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Have the people of South Asia ever been asked about their feelings on regional cooperation and integration? Every time the Yusof Ishak Institute (ISEAS), one of the most prominent Asian think tanks focused on international relations, releases its annual State of Southeast Asia Survey Report—the latest edition of which was issued just weeks ago—this is the question I inevitably find myself asking.

As a European who strongly believes in the process of regional integration as demonstrated by the EU, I cannot stop thinking about how much better off South Asia as a whole would be if a stronger regional integration process existed. The fact that India and Pakistan do not get along, and the persistent state of tension between the two nations, has long been seen as a structural impediment to deeper regional cooperation. 

Realistically speaking, it is undeniable that the nature of this semi-permanent hostility between Islamabad and New Delhi is genuinely problematic for fostering what remains an unfinished and very incomplete process of bringing the nations of South Asia and their people closer together.

Yet at the same time, it has also become something of a convenient excuse to stop thinking about regional cooperation altogether.

Acknowledging the improbability of a political reset—one that might resuscitate the near-moribund South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)—should not foreclose a pan-South Asian conversation about it.

The interests of the people of the region, especially its youth, may at this moment be overtaken by more pressing daily concerns such as the fight against corruption or the pursuit of a more equitable economy. But they could, once again, become galvanized around the tangible gains of a stronger, more united South Asia. The current impasse, caused by the fraught India-Pakistan relationship, should not be a barrier to imagining what deeper cooperation—and perhaps, one day, even integration—might look like across the region.

So is there anything the current chair of SAARC—which, owing to the dysfunction of the regional cooperation process, remains Nepal—could do? It is true that the Balen Shah administration is wholly focused on internal reforms. But from a practical standpoint, not merely a symbolic one, Kathmandu could and should invest in reactivating a conversation about a more cooperative and potentially more united South Asia.

At this juncture, symbolism matters enormously, and this is where Shishir Khanal, Nepal’s new Foreign Affairs Minister, could make his mark. Imagine the following scenario. It is early morning, and preparations at the central campus of Tribhuvan University are underway to host the inaugural Future of South Asia Lecture, organized by the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy (DIRD). The keynote speaker is not the Secretary General of SAARC but Minister Khanal himself, who uses the occasion to lay out the government’s vision for reactivating the regional cooperation process.

Rather than confining the discussion to SAARC, it might make more sense to think beyond traditional frameworks and focus on what could be achieved if the nations of the region worked more—and more effectively—together.

To be clear: I am a supporter of SAARC. I am, in fact, more enthusiastic about a holistic regional process than about placing too much weight on minilateral mechanisms among select member states. Trilateral arrangements such as those between India, Nepal, and Bangladesh, or quadrilateral initiatives like the Bangladesh-Bhutan-India-Nepal (BBIN) framework to boost sub-regional transportation, are practical and worthwhile. But can these formats truly substitute for the more structural, overarching, and ambitious process that encompasses all SAARC nations?

There is considerable evidence that when nations work together, their economies grow substantially—and the benefits extend well beyond trade to encompass the many dimensions of cooperation that deepen people-to-people ties.

Yet reactivating the public imagination around regional cooperation solely through the lens of SAARC may not be effective, given the objections many would raise—chief among them, the lack of political will in New Delhi to even utter the word ‘SAARC’.

Focusing on the vision rather than the vehicle to achieve it can be a smart way to navigate, for now, what is perceived in New Delhi as a taboo subject. Minister Khanal could use his address to articulate a long-term dream for the region—one in which people’s mobility is greatly enhanced, doing business across South Asian borders is seamless, and a new generation of young people can participate in a pan-regional student exchange program.

In the second part of his speech, Minister Khanal could sketch out practical confidence-building measures to restart the dialogue on regional cooperation. As I have argued before, Nepal could convene a regional summit outside the purview of SAARC, inviting all South Asian leaders to Kathmandu for a frank conversation on concrete ways to work together. Even if India or Pakistan declined, others might still attend.

This requires audacity, but that is precisely why Prime Minister Shah chose to seek national office.

In this imagined lecture, Minister Khanal could announce that Kathmandu will prioritize both a national and a regional conversation on cooperation—branded as the “Nepal for South Asia” Initiative: the most ambitious foreign affairs undertaking Kathmandu has ever conceived.

Beyond the bold announcement of a regional summit, the initiative could encompass a range of complementary activities: an annual South Asia Essay Competition for students; a fellowship program for young scholars from across the region to spend a year in Kathmandu, hosted by local think tanks, working on South Asian issues; a master's and PhD program in South Asian Studies run by DIRD; a People-to-People South Asian Summit bringing together civil society voices from across the region; and, perhaps most significantly, the first-ever State of South Asia Survey Report—gauging what the people of the region actually think and feel about their shared future.

Minister Khanal should also encourage SAARC’s current leadership to do more to highlight the bloc's ongoing activities. SAARC is on life support, but it is not dead. Its institutions—regional research centers and thematic initiatives—are not entirely paralyzed, but they need support, even moral support. Reactivating a conversation about South Asia could also help build incremental trust between India and Pakistan, one step at a time.

Nepal can take the lead in restarting the project of regional cooperation. SAARC as an institution may eventually be rebooted, rebranded, or superseded by an entirely new pan-South Asian mechanism. What matters now is beginning the conversation.

The stakes are too high, the potential too vast, and the benefits of a cooperative South Asia too significant to let timidity prevail.

Will Minister Khanal and the Balen administration play bold, or will they retreat into a focus on purely national priorities? Perhaps the new government in Kathmandu should not forget that Nepal’s national interests are inextricably rooted in a prosperous and more united South Asia.

I would like to imagine the closing words of Minister Khanal’s address: “Nepal can pursue its national goals of prosperity, inclusivity, and wellbeing by freeing our politics from corruption and bringing people closer to decision-making through a new compact of good governance. Yet our future—our destiny—is also inextricably tied to our sisters and brothers across South Asia. Engaging our regional partners is not only an economic imperative. It is a moral duty to build a stronger, more connected, and more united South Asia.”

As Rastriya Swantantra Party (RSP) assumes the reins of power, social media is abuzz with anticipation of a digital revolution. From proposed data center building sprees to talks of making Nepal an IT outsourcing hub, these schemes are being touted as the kind of vision (a favorite word of the Nepali electorate) one can expect from youthful, dynamic leadership. Indeed, Prime Minister Balen Shah’s charismatic, and to some, enigmatic, image owes much to the way social media amplified him into a political phenomenon. Words like algorithm, AI, crypto, outsourcing and data centers have entered the national political lexicon and will likely remain there, barring a global catastrophe that forces a worldwide return to mythical pre-internet days.

Given the sweeping scale of this proposed digital revolution, we suggest the new government start at the most basic levels. The most consequential part of RSP’s digital agenda is not some glamorous AI project or cutting-edge tool, but the pledge to implement “modern and digital processes” in government offices. As it stands, for most ordinary Nepalese, visiting a government office is a humiliation ritual. If one’s patience and dignity are not eroded by the sclerotic bureaucracy and shady brokers, they will be by servers that are mysteriously and routinely “down.” 

Indeed, a recent case from July 2025 relating to National Identity Card (NID), where many online services were disrupted including online registration, card distribution, correction of personal details, and related welfare linked services, shows that these concerns are real. Thus, the foremost priority should be a public status tracking page that provides insights into service disruptions, uptime, and resolution times. With this data, taxpayers and auditing authorities can hold offices accountable and perhaps get to the bottom of why servers across Nepal’s government offices keep failing. We don’t have a crystal ball, but our prediction is that once status tracking is enforced, these outages will decline sharply.

The average voter may not grasp the intricacies of large-scale digital transformation, but if she can visit a government office or use an online service without feeling browbeaten, or better yet leave satisfied with the experience, RSP will have done far more to create a genuine sense of digital revolution. This kind of consistent, tangible improvement builds trust in the system and fosters citizen buy-in, both of which are essential to acclimatizing the citizenry to a future shaped by more ambitious, trailblazing digital innovations. Moreover, such satisfaction would also reinforce RSP’s signature commitment to good governance.

Another crucial step toward good governance is mandating every government office to publicly host standardized key performance indicators (KPIs) related to service efficiency on their websites. These dashboards must be updated in real time and include metrics such as average wait times, service completion rates, system uptime and data on ongoing projects. This would enable year-over-year comparisons as well as meaningful cross-comparisons across government bodies. It could also be used to incentivize high-performing departments and penalize persistent underperformers, creating a culture of performance and accountability.

Likewise, any serious drive toward digital governance should be accompanied by robust data protection regulation and actual enforcement. There is little value in moving services online only for citizens to be left wondering who is accessing their data, how long it is retained, with whom it is shared, and what recourse exists in the event of a breach.  The European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) gained global influence because it went beyond treating data protection as mere technical legislation and instead addressed it as a right and an obligation. Nepal already has the Privacy Act, 2075 on its books. The critical next step is to ensure administrative seriousness that would render privacy protection visible, enforceable, and realistic in practice. Otherwise, digitization won't feel modern. It will feel invasive.

Our intention is not to dissuade the government from pursuing novel, cutting-edge technological advancements, but to suggest, in good faith, a few changes that would substantially improve governance and be felt by many. Discussions of the more ambitious programs outlined in RSP’s Citizen Contract merit deeper examination, which we intend to undertake in future articles.  Nepal’s digital revolution will depend primarily on strong digital public infrastructure and reliable cybersecurity capacity. Currently, Nepal’s digital infrastructure remains weak and underprepared, and its cybersecurity capacity is not yet strong enough to support a transformation on this scale. 

A 2024 government presentation, Country Report Presentation: Nepal’s Digital Policies, prepared by Indra Prasad Basyal, Undersecretary at the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology, cites the International Telecommunication Union’s Global Cybersecurity Index and notes a score of 69.76 out of 100 for Nepal. That is the profile of a country still building cyber resilience, not one yet in a position to make grand claims about digital transformation. For now, we wish Prime Minister Balen Shah’s government the best.

​The Constitution of Nepal deserves recognition for its role in dismantling the age-old chains of caste-based hierarchy, which historically concentrated power within specific groups. In a landmark move, the government led by Balen Shah has appointed a representative from the Badi community to the cabinet for the very first time. At 30 years old, Sita Badi of Karnali Province has been selected as the Minister for Women, Children, and Senior Citizens.

​The Badi community of Nepal is one of the most ‘double-marginalized’ Dalit groups in society. Often described as the ‘untouchables among the untouchables’, they have long occupied the lowest rung of Nepal’s socio-economic ladder. Historically known as nomadic entertainers, the community has faced systemic landlessness and extreme poverty, with many families still living in temporary settlements on riverbanks.

​According to Badi elders, the community is naturally gifted in art and music. History reveals that they were once assigned to entertain the royalty and feudal lords of the era. Their role was comparable to that of modern-day actors and artists who perform for the public. During that period, their earnings and living standards were relatively high compared to others, as they received rewards from feudal patrons based on their performances. In fact, the Badi were once close to the aristocratic circles. However, as social structures shifted, they were gradually sidelined and forced into the extreme margins of society.

​The bitter truth remains that the Badi are the most deprived and oppressed group within Nepali society. Data and research support this; even when compared to Hill Dalits and Madhesi Dalits, the Badi remain the most excluded group from every societal perspective. Therefore, it is imperative that the state addresses their issues with urgency. The Badi community should be provided with dedicated reservations in key sectors. While upholding these progressive principles, the state must also counter the rhetoric of anti-reservation groups.

​In contemporary Nepal, there is frequent discussion regarding meritocracy and equality. While these concepts sound justifiable to those who have enjoyed ‘structural dividends’ for generations due to their caste, gender, or religion, they ignore the reality of the ‘caste syndicate’. For instance, the traditional Hindu Varna system pre-assigned jobs based on birth—a form of reservation that anti-inclusion groups often ignore. Furthermore, Dalits are not the only ones who benefit from reservation policies; other groups receive significant portions of these quotas. Yet, critics often target the tiny fraction of support allocated to the most oppressed. When one compares the current reservation facilities to the centuries of social, economic, and political trauma Dalits have endured, the current support is negligible. The state must refine these policies, as the current provisions remain insufficient for communities like the Badi.

In a society shaped by caste-based stereotypes, the Constitution of Nepal provides a vital mechanism to break the monopoly of the high-caste syndicate. The principles of proportional representation and inclusion are finally paving the way for the reformation and transformation of oppressed groups. This framework is successfully fulfilling its motive: providing opportunity to those in the margins and bringing them into the mainstream of the state.

Badi’s entry into the cabinet is the embodiment of what the Constitution and progressive thought aimed to achieve. Today, a representative from the most marginalized community has successfully claimed space in the federal cabinet. Before the promulgation of the Constitution in 2015, it was almost unimaginable for a common person to see a member of the Badi community in such a high office. Fortunately, the Constituent Assembly established inclusive norms to uplift the marginalized, resulting in this historic moment for Sita Badi and her people. The true beauty of proportional representation lies in its ability to grant power to those who need it most.

​The appointment of Badi is a symbolic and historic milestone for a community that has faced systemic neglect and social humiliation. In her role as Minister, society hopes to see a future where children from every community no longer suffer from exclusion and poverty. Moving forward, the state must meticulously implement reservation and inclusion policies. These constitutional provisions should not exist merely as words on paper; the public demands proper, practical action and implementation. The state must continue to give the highest priority to those at the margins of society. Indeed, ensuring their presence in the halls of power is the crowning achievement of proportional representation, turning a constitutional vision into a lived reality.

Resident Coordinator of the United Nations in Nepal Lila Peters Yahia today paid a courtesy call on Speaker Dol Prasad Aryal. 

A comprehensive discussion was held at the meeting on contemporary issues such as Nepal-United Nations collaboration, youth engagement, education, gender equality, diplomacy, and climate change, the Speaker's secretariat said. 

On the occasion, Speaker Aryal welcomed the UN Resident Coordinator and expressed the firm commitments on behalf of the Government of Nepal and the Federal Parliament to work in tandem with the United Nations. 

Highlighting remarkable participation of youth in the House of Representatives formed after the recent general election, Aryal described it as an epochal achievement in Nepal's democratic practice. 

"After the election, we are focused on advancing performance-oriented works," Speaker Aryal said, adding that, "Empowering youth and engaging the experience of previous generations is the need of the hour." 

He mentioned that increasing women's participation is essential for strengthening inclusive democracy. 

He clarified that the Parliament would lay its focus on effective lawmaking to bring improvements to fundamental sectors such as education and health through the coordination of experience, energy and capabilities across generations. 

Shedding light on Nepal's contribution to the peacekeeping mission, Speaker Aryal stated that Nepal is among the leading contributors to the United Nations peacekeeping missions. 

He also expressed commitment to making appropriate decisions through necessary studies in line with Nepal’s national interest regarding international treaties and conventions. 

Regarding the climate change issue, Speaker Aryal noted that although Nepal has insignificant carbon emissions, it is severely experiencing direct and disproportionate impacts. "The glaciers are melting rapidly, livelihoods are being affected and the frequency of disasters is increasing," he said, "Nepal has been continuously raising its voice at international platforms for climate justice." 

On this occasion, Residential Coordinator Yahia congratulated Speaker Aryal on behalf of the UN Secretary-General and the UN team in Nepal, lauding Nepal's democratic achievement. 

She noted that successful conduct of elections and forming a youth-oriented parliament after a transitional period is exemplary not only for Nepal but also for the world.