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The US has suspended processing all immigration requests from Afghans, after an Afghan man was identified as the suspect in the shooting of two National Guard soldiers near the White House, BBC reported.

The US Citizenship and Immigration Services said the decision was made pending a review of "security and vetting protocols".

The suspect of Wednesday's shooting, which left two National Guard members critically injured, is said to have arrived in the US from Afghanistan in September 2021, according to BBC.

Police have arrested four individuals for their alleged involvement in the robbery of gold, cash, and other valuables from a woman in Nepaltar, Tarakeshwor Municipality, Kathmandu.

The woman, a banker by profession, was reportedly robbed of her jewelry, cash, and valuable documents.

The suspects, who were made public today, have been identified as Ishwor Budhathoki (27) of Syangja; Bishal Rai (20), Sajan Tamang (18) and Samir Tamang (19) all from Nuwakot and currently residing in Tarakeshwor.

According to Superintendent of Police and spokesperson for the District Police Range Kathmandu, Pawan Kumar Bhattarai, the incident took place on the evening of November 24 while the woman was returning home.

The suspects, who arrived on motorcycles, allegedly stole earrings weighing 12.630 grams, ear tops weighing 0.98 grams, Rs 2,500 in cash, and other belongings.

Police have sought a five-day remand from the District Court Kathmandu for further investigation against the accused.

Khampa Rebellion from the Nepali Perspective, the debut investigative work of journalist and documentary-maker Rajendra Kunwar, stands out as a rare and timely contribution to Nepal’s political–historical literature. Published recently and now available at Dobilla Bookstore in Kathmandu, the book offers an in-depth, multi-layered exploration of one of the least-understood episodes in Nepal’s geopolitical history—the Khampa rebellion.

Kunwar, who hails from Huti village in Darchula’s Byas Rural Municipality-6, brings to this work his two decades of experience in journalism, documentary filmmaking, and field reporting on various aspects of Nepal’s society. His habit of traveling deep into Nepal’s rural landscapes to document lived realities lends authenticity and nuance to this research-based narrative.

The first section of the book traces the political circumstances and long-term planning that culminated in the Khampa revolt. Here, Kunwar provides a historical overview of Nepal–Tibet relations and examines how the geopolitical landscape changed dramatically after the 1950s.

The author details the Nepal–China border agreement, King Mahendra’s 1960 coup, and the shifts in Nepal’s foreign policy during this turbulent era. This section also examines how King Birendra’s rise to power reshaped state strategies and eventually led to the suppression of Khampa activities in Nepal.Particularly insightful is Kunwar’s analysis of the US–China rapprochement of 1972, engineered by Henry Kissinger, and how it altered the regional dynamics affecting Nepal’s position and the fate of the Khampas. Similarly, the book offers glimpses of Nepal’s relationship with India and the US.

In its second section, the book boldly probes the involvement of CIA and India’s RAW in the Khampa movement. It presents fresh information on how Khampa fighters entered Nepal via India, and the extent to which Indian and American agencies supported or manipulated their presence.

Kunwar also contextualizes the Khampa activities within the broader canvas of the 1962 India–China War, outlining how the conflict influenced Indian policies toward Tibet and shaped the Khampa agenda. The result is a compelling portrait of Nepal caught between the world’s major powers during the Cold War.

Perhaps one of the book’s most valuable contributions is its third section, which includes first-person testimonies from members of the Nepal Army, Nepal Police, and high-ranking government officials who witnessed or participated in the events of the Khampa uprising.

This is likely the first time such voices have been assembled in one place. Their accounts provide new insights, operational details, and firsthand perspectives previously missing from historical narratives. This section alone makes the book essential reading for scholars of Nepal’s modern military and political history.

The fourth section turns toward the Khampas themselves. Kunwar has interviewed surviving Khampa members or their children, presenting stories of struggle, displacement, loyalty, and political complexity. These narratives humanize a group often portrayed only in strategic terms, offering new information and overlooked issues that deepen our understanding of the rebellion’s human dimension.

‘Khampa Rebellion from the Nepali Perspective’ is an ambitious, well-researched, and highly relevant work. It combines geopolitics, oral histories, intelligence studies, and regional diplomacy into a single coherent narrative.

For students, teachers, political leaders, security personnel, and anyone interested in Nepal’s history, this book provides a comprehensive and compelling account of a pivotal yet underexplored chapter of Nepal’s geopolitical evolution.  Rajendra Kunwar’s work marks a significant contribution to Nepali historiography—one that will likely serve as a reference point for future research on the Khampa movement, Cold War politics, and Nepal’s delicate diplomatic positioning between global powers.

The government has finalized investment modality for two of Nepal’s largest hydropower projects—the 1,200 MW Budhigandaki Reservoir Hydroelectric Project and the 1,063 MW Upper Arun Semi-Reservoir Hydroelectric Project.

According to the Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, both projects will be built entirely with Nepali investment. Energy Minister Kulman Ghising has directed officials to submit the investment modality to the Cabinet and relevant authorities for final approval.

The government plans to mobilize funds for these projects through a mix of instruments, including equity by the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA), energy bonds, loans from banks and financial institutions, concessional government loans, and the infrastructure tax levied on petroleum imports. Likewise, shares will also be offered to migrant workers, Non-Resident Nepalis (NRNs), and the general public.

The Budhigandaki project, located in Dhading and Gorkha, is expected to cost approximately Rs 374bn, with total costs rising to Rs 406 billion after accounting for Rs 32bn in interest during construction. The construction period is estimated at eight years.

Under the proposed 70:30 debt-equity structure, the government will invest Rs 248bn, including Rs 97.47bn in equity and Rs 150bn in concessional loans. The Rs 45bn already spent on land acquisition and preparatory works will be converted into equity. The plan also proposes channeling Customs and VAT revenues from project-related imports and allocating 50 percent of the infrastructure tax on petroleum products to the project.

NEA will make an equity investment of Rs 24.37bn in the project. The project company—Budhigandaki Company Ltd—will be owned 80 percent by the government and 20 percent by NEA.

To meet its debt requirement, the project will issue Rs 30bn in energy bonds, which banks and institutional investors can count toward mandatory liquidity. A consortium financing of Rs 104 billion is planned with participation from the Employees Provident Fund, Citizen Investment Trust, Social Security Fund and commercial banks.

The Upper Arun project is estimated to cost around Rs 214 billion. The project follows a similar 70:30 debt-equity structure, with 51 percent of equity reserved for institutional investors—including NEA, provincial and local governments, Nepal Telecom, EPF, CIT, Social Security Fund, HIDCL, insurance firms, and NEA subsidiaries. The general public, including migrant workers, employees of promoter institutions, locals and affected areas will hold the remaining 49 percent equity.

As per the investment modality, a consortium financing of Rs 168bn will be sought from banks and financial institutions. 

The World Bank had initially shown interest in the project. However, the project had become uncertain after the multilateral withdrawal reportedly after failing to secure the ‘go-ahead’ from the neighboring countries.

The Indian government undertaking SJVN is building three projects in the Arun corridor - the Arun III (900 MW), Lower Arun (669 MW) and Arun IV (695 MW). NEA will hold 49 percent stake in the joint venture with SJVN that will be formed to build Arun IV.