Power to provinces

 Provincial governments are running out of patience as the center delays promulgat­ing necessary laws to operation­alize the devolution of power. But none have been as vocal as the government of Province 2, large­ly because six of the seven chief ministers belong to the same par­ty. For that reason, securing the provincial autonomy as enshrined in the constitution now largely depends on the activism of lead­ers of the Madhes province. Last week the co-chair of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Pra­chanda’ warned Province 2 Chief Minister Lal Babu Raut against trying to ‘overtake’ the center, suggesting that federalism would fail if the provinces tried to pre­empt the federal government. This response came after the pro­vincial government introduced legislation in the assembly to cre­ate its own police force.

For months chief ministers of all provinces have urged the cen­ter to expedite legislation in the federal parliament that clearly gives power to maintain a police force, hire civil servants and con­trol their finances. Yet the center has done very little to ease the inconveniences these subnational governments face in the absence of these laws. Currently the pro­vincial governments are in name only and they have very little authority on the ground to effect any change.

Prachanda should have nudged his co-chair and the prime minis­ter instead of issuing these omi­nous threats. Yes, the center lays the ground for the operational­ization of the federal structure. But nothing in the constitution prevents the provinces from legislating necessary laws so long as long as they do not contra­dict the provisions in the constitu­tion. So the fear that the Province 2 and its leaders are somehow trying to secede is nothing but paranoia, further compounded by the ignorance of constitutional provisions that the leaders them­selves signed on.

Some early conflict between the center and province is necessary to jumpstart forward momentum in the devolution of power. This is a conflict between those try­ing to find ways to preserve the status quo and those pushing for restructuring. Kathmandu’s polit­ical elite and their counterparts in the civil service aren’t quite ready to let go off the unitary system. Without the specter of some sort of constitutional crisis, the center seems unwilling to do its part.

In this case, the threat of pre­emptive action clearly worked: the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) reached out to the Province 2 leaders, urging them to hold off certification of the legislation—promising swift action through an executive order on formation of provincial police force. The PMO is also said to have assured provin­cial leaders of required numbers of staff in next few weeks.

In an ideal world more provinc­es should take similar proactive actions on securing the autonomy the constitution has given them in governing their own affairs. But given the complete hold of NCP in six provinces and the reluctance of other chief minis­ters to challenge their party lead­ers at the center, that is unlike­ly. Chief Minister of Gandaki Province Prithivi Subba Gurung has already faced the ire of his party chief for having the nerve to organize a conclave of chief min­isters in September. The meeting that issued a nine-point decla­ration was perceived by prime minister as ‘ganging-up’ of the provincial leaders against him. Apparently, Gurung, who is con­sidered close to Oli, was threat­ened with a sacking, and other five chief ministers got the mes­sage loud and clear.

Against this backdrop, one would only hope that Province 2 leaders would be more proac­tive and rebellious in pushing our reluctant federalists to do their duty. And we in the media have a duty too. Instead of simply lapping up the narrative from Kathmandu, we need to do more to present a nuanced picture of this jurisdictional conflict.