The international strategic community has been debat­ing China-sponsored One Belt One Road (OBOR). There’s also dis­cussion and debate about how the Trump administration has recently instituted a new agency, the US International Development Finance Corporation, to give loans, insur­ance and loan guarantee to compa­nies willing to work on projects as well as oversee its implementation in developing regions of Latin Amer­ica, Africa and Asia. The Trump administration’s endorsement of $60 billion fund is relatively minus­cule in comparison to the multi tril­lion-dollar blueprint that China has projected through its OBOR and Maritime Silk Road projects.The OBOR, also known as Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), has challenged the US suzerainty in the region of Asia. Chinese inroads in the Pacific islands—through assistance pack­age to Papua New Guinea (PNG), Vanuatu and Fiji—has forced Trump administration to undertaken cor­rective measures with regard to aid and assistance packages.

The rather relaxed approach with regard to countering OBOR has left the US far behind in addressing Chi­nese charm-offensive supported by infrastructure and liberal financing of select projects. The OBOR and Maritime Silk road have an intrinsic strategic blueprint because of stress on highways, ports and related infra­structure, leading to confusion and mistrust. This strategic cacophony between use and utility of OBOR and Quad can be addressed through an Asian Quad which would help to narrow the growing mistrust between the two major powers and create an edifice acceptable to both.

In the post-colonial narrative, the erstwhile colonies of Britain—partic­ularly Malaysia, Pakistan, the US-Ja­pan alliance, Australia and South Korea—worked towards getting their support to protect themselves from the new power centers. The forma­tion of Five Power Defense Arrange­ment (FPDA), SEATO and ANZUS was meant to keep the allies and strategic partners together under various plans such as Marshall Plan and also ASEAN (1967) which galva­nized newly independent nations under the anti-communist structure.

These edifices—with the exception of ASEAN and ANZUS—lost traction when Non-Aligned Movement (1961) gained subscription and momen­tum in Asia and Africa. The US engaged regimes in the Philippines, Singapore and Indonesia and main­tained its grip in the Southeast Asia. However, Taiwan, Korea and Japan remained as the primary security responsibilities for the US, with an occasional assurance to the minions in the Southeast Asia.

The China-influenced regimes in Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia technically drawing the invisible fault lines between Chinese and US influence zones. Therefore, to address these, the Asian Quad is meant to include the major stake­holders in the region which have best of relations with the two major powers— US and China. The possi­ble core could comprise of Japan, India, Vietnam and Indonesia (JIVI) with other institutions and countries getting on the bandwagon to meet their security objectives. This Asian Quad would not raise heckles with both China and the US, as the so called anti-US alliance or anti-China narrative would not get incubated within this edifice.

What would the Asian Quad achieve in terms of building regional peace and security, and why these four countries are selected for the formation of the Asian Quad? The core criteria for selection is strategic sea-lanes, economic growth, tech­nology and military wherewithal. In terms of economic growth, Vietnam and Indonesia are the two emerging economies of Southeast Asia, while India and Japan rank among the top ten global economies. Vietnam and India have one of the largest stand­ing armies in Southern Asia, while in terms of naval assets, India and Japan fit the bill.

Indonesia in this whole scheme gets the important role as a coun­try that sits astride the vital Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) in Southeast Asia, including Malacca Straits, Sunda, Lombok and Makas­sar Straits. For both US and China, the SLOCs are of critical importance. In fact, China’s Maritime Silk Road Strategy was meant to address its vulnerabilities related to its mari­time trade and crude oil imports. The security and assurance about the safety in these sea lanes would help in averting direct confrontation between the two major powers.

Further, India and Japan have ini­tiated Asia-Africa Growth Corridor that would help the littoral coun­tries in the Indian Ocean to develop infrastructure and also training of their personnel so that these under­developed economies—infested with political frictions—can develop the economic structure that would pro­vide food and security to millions.

The new economic order span­ning the regions of Africa and Asia need to be calibrated in such a way that there is growth for all underde­veloped and developing countries rather than development prerog­ative to only one economic cen­ter. Indonesia and Vietnam are also going to develop as low cost manu­facturing centers. Technology super power Japan would add value to the development agenda, while India is developing as a services hub and a knowledge center. Hence, there are immense complementarities that exist between the members of this ‘potential’ Asian Quad.

The basic role of these Asian Quad members would be to cre­ate balance as security observers. Among the four members of the Asian Quad, Vietnam and Indonesia are ASEAN members and India and Japan are ASEAN’s dialogue part­ners. This addresses the core issue of ASEAN centrality and creates the necessary balance between ASEAN members and dialogue partners. The power-struggle between China and the US has created tensions in the region, without any viable solu­tion in sight. The blue print about the Asian Quad would help to create necessary nascent institution under the regional security mechanism.

It appears the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), which is a relatively large institutional body, has been unable to provide the necessary sup­port for comprehensive understand­ing on critical security issues. Time has come to start small core group, and address concerns of both China and the US. These two powers need to subscribe to the concept of Asian Quad, as it seems one of the alterna­tives, for the time being, for creating a cooperative security architecture in the larger Asian region.

Dr Pankaj Jha is senior faculty with Jindal School of International Affairs (JSIA), O P Jindal Global University and teaches international security