municipal police, drivers, office assistants, plumbers, electricians, security guards, gardeners, etc., on contract, 229 local bodies hired staff on contract beyond sanctioned positions and paid Rs 1.53bn in salaries and allowances. Furthermore, 625 local units spent Rs 7.22bn without competitive bidding, as required by law. According to Section 8 of the Public Procurement Act, 2006, procurement should be done without limiting competition. Rule 84 of the Regulations stipulates that procurements worth more than Rs 1m should be done through sealed quotations, and those above Rs 2m through sealed tenders.

Rs 1.06bn spent on consultancy services

During 2022/23, 312 local units spent Rs 1.06bn on feasibility studies, detailed project reports, master plan preparation, and other consultancy services. The Public Procurement Act mandates that consultancy services should only be used if the work cannot be performed by available human resources in public bodies. The report states that these local bodies did not maintain records of detailed project reports received from consultants, and most of these study reports were not implemented. The report also reveals that 193 local units spent Rs 186m to procure various computer software and applications without obtaining approval from the Department of Information Technology, as required by law. Twenty-nine of these local units did not utilize the procured software and applications.

During the year, 75 local units spent Rs 3.66bn to procure four-wheelers, and 130 local units spent Rs 207.2m to purchase two-wheelers. Similarly, 264 local units spent Rs 736.7m on vehicle repairs, while 327 local bodies spent Rs 1.56bn on fuel.

Irregularities via consumer committees

Rule 97 of the Public Procurement Regulations, 2007, states that consumer committees should be responsible only for labor-intensive work that does not require machines, tools, or equipment. However, 302 local bodies spent Rs 2.99bn through consumer committees for 3,314 construction works that involved the use of machines and equipment. According to the report, Rule 97(10) of the Public Procurement Regulations, 2007, prohibits consumer committees from using construction companies in projects they manage. Despite this, 122 local units approved cost estimates for 1,173 projects to be implemented through consumer committees and made payments of Rs 700.9m to construction committees.

Series of irregularities in education sector

The report states that 129 local units spent an additional Rs 33.98m on textbook procurement beyond what is recorded in the Education Management Information System (EMIS). Likewise, 101 local units disbursed Rs 24.76m more for scholarships than the amounts recorded in the EMIS. Additionally, 131 local units released Rs 39.76m more for teacher salaries and related facilities than documented in the system. Furthermore, 162 local units spent a total of Rs 1.31bn on teacher salaries and facilities, previously covered by schools through their internal funds. This included payments for teaching positions that were not officially approved.

Poor service delivery

Local units are responsible for providing easy and quality services by ensuring public participation, accountability, and transparency to implement the provisions related to local-level authority. According to the Auditor General’s report, service delivery has been ineffective due to a lack of staff recruitment as per approved positions, inadequate office buildings and other infrastructure, and geographical challenges. The report highlights numerous discrepancies, such as the approval of a large number of small fragmented projects by village/municipal assemblies, the non-implementation of approved projects, and the transfer of project funds to other headings. There is also excessive expenditure on unproductive and distributive programs, non-compliance with procurement laws, and a lack of sustainable planning.

Local bodies not conducting audits

As per Section 20 of the Audit Act, 2018, the accounts of local units should be audited by the Office of the Auditor General. However, the Auditor General’s report has found that many local bodies have not conducted audits. Mechinagar Municipality of Jhapa, Bishnupur Rural Municipality of Saptari, Bariyarpatti Rural Municipality of Siraha, Kabilasi Municipality of Sarlahi, Simraungadh Municipality of Bara, and Chankheli and Adanchuli Rural Municipalities of Humla have not conducted audits for 2022/23. Similarly, Kamala Municipality of Dhanusha, Chinnamasta Rural Municipality of Saptari, and Dhanauji Rural Municipality of Dhanusha have not audited their accounts for 2021/22.

Corruption in Nepal is a pervasive issue that hinders development and erodes public trust in government institutions. The Right to Information (RTI) Act, a powerful tool for transparency, aims to combat corruption by ensuring public access to information. However, a recent survey reveals that local governments are not RTI-friendly, posing significant challenges to transparency and accountability.

Local governments are not RTI friendly

This author has recently conducted a survey across 753 local governments in Nepal and confirmed that these entities are not RTI-friendly. Specifically, an RTI request for details on the purchase, maintenance, and fuel expenses for motorcycles procured for ward chairpersons revealed that only 210 out of 753 municipalities, or almost 29 percent, provided the requested information.

Among the respondents, Hilihang Rural Municipality questioned the legitimacy of the request, insisting that information be requested in person at their office. Varahatal and nine other municipalities redirected the requests to their financial and physical asset sections without providing the actual information. Approximately 30 percent of municipalities responded via email, stating that no motorcycles were purchased, hence there were no repair or fuel expenses. Most of these municipalities were from Taplejung District and Madhesh Province. Of the total information received, 20 percent came from section officers or IT officers instead of the designated information officer, and 10 percent was provided by the chief administrative officers.

District-wise RTI response rates

Among all 753 municipalities, Syangja District had the highest response rate, with 64 percent (seven out of 11) municipalities providing information. No information was received from any municipality in Dailekh, Dolakha, Eastern Rukum, Salyan, and Solukhumbu districts. Banke district ranked second, with 62.5 percent (five out of eight) municipalities responding, followed by Dolpa with 62.5 percent (five out of eight), and Panchthar, where 62 percent of the municipalities provided information. Districts with only one municipality providing information included Bardiya, Doti, Gorkha, Humla, Kapilvastu, Mugu, Mustang, Myagdi, Rasuwa, Rautahat, Rolpa, and Sankhuwasabha. Rautahat district had the lowest percentage of information providers, with only 5.56 percent (one out of 18) municipalities responding.

Discrepancies in reported expenses

In most local governments that provided information, transportation expenses were recorded according to provincial laws, but some municipalities reported unusually high expenses. One municipality reported spending Rs 68,000 on repairs for a single motorcycle over four months, and monthly petrol expenses were as high as 55 liters. The survey revealed a significant insight: municipalities that operated transparently had no trouble providing information, whereas those with financial opacity or expenditures made without proper legal and procedural frameworks were nearly impossible to obtain information from.

Academia delaying to embrace RTI

The academic sector has also been slow to embrace RTI. A review of 11 university websites revealed that very few publicly posted the photo, contact number, or email of the information officer, a mandatory provision of RTI. Notably, thousands of academic institutions like schools and colleges, where the huge amount of national budget has been spent, are out of access to information because they are not complying with the rule of RTI yet. Second important public service sector is the health sector and they are also not following the obligatory liability of RTI.

Corruption everywhere in Nepal

Corruption permeates every facet of Nepali society, as evidenced by Transparency International's 2023 report, which places Nepal 108th out of 180 countries with a score of only 35 points. Alarmingly, 84 percent of Nepali citizens view corruption as the country’s most significant problem, and 12 percent of those seeking public services admit to paying bribes. The challenge of reducing corruption is exacerbated by the fact that institutions meant to combat corruption often shelter corrupt individuals themselves, exemplified by the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal involving the Ministry of Home Affairs and other leaders of various political parties.

RTI to combat corruption

The right to information predates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On 14 Dec 1946, the United Nations General Assembly stated, ‘Freedom of information is a fundamental human right and the touchstone of all the freedoms to which the United Nations is dedicated.’ This right implies the ability to gather, transmit, and publish news without interference. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted in 1966, guarantees the right to information, albeit with some restrictions regarding the reputation of others, national security, incitement to violence, public health, and morals.

However, obtaining information from public bodies is not straightforward. The right to information campaign envisions a scenario where information is disclosed proactively without formal requests. The Right to Information Act 2007 and its Regulations 2008 mandate public bodies to disclose 20 types of information every three months.

The National Information Commission, established 16 years ago, has made limited progress. Only a small number of journalists and activists utilize RTI in their professional lives, and its promotion has not reached the general populace.

Role of citizens and challenges

Citizens can play a crucial role in monitoring government plans. No monitoring has been done on whether the projects have achieved the goals and objectives, which can be done effectively using RTI by general people. The case of Laxman Prasad Sarraf from Parsa district illustrates the challenges faced by citizens in exercising RTI. Despite multiple visits to the municipality and the National Information Commission, Sarraf has not received the requested information about the expenses and design statements for constructing a local school building. This highlights the structural weaknesses within the commission. Most of the information seekers have not been  following the process of RTI because of lack of awareness. 

To curb corruption and promote transparency, it is necessary to promote the positive impact of RTI among the general public. The lack of strong laws to protect whistleblowers also contributes to the difficulty in accessing information. Despite challenges and bureaucratic resistance, RTI empowers citizens to demand accountability and transparency. By leveraging RTI effectively, Nepal can make significant strides in curbing corruption and fostering a more transparent and accountable governance system. 

The Nepal government’s policies and programs for the fiscal year 2024/25 have been tabled in the federal Parliament on Tuesday.

President Ram Chandra Paudel presented the policies and programs of the government in the joint meeting of the federal Parliament this afternoon.

Presenting the government’s policies and programs, President Paudel said that the government is committed to bring political stability and good governance in the country for the economic and social transformation. He further said that the government is also committed to fulfill the dream of Prosperous Nepal, Happy Nepali,

He said that the government’s top priority is to control corruption.

The President said that the government is committed to conclude the peace process and to implement the balanced foreign policy.

He said that the government has a policy to operate the closed industries thereby creating a business environment.

Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha has viewed sluggishness, unaccountability and impunity are costing dear to governance in the country.

Corruption is a huge challenge before us, DPM Shrestha said, suggesting the home administration to maintain peace and law and order.

Addressing the Lumbini Province level security seminar here today, DPM Shrestha reminded that the government had aimed at building good governance, social justice and prosperity. Crime can be curbed by building peace, he suggested.

The DPM viewed people should ensure an atmosphere conducive for their realization of change. It is equally essential to increase public trust in the current system, he underscored. Entire society needs to build positivity for maintaining good governance.  "The concept of 'citizen first' should be internalized and enforced so that public service delivery can be effective.

According to him, public security and development works should be taken together. Rule of law, protection of human rights, and social stability are the government's priorities, he added.

He directed for the cooperation and collaboration among the province and local governments for good governance, stability and development. DPM Shrestha however said administrative and legal frameworks were yet to be built to enforce federalism in full scale.

He informed that the government was launching special schemes for the poverty-stricken community. He made the participants aware of misuse of social networks intended to disrupt social harmony.

"I direct the subordinates to take immediate action- to the extent of removal from post- against those who work in cahoots with criminals on girl trafficking, financial crimes, internet fraud, among others," DPM Shrestha underlined.

The seminar, to run for two days has witnessed participation of chief district officers and chiefs of security agencies from 12 districts in the province.

Zero tolerance for corruption and good governance have been the buzzwords in public administration in Nepal in recent years. However, the reality paints a different picture as corruption continues to proliferate at an alarming rate.

Although Nepal’s standing has marginally improved in Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, reaching a score of 35 this year, corruption remains a significant challenge for the country. Since Transparency International identifies a score below 50 as indicative of a high risk of corruption, there is a pressing need for Nepal to redouble its efforts in combating corruption and promoting good governance.

Prem Kumar Rai, the Chief Commissioner of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), said that the desired success in controlling corruption cannot be achieved unless politicians, employees, and citizens across all three tiers of government, exhibit a sense of responsibility towards good governance.

According to the CIAA’s annual report, different forms of corruption are rampant in Nepal. Here are some of them:

Infrastructure development

Following the adoption of federalism, corruption has thrived in development and construction projects implemented by all levels of government. Instances of misusing state resources during budget allocation, grants distribution, and service delivery have surged. The CIAA has received a significant number of complaints over the past five years related to bribery, illicit gains, and acquisition of illegal assets.

Procurement

The trend of making unnecessary purchases by public offices is on the rise. Construction companies are colluding with government officials to stifle competition in public procurement and construction projects. Direct procurement without competitive bidding has become increasingly common, Such cases are particularly evident during times of disasters. Allocation of budgets without proper justification and planning, as well as procurement without adherence to standards, are growing challenges in combating corruption.

Intermediaries

Middlemen have infiltrated public offices and are obstructing service delivery of these offices. As a result, the general public is forced to pay a fee for services they are supposed to get free of cost.

Appointments

Corruption is rampant in employee appointments. Some public institutions have become like recruitment centers for cadres of ruling parties. Staffers are being promoted without considering merit and criteria. Such activities have also led to misuse of government resources such as vehicles and fuel.

Land

Land-related irregularities are widespread across the country. Government land and forest land being leased for commercial purposes at minimal rates to serve the interests of certain individuals and groups. Encroachment on public, Guthi, and forest lands are going unabated. Recent land scams related to Lalita Niwas, Bansbari Leather factory and Nepal Trust shows this has become a chronic issue.

Political appointments

The practice of appointing offenders to various positions in public offices perpetuates corruption. Instances of appointees with foreign residency permits and those listed as absconding criminals shows the government is taking good governance very lightly. Political affiliations often outweigh qualifications and experience in appointments in all three tiers of governments. 

Revenue leakage

Incidents of revenue leakage are on the rise. As many as 49 such cases were reported to the CIAA in 2022/23 alone. Unjustified exemptions in customs duty and taxes as well as activities such as revenue evasion through under-invoicing, are on the rise. Authorities responsible for curbing such activities have failed in their duties, according to CIAA.

Policy corruption

Policy corruption has emerged as a significant issue in recent years. Decisions that fall under the purview of ministries and departments are being routed through the cabinet to evade scrutiny by anti-corruption agencies. The CIAA has long been calling for all three tiers of government to maintain transparency in their decision making process.

The CIAA is formulating an institutional strategic plan to address the challenges identified during its fourth strategic plan review. It has provided 22 recommendations to public offices to enhance transparency, competition, and quality in public procurement, among others.

Honest citizenry refers to a population or community of individuals within a society/nation who uphold and embody the principles of integrity, truthfulness and ethical behavior in their civic and personal lives. Adherence to moral values, respect for the law and a commitment to transparency and accountability in action are some of its characteristics. It signifies a collective dedication to upholding the principle of honesty and integrity in all aspects of public and private life, contributing to the overall moral and fabric and integrity of the society as a whole. 

Nepal, nestled in the heart of the Himalayas, is a nation with a rich cultural heritage, breathtaking natural beauty, natural resources and a diverse population. However, like many other countries, it faces numerous challenges, including political instability, economic disparities and social issues. One crucial aspect that needs immediate attention in Nepal is the need for an honest citizenry. In a society where honesty is a cornerstone of progress and development, fostering a culture of integrity can pave the way for a brighter future.

Honesty is a fundamental virtue that plays a pivotal role in shaping a nation's destiny. It encompasses not only telling the truth but also involves transparency, accountability and ethical behavior. In the context of Nepal, building an honest citizenry is essential for several reasons.

Nepal has been grappling with corruption for several years, hindering progress and development. Corruption has not only siphoned off public funds but also a trust deficit in government institutions. An honest citizenry can serve as a bulwark against corruption by demanding accountability and transparency from elected representatives and government personnel. 

A culture of honesty can stimulate economic growth by creating a conducive environment for businesses and investments. When individuals and businesses can trust that contracts will be honored, property rights protected and transactions conducted fairly, it fosters economic stability and development.

Honesty fosters trust among individuals and communities. In a diverse and multicultural nation like Nepal, trust and mutual respect are essential for social cohesion and harmony. When citizens are honest in their dealings with each other, it helps bridge societal divides and strengthens the social fabric.

A transparent and accountable government is essential for effective governance. Citizens, who demand honesty and integrity from their leaders and government as well as non-government institutions are more likely to hold them accountable for their actions. This, in turn, leads to a better governance, improved public services and a more efficient administration.

While the importance of honesty is undeniable, there are several challenges that Nepal faces in its pursuit of building an honest citizenry. 

Many individuals in Nepal are struggling with poverty and desperation, which can drive them to engage in dishonest activities as a means of survival. Addressing the root causes of poverty and providing economic opportunities is crucial to reduce dishonest behavior.

Nepal’s legal framework lacks teeth when it comes to addressing corruption and dishonesty effectively. There is a need for comprehensive legal reforms to create a strong deterrent against dishonest behavior.

A well-rounded education system that not only imparts academic knowledge but also instills values such as honesty is essential. Many schools in Nepal lack the resources and capacity to provide a holistic education, leaving a gap in character development.

Nepal’s political landscape is often marred by patronage and nepotism. This creates an environment where dishonesty is sometimes rewarded rather than punished. Political reform is crucial to eliminate this aspect of the culture.

To build a more honest citizenry in Nepal, a multi-pronged approach is necessary.

Investing in education and awareness campaigns that promote ethical behavior and values from a young age is essential. This includes not only formal education but also community-based initiatives and awareness programs. Reforming and strengthening Nepal's legal frameworks to make them more effective in combating corruption and dishonesty is crucial. This includes robust enforcement mechanisms and whistleblower protection. Citizens must actively engage in the political processes and hold their elected representatives accountable. Encouraging transparency and scrutinizing the actions of political leaders can help reduce dishonesty in politics. Creating economic opportunities and reducing poverty is vital in reducing the desperation that can lead to dishonest behavior. This involves job creation, vocational training and support for entrepreneurship.

Civil society organizations, including non-government organizations and community groups, can play a significant role in promoting honesty and integrity. They can serve as watchdogs, advocates and educators.

Nepal stands at a crossroads, with the opportunity to build a stronger and more prosperous nation. To achieve this, fostering an honest citizenry is paramount. Honesty is not just a personal virtue; it is a collective responsibility that can transform societies and nations. By addressing the challenges and actively working toward creating a culture of integrity, Nepal can make way for a brighter future where honesty is the norm rather than the exception. With an honest citizenry, Nepal can overcome its obstacles and unlock its true potential as a nation.

Young people can play a pivotal role in shaping the future of an honest and upright citizenry within a nation. Their behaviors, mindsets and ways of living are essential for fostering and attaining the ideals of an honest and responsible populace. It is undeniable that the youth of Nepal are grappling with challenges in foreign lands, courageously shouldering risks in pursuit of their aspirations. Regrettably, they often find themselves unable to realize their dreams within their own homeland, compelling them to invest their efforts, toil and make sacrifices in distant territories.

Development partners and nations globally have extended opportunities for skill development and exposure, yet many of these individuals choose not to return to their motherland. Consequently, they may not actively engage in contributing to the progress of the country, where their skills and knowledge can be instrumental. Unless the youth develop a collective sense of responsibility toward their country’s advancement, the nation cannot make substantial leaps in its development trajectory. Despite this, Nepali citizens residing in the country maintain a profound faith in the potential of the youths to actively participate in national development, hoping for a brighter and more prosperous future.