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Precipitation has started this morning in the western region of the country. 

The Department of Hydrology and Meteorology said rainfall began in the western parts of the country due to the influence of the Westerly low-pressure system, which is gradually moving eastwards.

Department's Information Officer Dinakar Kayastha said that it has been raining since early this morning in areas including Dadeldhura, Doti, Achham, Bajura, Bajhang, Gulmi, Kaski, Tanahu, Palpa, Arghakhanchi, and Manang in western Nepal, and that the rainfall-inducing system has now reached Chitwan.

The Meteorological Forecasting Division has also stated that the rainfall, which started from the west, is moving towards the east.

Kayastha stated that Gulmi received 17 millimeters of rain while Tanahun 11 millimeters in the last one hour, and it is still raining.

Currently, Nepal is under the influence of the Westerly low-pressure system,  information officer Kayastha said, adding that at present, Madhes, Bagmati, Lumbini, Karnali and Sudurpaschim Provinces have generally cloudy weather, while Koshi and Gandaki Provinces are partly cloudy.

The Department stated that fog has occurred in some areas of the Tarai and the Kathmandu Valley.

The weather bulletin issued today by the Department stated that generally cloudy conditions are expected in the hilly and mountainous areas of Gandaki, Lumbini, Karnali, Sudurpaschim Provinces as well as in Koshi and Bagmati provinces, while partly cloudy conditions are expected in the remaining areas.

Information officer Kayastha said that in some mountainous areas of the country, there is a possibility of moderate rainfall with thunder and lightning, along with snowfall in a few areas.

He added that there is a possibility of moderate rain with thunder and lightning in some hilly areas of Lumbini, Karnali and Sudurpaschim Prior, in a few hilly areas of Koshi, Bagmati and Gandaki Provinces, as well as in one or two places in the Tarai region of Lumbini and Sudurpaschim Provinces.

According to him, cloudy conditions will continue for a few more days.

In a historic political shift, the newly formed Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and its prime ministerial candidate, rapper-turned-politician Balen Shah, swept the elections in Nepal and are set to form the government – dislodging the country’s old political institutions. While the mandate marks a pivotal moment in Nepal's political landscape following the Gen-Z protests that rocked the country last year, it also poses a significant strategic test for India in Kathmandu. 

Nepal occupies a key strategic place in India’s South Asian engagement strategy. India remains Nepal’s largest trading partner. Over the past decade, New Delhi has invested significantly in developmental assistance, strengthening cross-border connectivity projects and hydro and energy cooperation.

Initiatives such as amending the ‘Treaty of Transit’ to enhance trade flows via the Jogbani-Biratnagar rail link – enabling direct rail transport of containerised and bulk cargo to Nepal’s custom yard – and completion of the 34 km Jayanagar-Kutha rail link, similarly, integrated check posts have been operationalized to streamline customs procedures and reduce logistical delays – illustrate India’s effort in institutionalising supply chains that bind two economies closer together.

In the energy sector, India has invested heavily in several hydropower and electricity transmission projects. Multiple cross-border electricity transmission lines are already operational, while agreements have been signed for a new 400 kV transmission line linking Inaruwa to New Purnea and the Lamki-Dododhara corridor with Bareilly. Additionally, under a long-term power-purchase agreement, Nepal plans to export up to 10,000 MW of electricity to India over the next decade – reinforcing New Delhi’s ambition to position itself as the hub of a broader regional energy network. 

However, the smooth operationalization of these initiatives depends significantly on a cooperative and predictable political leadership in Kathmandu. It is precisely at this juncture that the landslide victory of the RSP carries profound significance. 

The RSP’s electoral triumph reflects the aspirations of a new generation shaped by the Gen-Z wave. For many Nepalis, the political mandate represents not merely a change in government but a generational reset in a political system long criticized for stagnation and persistent corruption. The anti-corruption sentiment that fuelled the September protests has now propelled a leadership that emphasises transparency, accountability, and institutional reforms while simultaneously articulating what many describe as a more “vocal sovereignty."

Within this emerging political cohort, relations with India may no longer be viewed through the lens of ‘historical obligation’. Sections of Nepal’s political discourse have historically accused India of excessive involvement in Nepal’s internal affairs and behaving as ‘big brother’ rather than engaging on equal terms. Whether justified or not, such perceptions have periodically strained bilateral ties in the past. The emergence of a political order committed to “strategic autonomy” and a “Nepal First” approach is therefore likely to scrutinize India’s role far more closely, particularly in negotiations concerning trade felicitation, customs procedures, and cross-border administrative arrangements. 

Consistent with this outlook, RSP under Shah’s leadership has pledged to reposition Nepal from a traditional “buffer state” between India and China into a “vibrant bridge” that facilitates trilateral economic partnerships. The RSP argues that Nepal must pragmatically maximize its sovereign interests with both neighbors through technical negotiations. 

China, meanwhile, is keen to steadily expand its economic and infrastructural footprint in Nepal. During K.P. Sharma Oli’s tenure, Kathmandu finalized several projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, deepening Chinese engagement in the country’s infrastructure sector. 

While Shah has expressed equal frustration with both India and China, it is very likely that the new government will seek to diversify Nepal’s external partnerships to reduce long-standing dependence on any single partner. Such balancing is common in South Asian diplomacy; yet, most of the party leadership’s relative lack of prior institutional experience in governing at the national level, coupled with a new political landscape, introduces an element of unpredictability regarding how these ambitions will translate into policy or whether the party’s “Nepal’s First” policy will slip into a “China First” reality – inevitably complicating India’s strategic calculations in the Himalayas.

Another sensitive dimension concerns unresolved territorial disputes. Shah and his party have taken a critical position on revisiting the India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and have repeatedly called for a stronger Nepali stance on key territorial disputes, including Kalapani, Lipulekh, and Limpiyadhura, insisting that no foreign activity should take place in these regions without Nepal’s consent. The issue has remained a sensitive flashpoint between the two since Nepal’s controversial map revision in 2020. Now, with a two-thirds parliamentary majority, the new leadership could possess the domestic political capital to pursue a harder line on such issues, considering Balen Shah’s earlier anti-India rhetoric as a mayor of Kathmandu – possibly sharpening bilateral tensions.

New Delhi’s diplomatic outreach towards Nepal was traditionally anchored in the long-established political entities, such as the Nepal Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal – Unified Marxist–Leninist (CPN-UML). The RSP’s landslide victory signals the erosion of this familiar political landscape and the emergence of a new generation of leaders whose governance approach remains largely untested. In a country witnessing a dramatic shift, its younger generation is more digitally connected than ever before and uncompromisingly aspirational. Nepal’s electoral earthquake has brought the RSP into the corridors of power – one that India’s regional diplomacy has not previously had to navigate in such a form.

Although the new mandate sends some optimism in New Delhi's strategic circles. Analysts view the emergence of RSP, compounded by Shah's technocratic priorities – its emphasis on improving infrastructure, digital connectivity, and boosting GDP – could also open new avenues for cooperation. RSP ambitiously wants to be vehicle of change of a new Nepal and the trajectory of India-Nepal relations will therefore depend on how India adapts to this evolving landscape, making the RSP’s rise not a just a domestic phenomenon but a critical strategic test for New Delhi’s regional diplomacy in Kathmandu. 

Ammu S. Anil is a Senior Research Fellow at the MMAJ Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, and a Visiting Fellow at NIICE Nepal, Lalitpur.

Mahesh Ganguly, Teaching Assistant and Research Fellow, IIT Bombay. 

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has accused Russia of attempting to exploit the war in the Middle East to cause "even greater destruction" in his country, BBC reported. ​​​

He said Ukraine needed air-defence systems regardless of what was happening elsewhere. The US-Israeli war with Iran has led to many air-defence missiles being expended fending off retaliatory attacks.

Zelensky's comments came after Russia launched another massive aerial bombardment overnight into Saturday in which at least five people were killed, according to BBC. 

The price of gold has dropped by Rs 4, 800 per tola in the domestic market on Sunday.  

According to the Federation of Nepal Gold and Silver Dealers’ Association, the yellow metal is being traded at Rs 309, 400 per tola today.   

Similarly, the silver is being traded at Rs 5, 270 per tola.