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‘Monks, Business and Rebellion: Nepal’s Bhot-China Relationship and India’ book review: Nepal’s geographic location is both strength and a weakness

‘Monks, Business and Rebellion: Nepal’s Bhot-China Relationship and India’ book review: Nepal’s geographic location is both strength and a weakness

Kitab Publication published two books written by Sudheer Sharma on Sept 15. First, “Monks, Business and Rebellion: Nepal’s Bhot-China Relationship and India”. Second, “The Storm across the Himalayas: The Changing Nepal-China Relationship after the Republic.” After reading both the books here I have attempted to provide a review of the first one. Sharma, a well-known figure in Nepali media, appears to have done deep research for this 376-page book. This book is organized in seven sections including an epilogue. 

Nepal-Tibet relations and Chinese domination

The book begins by chronicling Nepal-Tibet trade relations dating back to the 7th century, noting Nepal’s diplomatic presence in Tibet for over 374 years. Despite ups and downs, the relationship took a pivotal turn in 1856 with the signing of the 10-point ‘Thapathali Treaty’ after Nepal’s invasion of Tibet. This treaty made Tibet a protectorate of Nepal, which raised concerns for China. A tripartite agreement followed, recognizing both Nepal and Tibet as under the Chinese emperor’s authority.

As China increased its military presence in Tibet by 1968, tensions escalated for Nepal. Historical records in the book reveal that China viewed Nepal as a potential part of its sphere of influence, even offering Nepal a place in its union of five ethnic groups (Han, Manchu, Mongol, Tibetan, and Muslim). Sun Yat-sen, the father of the Republic of China, even listed Nepal among China’s ‘lost territories.’ These accounts challenge the popular belief that Nepal was spared from Chinese domination, a sentiment that has lingered in Nepal’s historical narrative.

To counter the Chinese threat, Nepal sought British recognition as an independent nation, formalized in a 1923 treaty. Until the 1950s, Tibet was Nepal’s immediate northern neighbor, with whom it shared deep cultural, economic, and strategic ties. It wasn’t until China annexed Tibet that Nepal found itself facing a new geopolitical reality. While many fear the ‘Sikkimization’ of Nepal following India’s annexation of Sikkim, Sharma’s book argues that China’s annexation of Tibet and its desire to dominate Nepal receive less attention. Through historical evidence, the book sheds light on China’s expansionist approach toward Nepal.

Sharma also explores the influence of Chinese leader Mao Zedong in Nepal during the 1950s. Maoist ideology started spreading in Nepal, and by 2004, Gangalal founded the 'Lal Communist Party,' influenced by Mao’s ideas. Though short-lived, this marked the beginning of communist interest in China within Nepal. By the late 1950s, China became a political shrine for Nepali communist leaders, who were drawn to its propaganda and the spread of the Chinese language, which carried political undertones. The book’s fifth chapter, ‘Circus,’ examines how China used language education as a tool to indoctrinate Nepalis, with the first lessons being “Long live Chairman Mao” and “Down with American imperialism.”

Mahendra’s elusive nationalism

The chapter ‘Mao and Mahendra’ focuses on Nepal-India relations, particularly the controversial 1950 Friendship Treaty. Sharma portrays King Mahendra as having two distinct personas: one as the architect of modern Nepali diplomacy and the other as a ruler who curtailed democracy to consolidate power. His nationalist stance is scrutinized, particularly in relation to India. While Mahendra is credited with removing most of the Indian military camps in Nepal, Sharma questions his motives, suggesting that Mahendra used nationalism to preserve the monarchy rather than genuinely serve Nepal's interests.

Contrasting Mahendra’s nationalism with the actions of Prime Minister BP Koirala, the book highlights Koirala’s balanced foreign policy approach. For example, when Nehru tried to engage Koirala in a united front against China, Koirala resisted, choosing instead to maintain equilibrium between India and China. The book also revisits Mahendra’s controversial decision to cede part of Mount Everest to China, undermining his nationalist image.

Preserving the monarchy

Sharma argues that Mahendra strengthened ties with China not out of ideological alignment but as a strategy to counterbalance India’s influence. The book also shows how Mahendra cultivated relations with the United States to further his geopolitical goals. During his 1960 visit to the US, just months before imposing the Panchayat system, Mahendra received a warm welcome at the White House and secured substantial financial support. Shortly after, he overthrew the democratically elected government, signaling a shift towards authoritarianism.

The sixth chapter, ‘Rajtantra ko Samyawadi Saino,’ discusses how successive Nepali monarchs, including Mahendra, Birendra, and Gyanendra, maintained strong ties with China. Sharma’s analysis suggests that the monarchy strategically used these relationships to preserve its power. Interestingly, despite its title focusing on Nepal’s relations with Tibet, China, and India, the book’s chapter on US involvement, particularly during the Mustang rebellion, leads the reader to feel that “America” should have also been featured in the title.

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