The ban on the Netra Bikram Chand Biplab-led Communist Party of Nepal, which has been implicated in extortions and acts of terror, has been contentious. Some think the ban is perfectly justified as the party was behaving more like a criminal outfit rather than a political party. Others counter that no politi­cal party, however odious its beliefs and modus operandi, should be banned: Wasn’t it the state’s initial heavy-handed approach to dealing with the Maoist rebels that fueled the decade-long civil war? Why then is the Oli government intent on repeating the same mistake? Chand himself has been under­ground for a long time, as the state has intensified its manhunt for the CPN kingpin. But what does Chand, who had played an integral part in the civil war, make of the ban on his new party? In his first interview since the start of the ban imposed back in March, Chand appeared livid: “Had it been a true commu­nist government, instead of ban­ning our party, it would have been happy that we took action against tax evasion and corruption, and fought for the rights of laborers,” he said, even while he accused the Oli government of serving the interests of crony-capitalists, brokers, smug­glers and crooks. He reckons the ban is a diversionary tactic meant to distract public attention from the government’s failures.

 

He warned the government that if it was determined to play hard-ball, it will meet with “fierce resistance.” According to Chand, had the govern­ment been serious about talking to him, there would have been a for­mal invite. When asked if his party was plotting to kill senior leaders, he chastised the ruling parties for turning such a serious issue into a cheap “marketing strategy” for the government.

 

But what does his party really want then? “We want an end to the way the crony capitalist class is impoverishing the people and bankrupting the country by cap­turing the economic, political and cultural arena and key sectors like education, health and real estate.” And thus “we are waging a revolu­tion to rid the country of a crony capitalist regime.” Chand takes full responsibility for the actions of his party, which he refers to as parts of a new “revolution” rather than acts of violence.

 

Interestingly, Chand thinks that he has plenty of sympathizers in the federal communist government, especially among his former Maoist comrades. “We all had a common dream,” he mused. “Will they think of finishing us off just because we wage a revolution?”

 

Ban a tactic to shift attention from government failures

 

 The government has not only banned the Netra Bikram Chand Biplab-led Communist Party of Nepal, but has also announced that it will take action against anyone aiding and abetting the communist outfit. Those who once fought together with Biplab are now part of the government. They have accused Biplab’s party of plotting to assassinate them. Ram Krishna Adhikari of Annapurna Media Network spoke with the underground rebel leader about the possibility of talks with the government and his broader goals.

 

 What are your thoughts on the ban on your party?

The ban was announced after we took action against Ncell, a company that has swindled the country of billions of rupees. But that was only a pretext. Fundamentally, the ban represents class interest and ideol­ogy. Had it been a true communist government, instead of banning our party, it would have been happy that we took action against tax eva­sion and corruption, and fought for the rights of laborers. The ban shows that the government does not protect the interests of ordinary laborers, patriots and democrats, but those of crony-capitalists, bro­kers, smugglers, crooks and the corrupt. The ban goes against the principle of political freedom and every citizen’s right to serve the country by running a political party. It is also an affront to the right to dissent. Not only does it show the state’s anarchist character, but also its fascist face.

 

The Oli government is facing multiple crises and embroiled in countless scandals. Our party, on the other hand, is steadily gaining influence and popularity. Tens of thousands of ordinary people and leaders are rallying in its support. Scientific socialism is slowly taking root as a substitute for crony cap­italism. The ban is an attempt to distract attention away from these developments and is a reflection of the Oli government’s failure—which is why it has been roundly criticized by various political parties, intel­lectuals, civil society leaders, legal experts, human rights activists and others. The government has been estranged. We demand that it lift the ban.

 

You had issued a statement that if the government did not lift ban by mid-April (which it did not), you would impose a ban on the government and mount a resis­tance. What kind of resistance?

It is a resistance to the fascist ban that the state has imposed on our party and on all freedom-loving citizens. This tit-for-tat strategy was a decision that our central commit­tee took. If the state comes at us forcefully, it will have to face fierce resistance.

 

The government has been saying that it was compelled to impose a ban after your party rejected its call for talks and perpetrated violent acts.

This is nothing but false propa­ganda. First, the government never invited us for talks formally, so it cannot claim that we rejected it. Second, we had been talking with Prachanda et al. so long that we had some hope that talks would serve the interest of the country and the people. We started rebelling only when, in the name of talks, all the gains of the people’s war were anni­hilated, people’s rights quashed and the country’s independence compromised. We are not afraid of talks, but we are not convinced that they will address the issues raised by our revolution. We are not a violent outfit; we merely took action against anti-nationals, swindlers, exploiters, human traffickers and thugs accus­ing women of witchcraft.

 

But didn’t you talk with the gov­ernment team led by Somnath Pandey?

It is true that we talked informally with Pandey and others. But it is also true that the government never extended a formal invitation for talks. Contrary to various claims, I am not aware of any conditions pro­posed by the government for talks.

 

We have heard that talks—whether formal or informal—continue between some leaders of your party and government representatives. It is true?

Political discussions, as far as they are necessary and possible, can take place with anyone. We are always open to talks.

 

What are your demands? Have you set an agenda for talks?

It does not make a whole lot of sense to discuss our agenda in detail when there is no initiative for talks. But the long and short of it is that we want an end to the way the crony capitalist class is impoverishing the people and bankrupting the country by capturing the economic, politi­cal and cultural arena and key sec­tors like education, health and real estate. We are waging a revolution to rid the country of a crony capitalist regime.

 

The government claims that your party hatched plans to assassi­nate top leaders. Your response?

It is surprising that such a serious matter has been made a marketing strategy. But we have heard that the government has planned to kill our leaders in “encounters”.

 

You have not openly declared a violent struggle, but violent acts have been perpetrated in your name. Exactly what form will your fight take?

The issue here is revolution, not violence. Our aim is to protect the country’s sovereignty, to hand over real power to the labor class, to emancipate the exploited and the marginalized, to wipe out the crony capitalist regime and to establish scientific socialism. A revolution is the sum total of all our struggles. We have taken full responsibility for whatever action we have taken.

 

You have said in an interview that you have formed a people’s army, and that it is getting stron­ger. What kind of an army is it and what immediate purpose does it serve?

It is a force to help the struggling labor class gain the power to rule the country. It comprises men and women of all ages who are fighting for their rights and emancipation. Back when Prachanda and his ilk shook hands with the mainstream parties and tried to dissolve the people’s army, we had said that it has not outlived its purpose. The people’s army remains a necessity.

 

Your party broke away from the one led by Mohan Baidhya Kiran. Who are your comrades in arms at present?

We are holding talks with Baidhya. Parties unite when they are on the same page in terms of ideol­ogy and a political roadmap. But we are formulating plans for a collective struggle and a functional unity. Any­one who is ready to fight corruption, price hikes, bans, fascism and trea­son against the country that is taking place under the Oli government is our comrade in arms.

 

We hear that differences within your party have peaked, partic­ularly your disagreements with Khadga Bahadur Bishwokarma Prakanda. Would you shed some light?

Such stories appear regularly in newspapers. While they sometimes amuse us, they also lead to serious reflection. It’s possible that the ene­mies of the people—after failing to stop us ideologically, politically and practically—have concocted such stories. But such tactics will only serve to discredit them.

Our efforts are a unique initiative to wage a revolution and establish scientific socialism-communism. Our party is scaling new heights. When we see the tactics of reaction­ary forces to derail our party, we realize that leading the revolution to success is not easy. But it strength­ens our resolve and unity.

 

How do you respond to accusa­tions that you are being mobi­lized and protected by foreign forces?

These are rumors being spread by cowards. No one in their right mind believes such nonsense. Scientific socialism-communism is the magic weapon that mobilizes the labor class and illuminates their world.

 

What about the accusation that the violent attacks, including on Ncell, were an attempt at extor­tion?

These are nothing but ugly rumors spread by hypocrites who not only sold Mahakali, Karnali and Arun rivers, but also continue to provide political protection to middle-men, swindlers, smugglers, dons and loan sharks. Our revolution will bring a day when people, including those who spread false rumors about us, will happily donate to our cause.

 

Communists hold the dignity of labor in high regard and forbid taking anything from ordinary people. How do you reconcile such ideals with your statement that collecting donations is a nat­ural right?

We have not taken anything from the toiling masses. In fact, we have given to them. People understand that we are fighting for food and shelter for the landless, decent pay for laborers, equal property rights for women, jobs for the unem­ployed, free education for students and easy access to healthcare for citizens. And people have sacrificed their lives fighting for our cause. People give to us willingly and indus­trialists donate voluntarily, but we have to take forcefully from crooks, smugglers and the corrupt. What they have stolen from the people has to be captured and returned to the people. That is what a revolution is. And that is a natural right of a com­munist party.

 

Some of your documents men­tion the prevalence of financial irregularities within your party. Could you elaborate?

Despite the complexities inherent in an ongoing revolution, ours might be the only party that carries out financial transactions in a system­atic matter. All our transactions are completely transparent. Our under­standing is that problems associated with finance and ownership of prop­erty are the primary reason behind the downfall of communists and the failure of socialism.

 

The main problem is that those who talk about a communist utopia cannot maintain financial transpar­ency in their own lives. They talk big, but hoard the party’s funds in foreign banks, sell the country’s assets to foreigners, forge papers to claim ownership of public land, etc. We are fighting for a commu­nal economic life expounded by Marx, which is far more civilized and superior to the so-called private life under capitalism.

 

Several aspects of the peace process following the decade-long conflict have yet to be con­cluded. Can the people cope with another war?

They can’t. That’s why we have been saying for almost a decade that capitalists, crony capitalists, revisionists, opportunists and for­eign power centers are deliber­ately instigating another conflict by reversing the gains of the people’s war. Forcibly imposing crony capi­talism means pushing the country toward conflict. That’s what has hap­pened. Now people, particularly the oppressed laborers, understand that there is no alternative to revolution in order to resolve conflict. People will wage a revolution, not a war. A revolution is not something that people will cope with, but some­thing they will themselves wage.

 

Have you given any thought to how you will manage it?

Today a crony capitalist regime has tormented communists, leftists, patriots and democrats alike. A sin­gle force cannot defeat this regime. If we all unite and move together in the direction of establishing scien­tific socialism, people’s objectives will be realized.

 

The regime you’re trying to fight is being run by your old comrades. Won’t that pose a challenge?

If we argue a bit emotionally, it presents an opportunity as well. After the Maoist leadership took a wrong step, a significant num­ber of our comrades were co-opted by the regime. But they were not bad people from the start. All of us fought a war and endured hard­ships together. We all had a common dream. Will they think of finishing us off just because we wage a revo­lution? They can support our revo­lution from within the regime. The brutality inherent in a revolution is a separate issue. We are fully aware of the challenges ahead.