Institutions, not idols, safeguard democracy

In any democracy, the ultimate measure of progress is not the charisma of a leader but the strength of the institutions that guarantee freedom, accountability, and justice. History has repeatedly shown us that when democracies begin to worship individuals rather than nurture institutions, the system tilts dangerously toward authoritarianism. Conversely, where institutions are built to outlast personalities, democracy endures even amidst crises.

A strong framework of institutions—such as the Election Commission, the Supreme Court, and Commission for Investigation of Abuse of Authority—should be nurtured to sustain and strengthen democracy. These bodies become the backbone of democratic functioning, which in turn nurtures smooth transitions of power and safeguards constitutional values. Whereas in countries where democracy slid into personality cults, rulers risk turning to ruler-for-life. By centralizing power around oneself and eroding institutions like the judiciary and civil services, the ruler hollows out the very foundations of governance. What follows is economic collapse, rampant corruption, and political instability. The lesson is clear: when institutions are weakened in favor of individuals, democracy becomes hostage to whims rather than laws.

Nepal’s recent political landscape offers a vivid illustration of this dynamic. Balendra Shah—popularly known as Balen—first captured the nation’s imagination when he stood as an independent candidate for Kathmandu Mayor in the 2022 local elections, becoming the first independent candidate ever elected to the position. His victory set off a wave of enthusiasm, particularly on social media, where his profile grew rapidly into something resembling a movement.

As a mayor, Balen gained immense popularity. He rarely spoke to the public and avoided the media, choosing instead to communicate through social media, generating significant online engagement. The former rapper became an enigmatic figure. People wanted to know more about him, but he rarely revealed much about himself. He attempted to clear squatter settlements in Thapathali, used force against street vendors, and openly expressed frustration with the government’s failure to coordinate on waste management—going so far as to order rubbish dumped outside government offices. These actions drew criticism and backlash, but they also cemented his image as someone willing to act where others merely talked. His aura was, by most accounts, unmatched in recent Nepali political history.

That boldness extended beyond municipal governance. He frequently lambasted the major political parties, including the Congress, CPN (UML), the Maoists, and even the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), and his voice came to embody the frustration of thousands of Nepalis who felt disillusioned with these parties. During the GenZ protests on Sept 8–9 against corruption, nepotism, the social media ban, and other governance failures in Nepal, he expressed support for the demonstrators. He also called former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli a “terrorist” and demanded that he take responsibility for the deaths during the protests. 

On 28 Dec 2025, Shah formally unified with the RSP, resigning as Kathmandu mayor on 18 Jan 2026 to contest the 2026 general election as the party’s prime ministerial candidate. While RSP chair Rabi Lamichhane retained his formal title, Shah became the party’s dominant public face and the principal engine of its electoral momentum.

The results were staggering. Shah ran against four-time former Prime Minister Oli in the latter’s own stronghold—and won convincingly.  Shah secured 68,348 votes, the highest vote total ever recorded in Nepal’s parliamentary election history. This surpassed the previous record of 57,139 votes set by Oli himself in the same constituency in 2017. Oli received just 18,734 votes, leaving Shah with a winning margin of 49,614 votes. The symbolism was impossible to miss: the new Nepal, it seemed, had emphatically displaced the old.

RSP’s broader performance matched the scale of Shah’s individual triumph. With 12 candidates winning over 50,000 votes each, the party swept the election with a landslide victory, claiming close to a two-thirds majority—falling just two seats short. Balen and his party became a defining force within the very mainstream system he once so loudly criticized.

This victory arrives at a particularly delicate moment for Nepal. In the aftermath of the GenZ protests, the country stepped outside its constitutional framework, appointing a former chief justice as prime minister. It is now on the path back to constitutional order through fresh parliamentary elections. In that context, RSP and Balen represent both enormous opportunity and considerable challenge.

The opportunity is obvious: a party with a sweeping mandate and a charismatic leader who commands genuine popular trust. The challenge is subtler—and more dangerous. Posts are already circulating on social media that deify Shah in terms that should give any democrat pause. Owing to the coincidence of his birth date with Oli’s electoral rise in the early 90s, some have compared him to Lord Krishna, born to end the reign of the tyrant Kansa. It is a flattering myth, but myths of this kind carry real costs in a democracy. When leaders are elevated to quasi-divine status, the institutions meant to check them begin to seem like obstacles rather than safeguards.

Building robust institutions ensures continuity and accountability. Leaders may inspire, but institutions protect. Personality cults may offer temporary stability, but they weaken checks and balances. True democracy is not about deifying a figure—it is about ensuring that no one is above the constitution, and no one is indispensable to governance.

Balen faces a challenge: to meet the sky-high expectations of a people hungry for honest, effective governance. But the responsibility does not rest with him alone. The people who voted for him—and those watching from afar—must also resist the temptation of placing him on a pedestal he was never meant to occupy. He is a representative of the general public in a democratic country. Nothing more, and nothing less. He cannot be above his party. He cannot be above the constitution.

If Nepal—and democracies everywhere—wish to thrive, they must resist the temptation of idolizing individuals and instead invest in the institutions that will safeguard freedoms for generations. After all, it is institutions, not idols, that make democracies durable.