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Why did the Nepal Army (NA) not take the initiative to protect vital state installations such as the Parliament building, Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, and the President’s Office? 

Since the violent GenZ protests of Sept 8–9, this question has reverberated from tea stalls to television studios, from ordinary citizens to political leaders and security analysts. And it is a question the Army will likely continue to face for generations.

 At a press conference on Oct 17, more than a month after the unrest, the NA said that Singha Durbar could have been saved only at the cost of significant human casualties, meaning it would have had to open fire on protesters. The Army, which has historically refrained from suppressing popular uprisings, maintained that the Sept 9 chaos was not a peaceful protest but a riot.

 According to Army officers, troops attempted to hold back demonstrators at Singha Durbar’s gates through physical restraint and warning fire. But as mobs surged in from all four directions, the Army acted under what it called the “principle of necessity,” prioritizing human lives over physical infrastructure. In essence, the NA decided not to kill civilians to protect government buildings.

Still, the Army claims it succeeded in safeguarding strategically vital assets. Despite the blaze at Singha Durbar, it says its personnel managed to protect sensitive documents and data servers belonging to the National Security Council, the Ministry of Defense, and the Ministry of Finance. Had those systems been destroyed, the state’s financial operations, such as salary payments, transactions, and accounting, could have ground to a halt within days, NA said.  The NA also claims credit for securing Tribhuvan International Airport during the unrest.

Initial media reports suggest that the NA has launched an internal investigation to identify deployment lapses that occurred on September 9 at sensitive and vital installations.

Inside the NA, there appears to be serious reflection underway regarding its failure to protect vital installations. However, publicly, the NA leadership is defending its actions on various grounds.

The questions confronting the Army today are not entirely new. Article 267 of Nepal’s Constitution designates the President as the Supreme Commander of the Army.

This has raised another sensitive issue: why did the Army not take measures to protect its own Commander-in-Chief, as President Ram Chandra Poudel reportedly had to seek temporary shelter elsewhere during the unrest? Public reaction on social media following the Army’s statement suggests deep skepticism. The common perception remains that soldiers stationed at key gates could have either convinced the protesters not to torch the buildings, or, if necessary, used limited force to defend them.

 Another question concerns the Army’s role in controlling the fires. Officials claimed that fire engines were dispatched to critical sites but were obstructed by protesters. According to the NA, by the following day, flames at most government buildings were under control, except at the Hilton Hotel. Chief Justice Prakash Man Singh Rawat, however, stated in an interview that he had to rely on the Lalitpur Municipality’s help to extinguish the blaze at the Supreme Court on the third day of arson.

 The list of questions goes on: Why didn’t the Army provide backup to the Nepal Police in controlling the mobs? Why was there a delay in mobilizing the Army after Prime Minister Oli’s resignation?

 Despite criticism, the Army’s subsequent actions helped stabilize the country. After taking full command of security on Sept 9, the law-and-order situation improved dramatically. At a time when political parties faced public anger, the Army facilitated dialogue between President Poudel and the GenZ protesters. Political leaders across party lines have since praised the NA for helping steer the crisis toward a constitutional resolution.

 Yet controversy lingers over the Army’s decision to confiscate the mobile phones of top political leaders under its protection. Officials justified the move, saying unrestricted communication among party leaders could have derailed the delicate process of forming a new government and deepened the crisis. The phones were returned only after Sushila Karki was sworn in as Prime Minister. Although President Poudel reportedly sought verbal consent from major parties, their actual role in the government formation process was minimal.

Public suspicion toward the Army is not without historical precedent. After the 2001 royal massacre that claimed the lives of King Birendra and his family, the NA repeatedly asserted that security of the royal palace was beyond its jurisdiction. Yet many citizens never accepted that explanation. Even after 25 years, people still ask: why did the Army fail to protect its own supreme commander?

Similarly, when the monarchy was abolished by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly in 2008, the Army chose to remain silent. Monarchists continue to question why it did not resist the removal of the King.

 This time, however, the stakes are far greater. The questions facing the Army today cut deeper, carrying long-term implications for civilian–military relations and the integrity of the state.

 Despite the wave of criticism, the NA deserves recognition for restoring order and refraining from political intervention at a volatile moment. Rumors of a military takeover or a royal return were rife, but the Army maintained its apolitical character and ultimately acted to safeguard the constitutional framework.

 Still, the questions directed at the NA cannot be answered by the Army alone. They also implicate Nepal’s political leadership and its constitutional arrangements. The coalition government of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML had the authority to declare a state of emergency or mobilize the Army through the National Security Council, but did not.

 The new government that comes from the March 5 elections must treat these issues with seriousness and urgency. Lessons from the September crisis should inform legal and constitutional reforms to ensure such lapses never recur. What unfolded in Nepal was unprecedented, both in terms of scale and the symbolism it carries.

 Rather than dragging the Army into controversy, political leaders must confront their own failures. The events of Sept 8–9 were not just a breakdown of security; they were a test of Nepal’s entire state apparatus.

It has been exactly one month since the GenZ protests toppled the KP Sharma Oli-led government, marking one of the most dramatic political shifts in Nepal’s recent history. Following Oli’s resignation at 2 pm on Sept 9, the country drifted into nearly nine hours of stateless uncertainty until 10:30 pm, when the Nepal Army assumed temporary command over both security and political affairs to prevent further chaos.

Over the next three days, the Army facilitated a series of intense negotiations between President Ramchandra Paudel and the GenZ protest leaders, as well as with senior figures from major political parties. These discussions, though tense and at times inconclusive, culminated in what was presented as a constitutional way out of the crisis. On Sept 12— just three days after the violent clashes that led to at least 74 deaths including 19 students—an interim government was formed under former Chief Justice Sushila Karki, with a six-month mandate to hold national elections.

Breaking from our usual editorial format, this issue takes stock of the major political shifts, emerging power struggles, and societal undercurrents that have defined the past month.

Interim government’s mandate

Immediately after being sworn in as interim Prime Minister, Karki dissolved Parliament and announced that fresh national elections would be held on March 5 next year. Her initial cabinet appointments signaled a desire for technocratic competence and public trust: senior advocate Om Prakash Aryal was named Home Minister, and former Finance Secretary Rameshwar Khanal was appointed Finance Minister.

On Sept 25, Karki delivered her first national address, delineating the priorities and limitations of her caretaker administration. She firmly stated that no constitutional amendment would take place before the elections. The interim government, she stressed, exists to ensure a smooth and credible transition, not to embark on structural reforms. She further noted that the more fundamental demands of the GenZ movement, such as constitutional reform and a shift in the system of governance, fall outside its temporary jurisdiction.

Since then, Karki has reiterated that her government’s single overriding priority is to hold elections on time. To this end, she has maintained close coordination with the Election Commission and pledged full logistical support. On Oct 8, while addressing Nepali ambassadors abroad, she underscored the importance of securing international backing to guarantee the timely and credible conduct of the polls.

This clarity of focus has won her cautious support across various quarters. In our view as well, ensuring free, fair, and timely elections remains the most responsible course of action amid the current volatility.

The chances of holding elections, however, are becoming increasingly challenging, as the CPN-UML has demanded the restoration of Parliament, and the Nepali Congress is likely to follow suit. Soon after the dissolution of Parliament, political parties collectively opposed the move.

Fragile law and order

The law and order situation remains precarious. During the Sept 8–9 protests, the Nepal Police bore the brunt of the violence. Protesters looted weapons and uniforms, assaulted officers, and torched several police posts, while other security forces largely stood aside. Though police operations have slowly resumed, morale remains low and resources stretched thin.

Differences between the cabinet and security chiefs persist over how to handle investigations into the killings, arson, and widespread destruction of both public and private property. The government has formed a judicial inquiry commission led by former judge Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the protest-related violence and the deaths. 

However, distrust between protestors and the state remains deep.

GenZ demonstrators have filed formal complaints demanding the immediate arrest of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and several senior officials allegedly implicated in the killings. In retaliation, youth wings of major political parties have lodged a case against Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah and Sudan Gurung, accusing them of inciting unrest. This tit-for-tat exchange has created an atmosphere of mutual hostility, threatening to reignite street confrontations and deepen the crisis.

While Prime Minister Karki and her cabinet have publicly supported the idea of holding those responsible accountable, security chiefs have advised restraint, warning that premature arrests could destabilize an already fragile order. Acting on the inquiry commission’s recommendations, the government has restricted the foreign and domestic travel of Oli, Lekhak, and several high-ranking officials, requiring them to seek permission before leaving the Kathmandu Valley. The commission is expected to summon Oli for questioning in the coming days.

Fragmented GenZ 

A month after their political triumph, the GenZ movement is showing signs of fragmentation. Dozens of splinter groups have emerged, advancing competing visions for Nepal’s political future. Some factions demand the complete dismantling of the current constitution and a shift toward a directly elected presidential system, while others argue for preserving the constitutional framework but reforming its implementation. Several groups are reportedly planning renewed street demonstrations to press forth their respective demands.

Observers note that these divisions have made the movement vulnerable to political co-option, as various GenZ factions begin aligning themselves with different established parties and agendas.

Private sector’s anxiety

Beyond the political turbulence, Nepal’s economic outlook has sharply deteriorated. The private sector has warned that continued impunity and instability could paralyze business recovery. Tourism, contributing nearly seven percent of the GDP, has been among the hardest-hit sectors, with hotel occupancy plunging from 70 percent before the protests to around 30 percent afterward. The World Bank now projects Nepal’s growth rate to fall from an estimated five percent to around two percent this fiscal year.

Despite the grim outlook, the interim government’s fiscal restraint and efficiency measures have earned praise. The decision to curtail unnecessary public spending has been well received, and the government’s proactive disaster preparedness during recent floods and landslides has drawn commendation for saving lives through effective coordination among agencies.

Corruption and accountability

Fighting corruption was one of the GenZ movement’s core demands. However, the interim administration faces both constitutional and procedural obstacles in creating new anti-corruption mechanisms. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) is under intense public scrutiny, with its chief, Prem Kumar Rai, facing mounting calls to resign. Protestors accuse the CIAA of protecting the political elite rather than prosecuting them.

Shifts in external relations

Internationally, Nepal’s political transition has been met with cautious engagement. Key development partners and regional powers, including India, Japan, and the European Union, have expressed readiness to support both the upcoming elections and post-crisis reconstruction. China, however, has remained conspicuously silent.

Diplomatic circles were abuzz after the Dalai Lama sent a congratulatory message to the Karki-led government, a gesture that has unsettled Beijing and stirred debate in Kathmandu about Nepal’s delicate balancing act between competing global interests. Prime Minister Karki has yet to appoint a Foreign Minister, but her government has made it clear that foreign relations will prioritize stability, credibility, and election support.

Political parties in flux

In the wake of the GenZ uprising, Nepal’s traditional political establishment has entered a period of introspection and disarray. Many senior leaders went underground during the peak of the protests, wary of the public backlash.

Among the major parties, the CPN (Maoist Center) was the first to react by dissolving its Central Working Committee and forming a General Convention Organizing Committee under Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The Maoists have since positioned themselves as sympathetic to the GenZ demands for systemic reform, particularly the idea of a directly elected president. At the same time, they are strategically maneuvering to benefit from the waning popularity of the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML.

The Nepali Congress remains indecisive. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba is still undergoing medical treatment, leaving the party effectively leaderless. Younger leaders like Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have apologized for the party’s failures and launched a signature campaign calling for an extraordinary convention to replace the old guard. Yet senior figures such as Prakash Sharan Mahat, Prakash Man Singh, and Purna Bahadur Khadka have resisted, arguing that internal leadership changes could weaken the party ahead of elections. Whether the NC will contest the polls or push for the restoration of the dissolved Parliament remains uncertain.

Within the CPN-UML, Chairman KP Sharma Oli has rejected internal calls to resign, declaring in a virtual address to district chairs that he will lead the party “as long as I have the strength, conviction, and clarity of vision.” The UML views the GenZ movement as a foreign-orchestrated attempt to weaken Nepal’s sovereignty, particularly blaming Western actors. The party now appears to favor reinstating Parliament and has dismissed the findings of the judicial inquiry commission.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party, Nepal’s fourth-largest political force, is similarly mired in internal conflict. The GenZ uprising has intensified scrutiny of party chairman Rabi Lamichhane’s unresolved legal cases. The resignation of senior leader Sumana Shrestha has exposed deep fractures within the party, dashing earlier hopes that it could capitalize on the disillusionment with traditional parties.

Civil society’s renewed voice

Over the past year Nepal’s civil society has reasserted itself as a moral and political force. In the wake of the GenZ protests, prominent intellectuals, journalists, and activists have called for the old political class to make way for new leadership. They also urged the government and parties to ensure a peaceful environment for credible elections.

Civil society’s growing engagement reflects a broader sentiment shared across the country: while the GenZ protests succeeded in disrupting the old order, the difficult task of rebuilding public trust, democratic accountability, and institutional integrity has only just begun.

During the protests, mainstream media were targeted, severely limiting their ability to report independently. Amid a climate of impunity and fear, many Nepali journalists have resorted to self-censorship. Despite these constraints, the media continue to play a vital role in holding those in power accountable.

KP Sharma Oli has made it clear that he is not planning to step down as party chair in the near future. This comes despite calls from the public and party leaders to hand over the leadership to the new generation.

In a Zoom meeting with the party’s district presidents, the head of CPN-UML said that what happened on September 8–9 was a conspiracy against him, his party, and ultimately the country. “Though I am kicked out of power, I am continuously working for the party and country,” said Oli.

Even the top leaders of the party want to see Oli continue as leader. Within the UML, leader Mahesh Basnet has been vocal against the government and the Zen-Z protestors. Other top leaders—except General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel, who frequently expresses his opinion on Facebook—have remained silent.

Meanwhile, the Nepali Congress is preparing to hold a series of meetings in the coming weeks. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has yet to appear in public after being attacked by protestors on September 9, has called a meeting of the party’s senior leaders to discuss the agenda for the Central Working Committee, which will convene soon. The CWC meeting is likely to clarify the party’s position on elections and the restoration of democracy.

Deuba is also expected to appoint Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president in response to the Zen-Z protests. Party General Secretaries Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have initiated a signature campaign demanding a special general convention of the party. However, this move is being opposed by second-tier leaders aligned with Deuba, who are attempting to block Thapa’s rise to party leadership.

Amid fears of another wave of Zen-Z protests and possible clashes with youth organizations of major political parties, the Ministry of Home Affairs has issued an appeal for dialogue and negotiation. It has urged protestors to express their agendas through civil, dignified, and peaceful means.

Meanwhile, media reports suggest that the chiefs of security agencies and the Home Minister have differing opinions on how to proceed against those involved in the killing of 19 students on September 8 and the vandalism and arson the next day. A group of Zen-Z protestors is demanding the arrest of Oli and his Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak.

According to reports, Home Minister Aryal and Prime Minister Karki are in favor of arresting the leaders, while the heads of the security agencies believe that such action could further inflame tensions. It remains unclear whether the government will leave this matter to the probe committee or take direct action.

There are still fears that potential street protests could turn violent, especially as the morale of the security forces has declined. During the September 8–9 protests, the Nepali Police were a primary target—protestors looted their weapons and vandalized offices. Media reports indicate growing misunderstandings between the Home Minister and security officials on how to handle the situation. Tensions could rise further if clashes erupt between Zen-Z groups and youth wings of political parties.

In a new development, the Election Commission (EC) is preparing to hold consultations with major political parties regarding the upcoming elections. This is expected to create a more favorable environment for conducting the elections. Earlier, the EC had faced criticism for preparing unilaterally without consulting the parties. The EC will hold talks with political leaders on October 16.

Separately, Prime Minister Sushila Karki has assured the EC that the government is ready to provide logistical support to conduct the elections. Two major parties—Nepali Congress and CPN-UML—are quietly preparing to file a case in the Supreme Court demanding the restoration of the dissolved Parliament. In the current fragile political climate, a possible court-ordered restoration of Parliament cannot be ruled out. If the case moves forward, it could impact the election environment.

Prime Minister Sushila Karki has briefed Nepali ambassadors abroad on the foreign policy priorities of her government. She instructed the ambassadors to coordinate with relevant organizations to ensure the success of the elections. “We will inform you separately and soon if we need to request special technical support from a friendly country,” said Karki.

She also mentioned that homework is underway on whether Nepali citizens temporarily living abroad can vote in the upcoming elections. In her policy paper, Karki discussed the current geopolitical situation and Nepal’s economic diplomacy. Unlike previous prime ministers, she did not emphasize that the new government’s priority is immediate neighbors India and China.

UN Resident Coordinator Hanaa Singer Hamdy met with PM Karki to reaffirm the United Nations’ strong partnership with Nepal. According to the UN Nepal office, the discussions highlighted shared priorities: credible and inclusive elections in 2026, advancing transitional justice, promoting good governance, tackling misinformation, and sustaining progress toward graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status. “The UN remains committed to supporting Nepal’s democratic journey and the aspirations of its people for peace, justice, and prosperity,” the office said.

In sum, it appears the government is focused on holding elections on time.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai 

Editor 

At least 52 people have been killed and several remain missing due to landslides and floods caused by torrential rains on Oct 4 and 5. The highest number of casualties has been reported in Koshi Province, with 37 deaths in Ilam district alone due to landslides triggered by the heavy rainfall.

From Sunday, there are no risks of heavy to very heavy rainfall, although light to moderate showers are still likely in some parts of the country. On Friday and Saturday, Bagmati and Madhes Provinces were particularly hard hit by the torrential rains.

Several highways that were blocked by landslides have been partially reopened. The BP Highway, which had only recently been repaired after massive damage in last year’s floods, has been damaged again. It is expected to take 3–4 days to fully restore access along the BP Highway.

The interim government led by Sushila Karki has been credited with better preparations for relief and rescue operations. Private airlines have been operating charter flights to assist passengers stranded in major cities. 

Ministers were reportedly concerned that poor handling of the crisis could lead to public criticism, especially since the government was formed only three weeks ago. Last year, former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli lost public support due to inadequate response to the floods and landslides that severely affected central Kathmandu.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed sorrow over the disaster, stating: The loss of lives and damage caused by heavy rains in Nepal is distressing. We stand with the people and Government of Nepal in this difficult time. As a friendly neighbor and first responder, India remains committed to providing any assistance that may be required.”

However, the Nepal government has not yet sought international assistance. The National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority (NDRRMA) has instructed relevant agencies to collect and submit preliminary damage assessments, including the number of people affected and details of the impacted areas.

District administration offices have been directed to provide relief to the families of the deceased and arrange free treatment for the injured.

Due to ongoing heavy rains, the Saptakoshi River has reached its highest recorded water level, crossing the extremely high danger mark. As a result, all 56 gates of the Koshi Barrage have been opened. The government has announced that it will provide Rs 200,000 in relief to the families of those who died due to floods and landslides.

With the Dashain festival drawing to a close, political parties are set to resume their activities. The CPN-UML is preparing to hold its Central Committee meeting to discuss party leadership and its future political direction.

Before that, the party will convene a meeting of its 18-member Secretariat. Pressure is mounting on PM KP Sharma Oli to step down as party chair, but he remains reluctant.

The CPN (Maoist Center) has begun preparations for its general convention, having already dissolved its Central Committee to form a Convention Organizing Committee. 

The Maoist party was also the first to engage with the GenZ protests. Prime Minister Sushila Karki recently held an extended consultation with representatives from the GenZ protest movement, with 25 representatives from five different groups in attendance. As various GenZ factions are emerging with differing political demands, the PM aimed to gather diverse views to find common ground and potentially bring all groups under one platform.

Some GenZ protesters are advocating for constitutional amendments to introduce a directly elected Prime Minister, while others want to retain the current parliamentary system. 

In her national address, PM Karki clarified that constitutional amendments fall outside the jurisdiction of her interim government. Additionally, some GenZ groups are calling for the removal of the Chief Justice and other justices of the Supreme Court, intensifying political pressure on the judiciary.

It has been revealed that on Sept 9, the Nepali Army warned President Ramchandra Paudel and senior leaders of major political parties to reach a decision regarding government formation by that night. According to a report published by Janastha newspaper, Army Chief Ashok Sigdel reportedly told the leaders: “The movement will intensify after the army takes over the power. Once power is taken, the army will not return until everything is in order. It will be difficult to retreat.” The army chief reportedly said: “In that case, you must decide on your own. Create an environment for forming the government immediately.” Citing sources, the report says the Army submitted two proposals to the President: Permission to declare a state of emergency, and formation of a consensus government among major political parties and protest groups.

Greetings from Kathmandu!

Torrential rainfall that began on Oct 3 has wreaked havoc across central Nepal and parts of the Madhes Province, triggering widespread landslides, floods, and infrastructural damage. With major highways blocked, the capital city of Kathmandu has been effectively cut off from the rest of the country. The Nepal government has imposed a ban on vehicular movement to and from Kathmandu, citing public safety concerns.

In response to the crisis, the government has declared public holidays for Sunday and Monday (Oct 5 and 6) to ease pressure on emergency services and reduce public mobility. Domestic flights have been grounded due to poor visibility, while many international flights have been diverted.

According to the Meteorological Forecasting Division, the Tarai region has experienced severe downpours. Birgunj recorded 143 mm of rain in the past 12 hours, followed closely by Bara (140.4 mm), Gaur in Rautahat (129 mm), and Maheshpur in Rautahat (124 mm). The continuous rainfall is expected to persist at least until Oct 5.

Hundreds of people returning to Kathmandu after celebrating the Dashain festival are now stranded along highways, unable to move forward due to blocked roads. The government has directed Chief District Officers to arrange food and shelter for those stuck in transit. Residents living along the flood-prone banks of rivers in the Kathmandu Valley have been evacuated and moved to nearby schools, which have been converted into temporary shelters.

To support rescue operations, the Ministry of Home Affairs has instructed private helicopter companies to keep their aircraft on standby. Encouragingly, several private aviation firms have pledged to support rescue missions free of cost. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal reiterated that the government's top priority is the protection of human lives.

Prime Minister Sushila Karki issued a video message to assure the public that the government has mobilized all available resources to manage the disaster. “Our agencies are fully prepared for rescue and relief operations despite adverse natural conditions,” she said. Karki emphasized the importance of a coordinated response and praised the readiness of both governmental and non-governmental actors.

Major political parties including the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and Rastriya Swatantra Party have instructed their party cadres to support rescue and relief efforts at the local level. The CPN-UML has postponed its Secretariat meeting scheduled for October 5 to prioritize disaster response. The Ministry of Communication and Information Technology has directed its subordinate offices to ensure the continuity of communication services, fearing possible breakdowns due to damaged infrastructure.

In a separate tragic incident, six people died in a jeep accident in Kattike, Kummayak Rural Municipality-3, Pachthar district. The Bolero jeep (Me 1 Ja 3055) was en route to Dharan from Sawa of Mikkakhola Rural Municipality when it veered 300 meters off the road. All six passengers, including the driver, lost their lives. The injured have been transferred to Dharan for medical treatment, said Arun Pokharel, Chief District Officer of Pachthar.

This fresh wave of flooding comes at a time when Nepal is still reeling from the violent GenZ protests of Sept 8–9, which led to the deaths of 76 people and caused extensive damage to both public and private property. The protests—sparked by youth-led demands for government transparency, accountability, and employment reforms—left the nation deeply divided. While the government pledged reform, it is now facing renewed pressure as another national crisis unfolds. The Ministry of Finance has appealed for transparency in relief donations, urging contributors at home and abroad to deposit funds directly into its official account at Rastriya Banijya Bank under the Physical Infrastructure Reconstruction Fund. This move is intended to ensure proper utilization and accountability of financial contributions for both disaster and protest-related recovery.

Nepal’s economy, already under strain due to slow post-covid recovery, ongoing reconstruction efforts, and upcoming election expenditures, is now facing the additional burden of infrastructure repair and emergency relief. Highways damaged during last year’s monsoon have once again been severely impacted, underscoring the vulnerability of Nepal’s transportation and communication infrastructure to extreme weather events. As rescue operations continue and weather forecasts remain grim, the coming days will be critical in determining the extent of the damage and the effectiveness of Nepal’s disaster response systems. The government, political parties, civil society, and private sector are being put to the test—not just in terms of immediate action, but in preparing long-term solutions for a country increasingly vulnerable to climate-induced disasters.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai

Editor

Greetings from Kathmandu!

Vijaya Dashami, the main day of the Dashain festival, was celebrated across the country with families coming together to offer and receive Tika and blessings from elders. However, Prime Minister Sushila Karki did not participate in the traditional Tika ceremony this year.

Instead, she met with families of the martyrs and emphasized that the government is exploring ways to support them, particularly in education and employment sectors. She remarked, "People in the government did not have enough wisdom," referring to the leadership during the protests. Karki met

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has approved continued financial assistance to Nepal under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF). The IMF Executive Board endorsed the sixth review of Nepal’s ECF program, signaling confidence in the country’s economic reforms. This approval opens the door for Nepal to access further financial resources under the program.

The National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority has issued a travel advisory ahead of a forecast of significant rainfall between Oct 17 and 20. Moderate to heavy rain is expected in the Koshi, Madhes, Bagmati, Gandaki, and Lumbini provinces. Authorities have urged people to avoid non-essential travel during this period. In light of the forecast, vehicular movement along the Banepa-Sindhuli highway—severely damaged by last year’s monsoon—has been temporarily banned.

With Dashain festivities coming to a close, political activities are expected to pick up momentum. Major parties are gearing up for internal meetings to outline future strategies. The Election Commission, which has already begun preparations for the upcoming elections, is set to hold consultations with political parties. Additionally, the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML are planning to convene an all-party meeting to develop a common stance on key contemporary issues, including electoral matters.

No negotiations have yet taken place between the government and political parties—a necessary step to create a conducive environment for the upcoming elections. The absence of dialogue is raising concerns about the feasibility and credibility of the electoral process.

Adding to the tension, two major political parties—Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML—have strongly objected to the government’s decision to bar former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and other senior officials from traveling abroad. The decision has been criticized as politically motivated.

In contrast, the CPN (Maoist Center) has remained silent on the matter. According to insiders, party Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal views the growing unpopularity of NC and UML as an opportunity to strengthen the Maoist Center's position. Notably, during the GenZ protests, Maoist leaders were not significantly targeted—something Dahal reportedly sees as a strategic advantage in the shifting political landscape.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai

Editor

Greetings from Kathmandu!

There has been a significant drop in the production and dissemination of news, as Nepali journalists are busy celebrating the Dashain festival. Political activities are minimal, except for leaders issuing Dashain greetings. Kathmandu Metropolitan City has urged residents to remain alert about dengue infections in the Valley. The local authority stated that it is adopting preventive measures to control the disease. Since 2021, the number of dengue cases has been gradually rising across Nepal. Once limited to the Terai districts, dengue has now spread to all 75 districts of the country.

The Meteorological Department has forecast heavy to very heavy rainfall in some parts of the country this week, due to the likely formation of a depression over the west-central Bay of Bengal. This could impact people traveling home for Dashain celebrations. Government agencies have issued travel advisories, urging the public to remain cautious during the rainfall.

The Nepali Congress has objected to the government’s decision to bar KP Sharma Oli from traveling abroad. In a press statement, the party urged the government not to take revenge against opposition leaders or promote impunity. It also criticized the government’s directive to the police not to arrest or take action against individuals involved in vandalism and arson, calling it a mockery of the rule of law. Earlier, the CPN-UML had also objected to the decision. Leaders from both parties have expressed concern that such actions could hinder the environment necessary for holding free and fair elections on Oct 1.

The multiple GenZ protest groups, divided by different demands and political ideologies, are now attempting to unite on common causes such as ending corruption, promoting good governance, providing relief to the families of those killed during protests, and ensuring successful elections. However, there are concerns that some forces may try to exploit the GenZ protestors to serve their own agendas. There are reports that GenZ protestors are planning another demonstration in Kathmandu on Oct 9. However, some leading activists have released video messages denying such plans, expressing a desire to avoid violence in the coming days.

There is growing public concern over Mayor Balendra Shah, who was previously seen as a driving force behind the GenZ protests but has remained silent after the violence. He is under scrutiny for reportedly failing to send fire trucks when protestors set Singha Durbar on fire. Since the protests, Shah has mostly stayed quiet but has ramped up public relations efforts highlighting the progress made by the Metropolitan City. Though he remains popular among youth, his approval rating has slightly declined for the first time since being elected mayor in 2022.

Within the CPN-UML, some leaders are projecting former President Bidya Devi Bhandari as a potential party chairperson to replace the incumbent KP Sharma Oli. Recently, Bhandari held consultations with several politicians and intellectuals regarding the current political situation. Despite facing internal challenges, Oli has indicated he does not intend to step down, claiming he remains "popular among the people." However, his public reputation has taken a hit. In previous crises, Oli often played the "nationalist card" to regain support, but this time, it appears to be ineffective now.

Nepalis are now preparing for the main day of the Dashain festival on Oct 2, when people receive Tika and blessings from elders and respected members of their families. This year, President Ram Chandra Poudel and Prime Minister Sushila Karki will not be offering Tika to the public in light of the deaths of over 74 people during the GenZ protests. According to Nepal Police, more than one million people have left Kathmandu to celebrate Dashain, leaving the Valley nearly empty. Except for essential shops, most markets remain closed. On a positive note, major highways across Nepal remain functional despite minor landslides in some areas.

People who have reached their hometowns to celebrate the Dashain festival appear joyful.  They are sharing short videos of their villages, highlighting their deep connection to their birthplace, local environment, culture, and warmth of family love and reunion. I am really missing home and plan to leave early tomorrow morning.

Even during the Dashain festival, the newsletter will continue without interruption.

Happy Dashain to all.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai

Editor 

The violent protests of Sept 8–9 led to the collapse of the powerful coalition government led by the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, with KP Sharma Oli at the helm. More than three weeks have passed since the formation of the interim government under Sushila Karki, established on the mandate of the GenZ protests.

Second-rung and youth leaders from the major political parties—NC, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—who had long demanded changes in party and government leadership, have now aligned with GenZ’s core demands: curbing corruption, restoring law and order, and initiating leadership reforms.

The CPN (Maoist Center) has already dissolved its Central Committee to prepare for a general convention. Within the Nepali Congress, leaders Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma are pushing for a leadership transition.

However, within the UML, resistance to change remains strong. While some party leaders have voiced that KP Sharma Oli should at least step down as chairman, Oli has remained defiant. Critics within the party warn that maintaining the status quo could damage the UML’s chances in upcoming elections.

Oli, who has faced a storm of criticism—particularly on mainstream media and social media—for the deaths of 19 youths during the protests, has shown no signs of accepting responsibility. A senior UML leader who attended a recent party meeting said, “Even after such major changes in the political landscape, Oli has not acknowledged his mistakes.”

According to the leader, Oli dismissed the protests as being driven by foreign interference, claiming that “Nepali citizens would never engage in such violence.” He also reportedly told colleagues that his nationalist policies and efforts to strengthen ties with China made him a target of foreign conspiracies.

As Oli continues to deflect blame, he has made it clear he has no intention of resigning as party chair. Over the past week, he has repeatedly insisted that he never ordered the police to open fire on protestors. Oli has also labeled the current interim government “unconstitutional,” accusing it of coming to power through violence and destruction. In response, the government has imposed restrictions on his movement: he is barred from foreign travel and must seek permission from the probe committee to leave the Kathmandu Valley.

Despite growing internal criticism, Oli retains support within the UML. Of the party’s 18-member Secretariat, more than half still back his continued leadership. His loyalists argue that removing Oli now would further weaken the party, and blame second-rung leaders for the UML's current disarray. Nevertheless, some leaders are now openly challenging Oli’s authority. While Oli has signaled that any leadership transition will follow party procedure—beginning with a Central Committee meeting to discuss a general convention—calls for fresh leadership are growing.

Some voices within the party have even floated the idea of bringing back former president Bidya Devi Bhandari as a unifying leader. However, the party has already formally revoked her membership, complicating that possibility. As pressure mounts, the UML stands at a crossroads—torn between loyalty to a controversial leader and the growing demand for reform from both within and outside the party.