Submit your Article

Newly appointed Chinese Ambassador to Nepal, Zhang Maoming, has pledged to implement the important consensus reached between the two countries during Xi Jinping’s 2019 visit to Nepal.

In remarks made upon his arrival to assume office, Ambassador Zhang said, “I look forward to working with friends from all sectors of Nepal to carry forward our traditional friendship and advance all-round exchanges and cooperation across all fields.”

He added that the Embassy of the People's Republic of China in Nepal will continue to practice people-centered diplomacy, serve as a trusted partner to Chinese nationals in Nepal, and act as a steadfast guardian of their legitimate rights and interests overseas.

“Let us work hand in hand to advance the Strategic Partnership of Cooperation Featuring Everlasting Friendship for Development and Prosperity between China and Nepal, and jointly build a China-Nepal community with a shared future,” he further said.

Ambassador Zhang noted that 2026 marks the opening year of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan period. China will accelerate the advancement of Chinese modernization and proactively expand high-standard opening-up, creating new development opportunities for countries around the world, including Nepal.

“Nepal is also at a critical stage of transformation and transition,” he said. “At a time when changes unseen in a century are accelerating and turbulence and transformation are interwoven in the international landscape, China stands ready to work with Nepal to implement the four Global Initiatives, strengthen solidarity and cooperation among the Global South, and jointly promote an equal and orderly multipolar world and universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, so as to contribute to building a community with a shared future for mankind.”

In 2019, President Xi Jinping paid a historic and successful state visit to Nepal, elevating bilateral relations to a Strategic Partnership of Cooperation Featuring Everlasting Friendship for Development and Prosperity, he said.  Under the strategic guidance of our two countries’ leaders, political mutual trust has continued to deepen, high-quality Belt and Road cooperation has delivered fruitful results, and people-to-people exchanges have grown ever closer, bringing tangible benefits to our two peoples, he added.

With just 20 days remaining before the election, a powerful anti-incumbency wave is sweeping across Nepal’s political landscape, placing senior leaders from all major parties under unusual pressure.  From long-established figures to leaders of relatively newer parties, few appear insulated from growing voter dissatisfaction.

A leader close to CPN-UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli recently acknowledged the changing mood, remarking, “This is the first time Oli is truly contesting an election.” The comment reflects a striking shift in electoral dynamics.

In past elections, established leaders relied heavily on party networks and traditional voter loyalties. This time, however, even prominent figures are engaged in intensive door-to-door campaigns, signaling that electoral victories can no longer be taken for granted.

Pushpa Kamal Dahal, coordinator of the Nepal Communist Party and former chair of the CPN (Maoist Center), is also facing the heat. In recent public remarks, Dahal suggested that “external forces” are backing emerging political actors, a statement widely interpreted as a reference to the growing popularity of Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah and other non-traditional figures. Dahal also argued that the “scenario on social media” differs from the “reality on the ground,” implying that digital enthusiasm may not necessarily convert into votes.

Analysts point to the rapid expansion of internet access and social media platforms as a key factor driving the current anti-incumbency sentiment. Platforms such as TikTok, Facebook, and YouTube have become central arenas for political debate, criticism, and mobilization.

Studies conducted in various democracies suggest that increased internet penetration can weaken trust in traditional political parties and institutions. In Nepal, social media has amplified scrutiny of incumbent leaders and provided space for alternative voices. The digital sphere has also facilitated the rise of populist and anti-establishment narratives, eroding the dominance of established political actors over public discourse.

Beyond digital influence, long-standing governance challenges appear to be fueling public frustration. Major political parties have alternated in power for decades, yet many structural issues—ranging from unemployment and corruption to weak public service delivery and political instability—remain unresolved.

Voters are increasingly questioning senior leaders who have held the prime ministerial office multiple times. “If you have been in power repeatedly, why have our problems not been addressed?” has become a common refrain at campaign events, according to party insiders. This cumulative dissatisfaction suggests that the current wave is not merely cyclical but rooted in deeper structural grievances.

Nepal’s electoral contests were traditionally shaped by competition among four principal forces: Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, the Maoists, and Madhes-based parties. However, the rise of new political forces and independent candidates has disrupted this familiar pattern.

While these emerging actors may lack extensive nationwide party structures, they are capitalizing on voter frustration and presenting themselves as credible alternatives. Observers note that the anti-incumbency sentiment does not appear to favor any single opposition party; rather, it reflects a broader desire for new and “fresh” faces in politics.

Despite the prevailing mood, incumbent leaders remain hopeful that strong grassroots networks and organizational capacity will help them withstand the challenge. They argue that online narratives do not always translate into electoral outcomes and that traditional campaign mechanisms still hold influence.

Nevertheless, the atmosphere leading up to the polls suggests that this election is shaping up as more than a routine contest among parties. For many voters, it appears to be a referendum on the political establishment itself.

House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia Chairman Bill Huizenga has said that recent elections in Bangladesh and Nepal present new opportunities for U.S. engagement in South Asia.

In his opening remarks at a subcommittee hearing titled “South Asia: U.S. Foreign Policy in the Region,” Huizenga described South and Central Asia as a dynamic region where young and growing populations are increasingly drawn to Western cultures and values rather than to what he called China’s “authoritarian alternative.”

Bordering India, both Nepal and Bangladesh are undergoing significant political transformations. Bangladesh held general elections on February 12, following the July 2024 revolution that led to the ouster of an authoritarian government in September 2025. Meanwhile, Nepal is set to hold democratic elections on March 5 after youth-led protests overthrew the previous government.

Huizenga said these developments mark “new chapters for engagement” in South Asia and provide an opportunity to redefine U.S. relations with the new governments.

Emphasizing the strategic importance of the region, he reiterated that South and Central Asia remain vital to U.S. foreign policy interests, particularly as their young populations shape the political and economic future of the region.

Here is the full-text of his speech: 

Our strategy there is key to the United States national security and economic strength and our global presence. South and Central Asia is home to nearly 2 billion people, dynamic economies and strategic waterways that shape the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.

 Throughout the region, the President has successfully negotiated deals that open markets and advance U.S. Economic interests. Now we are going to engage and how we engage will define America's role in Asia for decades to come.

 China has come to the same conclusion, no surprise. Through its belt and road initiative, China engages in predatory lending to further its security interests and force smaller nations into debt traps. Furthermore, China has hardened its border with India, Nepal, and Bhutan, building infrastructure to support its military aspirations.

 Despite its distance from our shores, maintaining a free and open Indian Ocean is a priority for our national and our economic security. The Indian Ocean is one of the busiest maritime corridors on the Earth, carrying the lifeblood of global commerce and energy, including more than 80% of global seaborne oil trade.

Safeguarding these sea lanes through enhanced naval cooperation with partners and allies will only serve to counter China's growing influence and limit its malign behavior in the region. Alongside President Trump, I too see the importance of our naval base on Diego Garcia in the middle of the Indian ocean. 

I echo this sentiment that preserving America's military fortitude in the region will deter Chinese coercion, prevent piracy, and ensure the free flow of American and world trade. Directly north of Diego Garcia, India, the largest democracy in the world and one of the fastest growing economies, remains a vital strategic partner. Just last week, President Trump brokered a historic trade deal with India, completely revamping US engagement with the country. The US-India trade deal sets India's tariff rate at 18%, one of the lowest regionally. Moreover, Delhi has agreed to buy more American energy. This deal will strengthen US-India relations, support American workers through manufacturing and joint technology ventures, and boost our exports.

Strengthening ties with New Delhi through defense cooperation, trade and technology partnerships advances our shared interests. I look forward to increasing cooperation, co-production and investment, especially under the new framework negotiated by the President. Bordering India, Nepal and Bangladesh are undergoing political transformations. 

Bangladesh will hold free elections tomorrow following its 2024 July revolution, which ousted an authoritarian government in September of 2025, Nepalese youth overthrew the government and Nepal will hold democratic elections next month. Both of these instances offer new chapters for engagement in South Asia, defining US relations with these new governments. South and Central Asia is a dynamic region, young growing populations are more often drawn to western cultures and values than to China's authoritarian alternative.

Strategic US led diplomacy will make a difference in building alliances and achieving our mutual beneficial goals throughout the region. Our strategy in South Asia must be comprehensive, anchored in strong partnerships, economic engagement, and a commitment to democratic values. Our engagement in the region must advance American interests, but also continue to contribute to a more secure, prosperous and free Indian Ocean. I look forward to hearing from Assistant Secretary Kapur regarding the administration's South and Central Asia strategy.

As political parties escalate their election campaigns, the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests have transformed from a moment of civic outrage into a central battlefield of electoral politics. What began as student-led demonstrations demanding the lifting of the social media ban and stronger action against corruption has now been reframed by political actors into competing narratives of accountability, responsibility, and legitimacy.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has positioned the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 protests as evidence of state repression under then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. By directly holding Oli accountable, RSP is attempting to challenge the moral authority of the traditional political establishment, especially the CPN-UML. This framing resonates strongly with younger voters who view the state’s response to the protests as excessive and emblematic of a deeper culture of impunity. This has forced UML Chairperson Oli to come up with a long elaboration that he did not order to shoot the protestors on Sept 8. 

The political stakes rose sharply after Balendra Shah (Balen), former mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, joined RSP as a senior leader and was projected as its prime ministerial candidate. Shah’s refusal to share a debate platform with Oli, citing the latter’s alleged responsibility for the deaths, is not merely a personal stance—it is a calculated political move. By refusing engagement, Shah seeks to frame the election as a moral judgment rather than a contest of rhetoric, thereby forcing Oli and UML onto the defensive.

In response, traditional parties—particularly UML—have attempted to counter this narrative by shifting the focus from Sept 8 to Sept 9. UML leaders argue that Shah himself should be held accountable for the arson and destruction of state institutions, including Singha Durbar, that took place on September 9. Criticism of Shah for failing to mobilize fire engines during the attacks is meant to undermine his image as a decisive and effective administrator.

RSP’s decision to officially project Shah as its prime ministerial candidate marks a significant departure from Nepal’s recent political practice and signals growing confidence within the party. The declaration of prime ministerial candidates by major parties—Shah for RSP, KP Sharma Oli for UML, Gagan Kumar Thapa for Nepali Congress, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal for the Nepali Communist Party—has personalized the election to an unprecedented degree. Shah’s direct contest with Oli in Jhapa-5 has further nationalized the race, transforming a constituency battle into a symbolic clash between old power and political disruption.

Shah’s nationwide campaign and the public enthusiasm it has generated have clearly unsettled traditional parties. This unease is reflected in the rhetoric of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who has shifted from cautious sympathy toward Shah to open criticism. Dahal’s claim that domestic and foreign forces are investing heavily in promoting leaders who gain popularity through “stunts” reveals an anxiety shared by established parties: the erosion of ideological politics and organizational discipline in favor of personality-driven movements. His assertion that GenZ movements and new political parties are backed by foreign forces echoes a familiar tactic in Nepali politics—delegitimizing dissent by externalizing it.

The Nepali Congress has attempted to distance itself from this polarizing debate. By refusing to take sides on either Sept 8 or Sept 9 and instead invoking “Sept 10,” the party appears to be pursuing a strategy of calculated ambiguity. While this may help avoid immediate controversy, it risks making the party appear evasive at a moment when public demand for accountability is high.

Taken together, the emerging electoral landscape suggests a far more confrontational and emotionally charged campaign than in previous elections. The struggle to define Sept 8 and Sept 9 is not merely about dates or events; it is about controlling the narrative of state violence, civic responsibility, and political legitimacy. As these narratives harden, the risk of heightened polarization—and even election-related violence in certain constituencies—cannot be dismissed. Ultimately, this election may hinge less on policy debates and more on which version of recent history voters choose to believe.

With nominations now complete for both the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR) categories, the prospects of holding the House of Representatives elections for March 5 have improved significantly. 

President Ramchandra Paudel and Prime Minister Sushila Karki have maintained a firm, non-negotiable stance in favor of the polls. Political parties across the spectrum have participated actively, showing organizational readiness and enthusiasm. Except for a fringe group under businessman Durga Prasai, no major force seems capable of disrupting the electoral process at this moment. Earlier, divisions within the Nepali Congress (NC) had raised doubts about whether the elections would take place on time. Those concerns have now largely subsided, clearing the way for the polls. 

The elections are widely seen as essential for restoring political normalcy by fully activating the constitution. Yet, security remains a concern. Morale within the Nepal Police is reportedly low, which could complicate campaigning and voting. The Nepali Army has already been deployed, signaling the state’s commitment to holding the elections as planned. The primary security concern comes from potential clashes between established and emerging parties. A minor clash in the Jhapa-5 constituency on nomination filing day serves as an early warning.

Why the vote matters

The March 5 elections are crucial for the country. First, the lower house election will formally transfer governing authority to a legitimate parliamentary body, restoring democratic credibility. The current unelected government will be replaced by one chosen by the people. Second, the polls will also address constitutional breaches and ambiguities that emerged after the Sept 8-9 unrest through a renewed popular mandate. Third, the elections will reduce the risk of a deepening constitutional crisis by re-establishing fully functional state institutions. 

Furthermore, the elections are expected to safeguard the current constitution and political system. Newer forces, like the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and leaders such as Balen Shah—whose earlier positions on the political system were ambiguous—have publicly reaffirmed their commitment to republicanism and secularism. This has eased fears of a rollback of the post-2008 political order. Major parties are also making visible efforts to bring fresh faces into Parliament. While limited, this reflects growing public dissatisfaction with entrenched elites. 

Failure to hold elections on schedule will seriously undermine the legitimacy of both the president and the prime minister, potentially plunging the country into renewed political conflict.

Will it bring stability and reform?

Despite these positive aspects, a critical question remains: will the elections bring political stability? The answer is far from reassuring. Current realities suggest that no single party is likely to win a clear majority. Major parties—including the NC, CPN-UML, the Nepali Communist Party, and the RSP—have fielded candidates in nearly all constituencies. Under the PR system, the balance of power among these parties is also expected to remain largely unchanged.

This points to a hung parliament. A stable majority government appears unlikely in the present context, making fragile coalitions almost inevitable. Coalition politics will dominate governance once again, limiting the government’s ability to pursue bold or long-term reforms. Sweeping changes, especially institutional and constitutional reforms, are unlikely to materialize. Constitutional amendments require a two-thirds parliamentary majority—a threshold nearly impossible under current conditions. Historically, even powerful parties such as the NC and UML have shown little appetite for serious reform. 

Corruption and governance reforms will also be difficult to pursue. A hung parliament will likely become a battleground for party politics, with indecision and obstruction dominating parliamentary work.

Foreign policy post-vote

Political fragmentation will affect Nepal’s foreign policy. Instability creates space for foreign influence. Managing balanced and cordial relations with major powers will be more difficult, as old and new parties bring divergent, and at times contradicting, worldviews. Even when Parliament was dominated by three major parties, building a unified foreign policy had proved difficult. A more fragmented legislature will make consensus even harder. Differences on issues like the MCC of the US and BRI of China are already apparent.

Some traditional political parties have accused newer parties of being backed by foreign interests, particularly regarding the Sept 8-9 protest. Nepal’s engagement with major powers has slowed since the GenZ unrest. Meanwhile, major powers are waiting for a new government before adjusting their strategies. Managing the competing interests of major powers will be especially challenging for a coalition government. China seems to favor traditional, particularly communist, parties. New Delhi is open to working with any government. Western countries appear more supportive of newer parties. Conflicting agendas among these powers will place additional pressure on a coalition government. 

Conclusion

The March 5 elections are necessary and constitutionally indispensable. They offer a chance to restore democratic processes, correct past deviations, and prevent a constitutional crisis. However, while the elections may restore procedural normalcy, they are unlikely to bring political stability or transformative change. A fragmented mandate, coalition politics, and external pressures will continue shaping Nepal’s trajectory long after the vote. 

Elections, therefore, should be seen not as a solution, but as the start of another challenging phase in Nepal’s ongoing democratic transition.

Nepal has completed candidate nominations under its First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral system, marking a critical step toward the country’s upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for March 5. The process concluded largely peacefully, easing concerns about political instability.

Nepal’s federal parliament consists of 275 members, with 165 elected through the FPTP system and the remaining 110 through proportional representation (PR). With nominations now finalized, the Election Commission is moving ahead with the election calendar. Below are ten developments emerging from the nomination process that merit attention.

1. Candidate numbers exceed 3,000

According to Nepal’s Election Commission, more than 3,000 candidates have filed nominations under the FPTP system. This figure is expected to decline slightly as parties negotiate withdrawals. Separately, 3,293 candidates from 63 political parties have registered under the proportional representation system.

2. An influx of new faces

Political parties have introduced a notable number of first-time candidates, reflecting growing public pressure for political renewal. Analysts link this trend partly to youth-led protests in September that called for accountability and generational change. The Nepali Congress, one of the country’s largest parties, has nominated 106 new candidates out of its 165 FPTP slots. The CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Centre), and the newly formed Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) have also fielded a large number of new contenders, though comprehensive data is still pending.

3. Absence of pre-election alliances

In contrast to the 2017 and 2022 elections—when major parties formed electoral alliances—no formal pre-poll coalitions have been announced this time. Major parties, including the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, RSP, and the Nepali Communist Party, have fielded candidates in most constituencies. While limited seat adjustments may still occur, parties appear to be testing their individual electoral strength.

4. Limited progress on inclusion

Despite constitutional commitments to inclusivity, candidate representation under the FPTP system remains uneven. Women, Indigenous communities, and other marginalized groups are underrepresented. While proportional representation lists are legally required to ensure diversity, no such obligation exists under FPTP, resulting in only about 400 female candidates nationwide.

5. High-profile contest draws attention

One of the most closely watched races is in Jhapa-5, where former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is facing former Kathmandu mayor Balendra Shah, a popular independent figure known for his anti-establishment appeal. The constituency drew nationwide attention during nominations, with competing demonstrations of political strength and minor clashes reported.

6. Prominent political figures shift constituencies

Several senior leaders are contesting from strategically significant constituencies. Nepali Congress President Gagan Kumar Thapa has moved from his traditional stronghold in Kathmandu to Sarlahi-4 in the southern Madhes region. Former Prime Minister and Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal is contesting from Rukum (East), a historic center of the Maoist insurgency. Former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai has reversed an earlier decision not to contest and is running from Gorkha-2. RSP chair Rabi Lamichhane is contesting from Chitwan-2, while former top bureaucrat Kul Man Ghising is running from Kathmandu-3. Veteran leader Sher Bahadur Deuba, a dominant political figure since the 1990s, has opted not to contest this election.

7. Journalists enter electoral politics

A growing number of journalists have entered the electoral race, underscoring public distrust in traditional political elites and the media’s expanding role in politics. Prominent television host Rishi Dhamala and several other journalists are contesting from various constituencies. Nepal’s state-run news agency reports that more than a dozen journalists are running for office—more than in previous elections.

8. RSP expands nationwide presence

The Rastriya Swatantra Party, which emerged as a major political force in the 2022 elections, has fielded candidates in 164 of Nepal’s 165 constituencies, excluding the remote Himalayan district of Manang. This positions the party alongside long-established parties and reflects its rapid organizational growth. The monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party has also fielded candidates nationwide.

9. Legal hurdles cleared

Nepal’s Supreme Court declined to intervene in internal disputes within the Nepali Congress, refusing to issue a stay order that could have delayed the election process. The decision has removed a major legal obstacle and allowed the Election Commission to proceed as scheduled.

10. Cabinet ministers resign to contest

Four cabinet ministers resigned to contest the elections, drawing criticism from civil society groups and opposition figures. Critics argue that ministers should prioritize ensuring free and fair elections rather than seeking electoral office, while supporters defend the resignations as consistent with democratic norms.

The political document presented by Gagan Kumar Thapa at the Nepali Congress Special General Convention proposes a far-reaching transformation of the country’s political landscape and national politics. It reviews the prevailing political situation and introduces new ideas to address existing challenges. The document is likely to trigger a nationwide debate on several key issues.

View on the GenZ movement

The document has taken ownership of the Sept 8–9 GenZ movement. It states: “The youth-led movement has brought Nepali politics to a distinct and challenging turning point. From the perspective of our party, the political situation before and after the GenZ movement is entirely different.” The rebellion is described as an outburst of public frustration against repeatedly failed leadership, the erosion of credibility in public institutions, and systemic problems such as misgovernance and corruption.

The document further states: “We were the largest party in the parliament that was dissolved by this movement, and we were also a stakeholder in the deposed government. When the rebellion erupted addressing public grievances, we must acknowledge the reality—while repeatedly assuring the general public—that, in one way or another, we were involved in these issues and failed to intervene in time to prevent these anomalies.” According to the document, the GenZ rebellion should be understood as a movement for fundamental transformation, demanding economic development, meaningful opportunities for youth, good governance, and government accountability.

At its core, the document argues, the GenZ rebellion was about change: changes in policies, methods and practices, thinking and mindset, and certain leadership roles. As the largest party in Parliament and part of the government targeted by the movement, the need for internal reform within the Nepali Congress became evident.

The document notes: “Recognizing this, party members at all levels raised their voices for transformation. As calls for change grew stronger at the grassroots level, there was concern at the center that we had reached a point where decisive action had become difficult.” Previously, following the GenZ movement, the party leadership had not fully taken ownership of the uprising.

The document reaffirms the party’s commitment to political reform, good governance, and youth participation in the wake of the GenZ movement, which it describes as a historic political awakening. It expresses deep sorrow over the tragic incidents during the protests and pays tribute to those who lost their lives. Thapa has pledged that acts of repression and violence during the protests, along with serious human rights violations, will be independently and impartially investigated. A government commission is currently conducting an inquiry.

The document emphasizes that truth and justice must be established and legal action taken against those responsible. Recognizing the political awakening of the youth as a vital societal force, it commits to institutionalizing meaningful youth participation at all levels of party organization and state governance. “The call for fundamental transformation expressed by the youth is the living political capital of our society,” the document states, adding that policy-level and structural arrangements will be implemented to ensure decisive youth representation. The NC establishment and other parties, particularly the CPN-UML, do not agree with Thapa’s position on the GenZ movement.

Good governance and anti-corruption

The document highlights that the core demands of the rebellion are closely linked to corruption control, transparency, and good governance. It calls for a multiparty national dialogue to address these demands and institutionalize reforms reflecting citizens’ aspirations. The party pledges to:

• Engage all stakeholders to build consensus on good governance without violating constitutional principles
• Lead multiparty dialogue to create a shared national understanding and ensure result-oriented reforms
• Strengthen the independence of constitutional bodies, regulatory authorities, and public institutions
• Depoliticize universities, public agencies, and service delivery organizations while ensuring merit-based functioning and inclusive representation
• Simplify administrative procedures, strengthen institutional capacity, and enforce financial discipline
• Promote transparency, accountability, and citizen-responsive governance

Reclaiming NC’s leadership

The document emphasizes reclaiming the Nepali Congress’s leadership in national politics. At critical moments in history, it states, the party has taken decisive decisions and forged a distinct identity. At its founding, the party voiced public aspirations for freedom, civic supremacy, human rights, liberation from the Rana regime, and democracy. In 1990, restoring people’s rights and establishing a multiparty system were its core objectives. Following the 2006 movement, the party played a decisive role in resolving issues of democracy, republicanism, federalism, and inclusiveness through a democratic constitution. The document acknowledges all major political documents since 1950, including the recent GenZ movement.

Politics grounded in principles

Ahead of upcoming elections, the document reiterates its commitment to politics based on core values: integrity, democracy, and public service. It stresses that principles will take precedence over power and rejects pre-election alliances that compromise its ideals. Over the past three decades, the party has endured setbacks, exile, and violent challenges while upholding its principles. Even when electoral outcomes were manipulated, it accepted results without compromising integrity.

The party acknowledges recent challenges in maintaining its commitment in a polarized and populist political climate but reaffirms that it will never compromise democratic values, national integrity, sovereignty, or the rule of law.

Reform of state mechanisms

The document acknowledges long-standing criticism of state institutions over the past three decades, particularly excessive political influence that has weakened their functioning. It calls for an overhaul of state mechanisms and proposes reforms, including to the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA).

Corruption is identified as the root cause of Nepal’s political, administrative, and economic challenges. The party pledges to strengthen the rule of law, ensure accountability, and reinforce anti-corruption mechanisms through measures such as:

• Ensuring independence of constitutional bodies, including the CIAA and the Auditor General
• Appointing officials based on competence, integrity, and proportional representation
• Mandating asset declarations by ministers, parliamentarians, and senior officials
• Protecting state institutions, universities, and public offices from partisan interference

Improving public service delivery

The party proposes reforms to make public service delivery citizen-centered, transparent, and result-oriented. These include fixed service timelines, accountability for delays, reduced red tape, and expanded e-governance.

Rejecting office-centered administrative thinking, the document emphasizes citizen-focused services. Integrated service centers will replace fragmented systems, allowing citizens to access multiple services—such as registration, licensing, taxation, social security, and health—through single physical or digital platforms. Digital connectivity will be expanded to enable home-based service delivery.

Public servants’ competence and integrity are highlighted as essential. Salaries will reflect market value, and training will focus on efficiency, communication, and modern administrative practices. The number of ministries at federal and provincial levels will be reviewed and rationalized, and an umbrella law will strengthen federalism and clarify intergovernmental authority.

Democratic reforms within political parties

The document acknowledges persistent problems such as weak intra-party democracy and leadership stagnation. It argues that democracy requires continuous participation, accountability, and inclusiveness, not just periodic elections. Proposed measures include:

• Electing all leaders—from ward level to central leadership—through democratic processes
• Conducting timely and transparent internal elections in all party-affiliated bodies
• Ensuring representation of women, Madhesis, minorities, persons with disabilities, youth, and marginalized communities
• Institutionalizing internal democracy through competitive elections and gender-balanced candidacies
• Introducing digital, transparent candidate evaluation systems based on competence and integrity

The document also proposes tenure limits for executive positions and a one-time proportional representation rule to broaden leadership opportunities.

Reform of the electoral system

The document supports reforms to make Nepal’s electoral system more inclusive, stable, and accountable. It proposes reviewing constitutional provisions, introducing reserved constituencies and “Single Rotation Reserved Constituencies,” guaranteeing voting rights for Nepalis abroad, and institutionalizing “Right to Reject (No Vote).” Primary elections, state funding based on vote weight, and strict financial accountability are also proposed.

Limiting the term of the Prime Minister

Reflecting public sentiment, especially among youth, the document proposes a two-term limit for the Prime Minister. Currently, neither party statutes nor the Constitution impose such limits. The Nepali Congress pledges to lead efforts to incorporate this provision, noting that the same leaders have dominated the premiership since 1990.

Political influence on constitutional bodies and public institutions

The document criticizes excessive politicization of constitutional bodies and public institutions, which it says has undermined credibility and institutional integrity. It proposes policy- and law-based appointments, open applications, public oversight, and transparent selection processes.

A “cooling-off period” is proposed to prevent immediate post-retirement appointments to constitutional bodies. Legal protections will also be introduced to shield officials from political pressure and penalize partisan interference.

Foreign policy

On foreign policy, Thapa reaffirms commitment to national interest, sovereignty, territorial integrity, and balanced diplomacy. Nepal will strengthen ties with India and China based on equality and mutual benefit while diversifying global partnerships to support development and economic growth.

Ahead of the crucial March 5 elections, Nepal’s largest political party, the Nepali Congress (NC), has plunged into a deep internal crisis following a formal split. The rupture has thrown the electoral process into uncertainty and exposed a widening generational divide within the party. Two rival factions—one led by party president Sher Bahadur Deuba and the other by General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa—are now locked in a legal and constitutional battle for legitimacy. Gagan Thapa is 49 years old, while the current party president, Sher Bahadur Deuba, is nearing 80.

The establishment faction has expelled  Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, accusing them of organizing a special convention in violation of the party statute. In response, the Thapa-led faction has claimed overwhelming support within the party, asserting that it commands the backing of nearly 67 percent of the General Convention representatives. The faction has already elected a new Central Working Committee (CWC) through the convention and submitted its updated documentation to the Election Commission (EC), seeking official recognition.

The immediate authority to decide the party’s legitimacy lies with the Election Commission, which will examine the submitted documents and consult both factions. However, any party dissatisfied with the EC’s decision is almost certain to challenge it at the Supreme Court (SC), making the judiciary the ultimate arbiter. This legal uncertainty has placed the party—and the broader electoral process—in a precarious position.

At the heart of the split lies a generational conflict sharpened by the GenZ–led youth movement of Sept 8–9. Young leaders had demanded swift leadership change, greater internal democracy, and ownership of the reform agenda raised by youth activists. Instead of accommodating these demands, senior leaders who are above 70 years consolidated control, rejecting calls for a special convention despite provisions in the party statute. The refusal ultimately triggered the breakaway led by Thapa, symbolizing a broader struggle between reformist youth leaders and the party’s old guard.

The timing of the split is very meaningful. Candidate nominations under the Proportional Representation (PR) system have already been finalized and cannot be altered unless the entire electoral process is cancelled. Meanwhile, the deadline for nominations under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system is just six days away, leaving the NC with only a narrow window to resolve its internal dispute and finalize candidates. Given the legal and constitutional complexities involved, it appears highly unlikely that the matter can be settled within the next four to five days.

If the dispute remains unresolved, both factions are expected to proceed independently, each claiming to be the legitimate Nepali Congress. This raises serious questions: Which faction will the EC recognize for electoral purposes? Can the EC and the government proceed with elections without the participation of the country’s largest party? Or will the election calendar have to be revised?

The EC is constrained by time. With less than 50 days remaining before the scheduled polls, extending deadlines or granting additional time may not be feasible. While elections could theoretically be postponed to April or May, such a move could invite constitutional challenges, as the current government is mandated to hold elections within six months of its formation.

If elections proceed as scheduled amid this chaos, the Nepali Congress is likely to suffer significant electoral damage.