Democracy and education share a very complementary relationship in Nepal. Nevertheless, authoritarian regimes and authoritarian pushback’s approach in the past had been unfavourable to the general public’s rights and interests. Rana rulers restricted the basic rights of education to the general people until the revolution of 1951. This deprivation led to a huge gap between the ruling class and their subjects, whose consequences are visible even today. Undeniably, the level and quality of education one attains mirrors the privileges people are born into.
Again, the setback against the education system and democracy at large occurred when BP Koirala’s first elected government was overthrown by King Mahendra’s coup d’état in 1961. Although the decades of the 1960s saw a significant shift in the establishment of educational institutions such as schools, colleges and universities, the problem was with the centralized system and powerful kingship that shaped Panchayat years by fortifying royal authority over plural values.
Researchers argue that imagination shaped by Panchayat continues to guide the narrative among the dominant political class. The operationalization was made possible through monolithic education, with the appropriation of school textbooks, such as the triumph of the ruling class and bravery narrative disseminated through Mahendramala.
The 1960s events were a blowback against the democratic consolidation of the 1951 revolution. Thirty years of the partyless Panchayat system weakened political institutions as political parties were banned, with pro-regime legal systems and a spoiled bureaucracy. At a period when civil societies were restricted from advocating and having public engagement through awareness, civic and inclusive education was a faraway dream. I reflect upon the past because it continues to shape contemporary national memory.
The political system impacts the quality and accessibility of education. While every system produces winners and losers in terms of access and opportunity, democratic governance has been more effective in expanding educational opportunities and better access to education. After the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, it was evident that education was democratized to a larger extent. The increase in literacy rate and initiatives such as Community School Support Program (CSSP) and School Sector Reform Program (SSRP) validate increase in decentralization and local participation. Curriculum reforms and increase in enrollment rate further complemented by the rise of English medium schools, directly influenced by the liberalization of Nepal’s economy marked a hopeful turn, thanks to the People Movement that led to change.
The royalists, with an aim of restoring the monarchy, are the victim of Panchayat era institutionalization of three pillars of Nepali identity i.e. Monarchy, Hindu Religion and Nepali language through Ek Raja, Ek Bhesh and Ek Bhasa. All the leaders of the Joint People’s Movement committee for the restoration of monarchy, who assembled last March, had either done schooling during the Panchayat regime or were bureaucrats. It’s not that all the students of the post-Panchayat era are allured by democracy. Nevertheless, it was disappointing to see many youths in Tinkune on March 29. It is pertinent to ask: did the lack of civic education after the 1990s fail our country, or did our country fail to properly support and implement civic education?
Today, Nepali education system continues to face challenges, including inadequate teacher training, curriculum development issues, the industry-academia gap and governance concerns in the post-federalism era. Simultaneously, studies have found that national education policy primarily aims to nurture law-abiding citizens who demonstrate national pride with allegiance to Nepali moral values. While the active citizenship and community involvement have been ignored, old teaching methodologies, and rote learning based on memorisation continues to shape the minds of tomorrow. The study recommended that a participatory approach to civics and citizenship education can help to nurture responsible citizens who can contribute to Nepal’s democratic and social development with the help of consequential teaching and learning.
In a diverse society like Nepal, it’s quite challenging to address the grievances of a multiethnic group who feel left behind by oppressive state policies during an autocratic era, without upholding and safeguarding democratic principles. Subsequent governments post restoration of democracy have tried to address long-standing structural, sociopolitical and economic issues. However, challenges such as poor governance and weak political institutions, corruption, unhealthy power struggles among interest groups in politics, and economic challenges persist.
The new and old challenges to democracy influence the education system, where the dialectical relationship between the two is observable.
The overall democratization process as well as the way schools prepare students for democratic participation also influence democracy. Changes in democracy and education drive transformations in other areas, driven by cause and effect relationships. Harvard Professor Fernando M Reimers explains dialectical relations by showing the relation between the two. “Democracy causes how education prepares students for democracy and the education students receive for democracy causes democracy”. These social processes are interconnected and evolve over time. The link between education and democracy is formed through compromise and negotiation through contradiction.
When civil and political rights are democratized with impartiality, academic institutions prepare larger masses for meaningful participation in public affairs. As the curriculum in Nepali textbooks is monolithic, standardized and centralized, a revision toward an inclusive approach is really essential. These changes and awareness may lead to the inclusion of the marginalized community's history in the curriculum. Nevertheless, such transformation often provokes pro-establishment groups, dismantling the possibility of larger political participation. As the transformation of the system is not easy, investment in civic and tertiary education can complement it. Transformation is possible when the issues and grievances of marginalized people are accommodated by a curriculum with a civic-centric and equitable approach.
Democracy, which is considered a crucial political system to balance freedom and justice through a social contract, is fluid, imperfect and fragile. Democracy is a work in progress with limitations, tensions and setbacks. According to the Freedom House Index, global freedom has declined for the 19th consecutive year in 2024 with 60 countries experiencing deterioration in political rights and civil liberties. To contain the forces undermining democratic institutions, education institutions must explore the challenges to democracy and its impacts and the strategy to counter them. Amidst the backdrop of rising frustration over unemployment, inflation, political instability and government inefficiency, the public often turns to demonstrations. While these demonstrations may offer short-term satisfaction, they fail to bring lasting solutions. Vandalism against corporations, private property and media houses reveals the power of a small group of mobilizers to spark chaos by manipulating dissenters. Although large demonstrations against democracy are occasional and rare, the dissent and anti-democracy narrative is visible widely in Nepali social media spaces such as facebook, X and Tiktok, further reinforced by proliferation of digital platforms such as YouTube.
Royalist elites, in contrast, argue that restoring the monarchy would bring immediate transformation to the nation overnight. What they cannot understand is a democratic system offers rule of law, popular sovereignty, human rights and freedom of association, enabling them to protest against the current system. Reverting to constitutional monarchy cannot be a solution to the current system of governance. Strong economic policies and good governance can address current issues and grievances. The formation and development of political institutions depends on consistent effort over time. Regime change is not a solution. Fluctuations within the internal dynamics of democratic institutions and relations between democracy and society can reflect progress, a deepening of democracy, or setbacks.
Meaningful involvement of all stakeholders, such as government, community, educational institutions, is crucial to promote and adapt civic and moral education. In the times of federalism, local governance should be given more autonomy in implementing education policy and practices. Nepal lacks strong and durable political and economic institutions that are a prerequisite for a well-functioning democracy. Modern time demands responsible citizens who are capable of tackling complex social issues. German philosopher Immanuel Kant’s idea of enlightenment as “man’s emergence from his self-imposed immaturity” is quite pertinent in contemporary societies.
At a time when Tribhuvan University is struggling to attract scholars in the History program, the partnership of Kathmandu University (KU) and Southasia Institute for History and Philosophy (SIHP) to launch Master’s in History and Philosophy programme last year was a timely initiative. The role of education should be to cultivate the ability of students to think impartially, question authority regardless of regime and become a part of the transformative process. Thus, civic education plays a crucial role in shaping a workforce that advances good governance, system, integrity, accountability and a broad sense of responsibility toward society. Such an approach can undo the harm of past legacies caused by historical injustices and assist in inclusive, equitable, participatory and democratic culture anchored in civic ethics and republican ideals.
