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The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has been awaiting reinvigoration in the absence of any summits since Nepal last hosted it in 2014. What is supposed to be the 19th iteration of the SAARC summit, scheduled to be held on 9-10 Nov 2016 in Pakistan, is not yet visible on the horizon after India pulled out, citing the terrorist attack on its army camp at Uri on 18 September 2016. Currently, only a few low-level meetings of SAARC and routine work of its institutions are taking place, which can neither inject required vitality to this regional body nor justify its relevance.

For the supporters of regionalism, SAARC’s current stagnation is, without any doubt, a vexatious one. I find this situation particularly disconcerting as a person who was deeply involved in the groundwork for the last Kathmandu summit as the head of SAARC Division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nepal and also the chair of the Programming Committee. This situation should be ended as early as possible.

The informal meeting of SAARC foreign ministers, held in New York on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, can take initiatives to break the logjam in favor of reviving the association by creating an enabling environment for the leaders to resume their summit-level engagements. One more such opportunity is in the offing. Overall, it is by addressing such complex situations that an informal forum like this can substantiate its utility.

Problems

A number of factors can be attributed to the current stalemate. Differences between member states over their bilateral issues, especially between India and Pakistan, be it security, political developments, free trade, transport connectivity, etc. have at times put the brakes on SAARC’s tempo. As a result, summits (eg 7th, 13th and 19th) have been postponed and vital agreements of regional importance (eg the SAARC Motor Vehicles Agreement) blocked.

Unlike other regional organizations, member states of SAARC are characterized by their asymmetrical size in terms of territory, economy, demography, technological capability, and so on.  This situation has created an unequal space for their say in regional matters, some enjoying more dominant position and others satisfying a lesser one, based on their respective individual strength, though all countries are equal in terms of sovereignty.

SAARC has aimed at establishing the South Asian Economic Union (SAEU), as declared by the 18th summit, but it has become a remote possibility—at least for the time being, given the absence of requisite steps up till now. Owing to the lack of elements of deeper integration, it will remain as an intergovernmental organization like the ASEAN, but not a supra-national entity like the EU.

Moreover, its main objective to ‘promote the welfare of the peoples of South Asia and to improve their quality of life,’ as mentioned in the SAARC Charter, is very wide and vague. Without developing congruent policies, strategies and action plans, complete achievement of it would be easier said than done.

Also, there is virtually no area of cooperation left uncovered by this association, ranging from agriculture to trade to science and technology. But due to a lack of sufficient funds to launch concrete activities in these areas, tangible outcomes benefitting the people directly are absent. Only meetings, workshops and a few minor activities will not bring out coveted results.

Future course

In the current imbroglio, how to hold the next SAARC summit and boost regional cooperation, even in a better manner than before, has become the million-dollar question. As a regional organization, SAARC can definitely add value to individual national efforts towards development and prosperity and also strengthen regional solidarity. But its absence will incur loss of whatever achievements it can make, even though they are of little significance. Therefore, SAARC should not be left to die; it must be revitalized. Following actions can be taken in this regard:

First, all member states must be genuinely interested in building mutual trust, understanding and partnership, without which neither regional esprit de corps nor the healthy growth of SAARC is possible. Further, in no way should any member state create unpleasant situations like threats to the security and interference in the internal matters of other countries or disturbance to regional peace.

Second, it is optimally desirable that each member state fully recognize the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of other fellow member states, adopting the principle of the Panchsheel. Likewise, the principle of “non-interference in the internal affairs of other States,” as mentioned in the SAARC Charter, should be put into practice, not just kept in words.

Third, bilateral and contentious issues between member states, which have often obstructed the path of regional travel, should be resolved by the parties themselves in order to advance regional cooperation. The SAARC process can regain vitality once India and Pakistan agree to resolve their issues at bilateral forums, while enabling the regional forum to take its normal course. Afghanistan also must come out of its present peculiar situation without further delay so that it could meaningfully join the regional process.

Fourth, the leaders of the region have the onus to take a bold and righteous decision regarding holding the next summit. If, for the time being, the summit is not possible to be hosted in Pakistan, an alternative venue needs to be explored to resume the process which Pakistan agrees upon until the conducive environment is created for reverting the chair to it.

Fifth, focus and priority to the countries within the region than without in various areas, such as trade, investment, tourism, etc. can give a boost to regionalism. Only after full utilization of the region’s potentials should member states look beyond it. Such policy and practice will help develop a more integrated and interdependent region. In order to materialize it, ways and means for gaining more from intra-region engagements need to be explored and utilized.

Sixth, the expectation of the peoples of this region is that SAARC produce tangible outcomes for them as a business-like organization, not only be satiated with meetings, ceremonials, statements and declarations. They want to see its institutions as effective vehicles for delivering results.

Seventh, the resources of the SAARC Development Fund (SDF) should be enhanced so as to implement big regional projects in the areas of connectivity, power generation, scientific development, development of health and educational institutions, and the like. As of now, the total commitments to its social, economic and infrastructure windows together have remained a meager amount of $163m. It is less-likely that the implementation of small projects of national character will create any meaningful impact.

Eighth, SAARC has to chart out its course to reach the ultimate destination of SAEU. Progress is expected beyond FTA. Measures, such as placement of a huge number of tradable goods in the sensitive lists and application of safeguard and non-tariff measures, cannot be applied if trade within the region is to be genuinely expanded from an infinitesimal volume of less than five percent.

Nineth, SAARC’s decision-making on unanimity principle also merits revision for its smooth functioning in view of occasional obstructions faced by it at the time of making decisions on vital matters. Practice of regional organizations varies in this regard; the EU decides on matters of common security and foreign policy by unanimity and on other matters by weighted voting and the ASEAN makes decisions by consultation and consensus with the exception of majority voting for concluding economic agreements. SAARC can innovate its own system.

Tenth, triennial SAARC summit, instead of biennial one as agreed upon at the 18th summit, could be more economical and practical, as the extended time frame would be available for the implementation of past summit decisions. New decisions should be made only after the implementation of the previous ones.

Finally, SAARC ought to be activated with great efficacy to build regional synergy for utilizing the vast potentials of South Asia. Countries of this region are fortunate in the sense that they are blessed with immense human and natural resources. This regional body can help them develop various areas of common interest for which individual national efforts are insufficient. It is here that SAARC can prove its worth.

Nepal’s role as chair

At present, Nepal has put on two caps of SAARC, one for a member and another for the chair, which confers on it an additional responsibility for moving the regional cooperation process forward. Thus, Nepal, as the chair, should continue urging India and Pakistan to resolve their differences bilaterally and create a conducive environment for the resumption of the regional process. It can take up this matter individually with all seriousness and priority and, whenever appropriate, also take other member states on board. Reconciling the recalcitrant positions demands Herculean efforts. For this purpose, not customary talks and official statements, but higher-level engagements with deep interest, exploration of alternatives, and diplomatic skill could be of real significance.

The author is former Nepali ambassador to Kuwait

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is set to visit China later this month. It is reported that PM Dahal would emphasize an agreement on cross-border energy trade, construction of two cross-border transmission lines in Rasuwagadhi and Kimathanka border points, construction of trans-Himalayan roads and integrated check posts among others. If the visit brings back home a few major breakthroughs in arenas of energy trade and connectivity, PM Dahal’s visit could be considered successful.

There are, however, quite a few challenges in further deepening Nepal-China ties as new proclivities and patterns of China’s engagement with Nepal—mostly problematic—have emerged over the last decade. One small event in Bhaktapur district in July this year sheds light on China’s newfound engagement patterns.

In the event, two representatives of Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s International Liaison Department launched a project named “Silk Roadster” to mark the 10th anniversary of President Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The event was meaningful in three aspects—i) Silk Roadster is the latest one among quite a few initiatives announced over the decades and is reflective of China’s penchant for engaging with Nepal through new initiatives which are more often than not vaguely envisioned and fail to gain the necessary traction, ii) China’s proclivity to portray the success story of Nepal-China BRI agreement which in essence has remained in limbo for long and iii) China’s tendency to undertake bilateral relationship undermining standard diplomatic norms—mostly by prioritizing CCP’s party-to-party ties with the communist parties of Nepal.

Too many initiatives

Nepal had signed up for President Xi’s signature initiative BRI in May 2017. Both parties kept the MoU undisclosed for five years—and only when a Nepali media house released the full-text document in 2022, its contentious and vaguely defined provisions, such as the Free Trade Agreement and Policy Exchanges, drew scrutiny. In 2018, Nepal submitted a list of 35 projects to be executed under the initiative but upon China’s insistence the number was reduced to 16 and then to nine, finally. In Dec 2022, a Chinese expert team visited Nepal to initiate the Detailed Project Report of the Kathmandu-Kerung Railway—one among the nine proposed projects. Apart from this, there has been no concrete development—neither any provision is implemented nor any project under construction. Rather, Indian companies have bagged two of the proposed projects—Phukot Karnali Hydropower Project and Tamor Hydropower Project.

The main problem with Nepal-China BRI agreement remains the funding modality. While Nepal was already cognizant of the fact that BRI entailed loan components with a comparatively higher interest rate even while signing up for the initiative, no agreement was reached then. The Nepali Congress government formed in 2021 made it clear to China that Nepal simply cannot undertake BRI projects on commercial loans. That aside, starting from 2018, China’s lending spree also has taken a downturn due to its own economic slowdown. And the failure of some BRI projects across the globe have served as cautionary tales for countries like Nepal that are yet to enter the implementation phase of the BRI.

China has, however, gone to lengths in portraying the success story of the BRI in Nepal. In Dec 2022, just a day before the inauguration of the Pokhara International Airport (PIA), the Chinese Embassy in Nepal claimed PIA to be the flagship project under the initiative. The PIA was constructed with a loan from the Export-Import Bank of China, but it isn’t one among those nine proposed projects. And in July, the Silk Roadster platform was announced under the BRI framework focusing mainly on people-to-people exchanges in arenas like imparting training, building skills and providing scholarships.

Apart from the BRI, China has launched a few other initiatives. In 2022, China announced the Global Development Initiative (GDI) under which two projects are to be implemented in Nepal. The next is the Global Security Initiative (GSI). While China has been lobbying and pressuring political leaders, particularly the communists, to push Nepal into signing up for it, Nepal hasn’t done so as our foreign policy proscribes joining security or strategic alliances. However, former President Bidya Devi Bhandari had participated in the GSI event in 2022, despite repeated requests from the government to not do so. In 2023, China announced yet another initiative called the Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), which is quite ambiguous in its conception and language. Nepal hasn’t joined GCI either but, in June 2023, a dragon boat race was carried out in Pokhara under this initiative.

China has sought to engage with Nepal via its many initiatives announced in the last few years but none have materialized yet. If anything, these initiatives—particularly the GSI and GCI—have created confusion and shifted focus from main priorities and issues of Nepal-China collaboration.

Party-to-party ties

The next pattern that has emerged over the years is China prioritizing party-to-party ties, particularly ties with the communist ones, which amounts to undermining standard diplomatic norms and procedures. Albeit nominal, the common ideological identity makes it easier for the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) to engage with the communist parties.

China had facilitated the communist collaboration and subsequent party merger in 2017, and so long as the Nepal Communist Party (now divided into CPN-UML and CPN Maoist Center) was in power, China’s influence over Nepal was quite high. In 2019, about 50 Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leaders provided training to more than 200 Nepal Communist Party leaders on “Xi Jinping Thought”—a blueprint for consolidating authoritarian power.  It was during NCP’s rule, in 2020, that Nepal voted for Beijing’s new security law for Hong Kong, introduced amidst the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The law had provisions of harsh penalties for vaguely defined political crimes. 

In 2020 itself, Nepal had defended Chinese policies in the western region of Xinjiang, at the UN General Assembly, despite reports that the state was subjecting the Uyghur Muslims community to systemic atrocities. During President Xi’s visit to Nepal in 2019, both sides had reportedly agreed to elevate the relationship to the “strategic level”—with neither side coming up with further clarification or justification regarding the use of the term “strategic”. 

China had perceived the split of NCP in 2021, and the subsequent parliamentary ratification of the US’ MCC as its influence over Nepal slipping away. China was then upbeat during the short-lived collaboration between the two main communist parties in forming a new government in 2022. These are just some cases in point—the pattern is all too clear.

China is a one-party state and the CPC itself is involved in China’s bilateral engagements. However, employing CPC’s party ties with the ideological counterparts in Nepal to push China’s interest is a challenge for a fledgling democracy like Nepal, which is yet to institutionalize democratic institutions, norms and procedures. China emphasizing ties with communist parties at the expense of other parties doesn’t even portend well for Sino-Nepal relationship as the communist and democratic forces command almost equal support of Nepal’s voting populace.

Conclusion

While Nepal can benefit a lot from collaboration with China, China’s push for multiple initiatives, and China’s emphasis for party-to-party ties along with a newfound penchant to interfere in Nepal’s internal affairs have come across as major challenges. China should now prioritize infrastructure projects, development assistance, and energy trade rather than seeking to push Nepal toward signing up for its many initiatives. 

It is also high time China acknowledged that it enjoys relatively favorable opinion amongst Nepal’s general public for a simple reason that, in the past, it had mostly refrained from directly interfering in our domestic affairs. On Nepal’s part, political parties should give up the tendency of employing bilateral relationships to their own advantage, and the government should negotiate toughly to safeguard our interests. PM Dahal’s upcoming visit is an opportune moment to do just that. The ball, however, is in China’s court—the trajectory of Nepal-China relationship is largely contingent on China’s approach, and its flexibility to address and accommodate our concerns.

The author is a research fellow at the Center for Social Inclusion and Federalism

The dairy product butter remained controversial and bore a bad rap in the food world for ages. That drove people to a lot of head-scratching. Health magazines claimed eating butter for its high dietary fat ran the risk of jacking up cholesterol levels, leading to clogging of the arteries. 

Over the past two decades, people seemed misled by flawed verdicts by scientific research and medicine that health-conscious persons should avoid certain foods, like butter, clarified butter (ghee), coffee, and eggs, among many others, as they contain high cholesterol.

The media hype blew it out of proportion. More and more futuristic research and rigorous probes into the matter in the later years turned the tables, and high-fat foods considered detrimental to health made a convivial comeback.

“Eat butter,” declared the Time Magazine cover in June 2014. Likewise, the New York Times quoted: “Butter is Back.” The news created an uproar worldwide.  

There are no two ways: most adore butter for its rich flavor and creamy texture. For nearly all, a slice of bread on a breakfast table without a dab of butter is like a car without gas. And, when it comes to baking, it stays at the core of making cakes, pastries, loaves, you name it. 

Again, in roasting or air-frying delicacies like poultry, veggies, pasta dishes, and many more, butter is widely and liberally used. It also enhances the flavor of the food while sauteing, pan frying, grilling, searing, barbecuing, and more.

Busting the myths

So what’s the catch? Let’s dig into the healthy side of butter to get to the bottom of the controversy. Let’s take a look at the nutrition chart.

Based on one tablespoon:

• Calories: 102
• Total fat: 11.5 grams (approx: saturated 7.29gm, monounsaturated 2.99 gram, polyunsaturated 0.43 gm, and trans-fat 0.47gm) 
• Carbohydrates, fiber, sugar, and protein: 0 grams
• Vitamin A: 11 percent of the Reference Daily Intake (RDI)
• Vitamin E: Two percent of the RDI
• Vitamin B12: One percent of the RDI
• Vitamin K: One percent of the RDI
• Besides, butter is a source of calcium and Vitamin D. (Source: WebMD ). 

Whoa! The concentration of saturated fat and calories in butter appears high, but there is nothing to get alarmed about so soon. Let’s look at the break in the clouds and dig into its line-up of health benefits.  

It aids in the strengthening of bones. 

Butter carries crucial nutrients such as vitamin D and calcium, which are essential for bone growth, development, and strength. The calcium in butter also serves as a preventive measure against osteoporosis, when bone mineral density and bone mass decrease. 

It supports the eyes. 

Butter is high in beta carotene—a beneficial compound that your body converts into vitamin A, helping to slow the rate of vision loss or age-related angina pectoris and macular degeneration.

It can help cut down on the chances of cancer.

Scientific studies have also shown that regular beta-carotene-dense butter intake reduces lung and prostate cancer risks. It is an exceptional source of conjugated linoleic acid (CLA)—a fat present in meat and dairy products. 

There is more. Scientific lab reports have shown CLA, for its potential anti-cancer compounds, could help slow the growth of breast cancer and work against cancers of the colon, colorectal, stomach, and liver.  

It helps maintain skin health.

Studies have revealed eating butter for its vitamin E and A content keeps our skin healthier by fortifying it from UV sun rays, reducing inflammation, and speedy healing of skin irritants (inflammation) and superficial wounds. 

Controversy regarding CVD

Regarding cardiovascular health, butter, for its high saturated fat content, still seems to be hounded by anti-fat campaigners. In 2013, an article by Joanna Blythman in The Guardian wrote: A major review of scientific studies on fat, published in the American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, concluded that contrary to what scientists led us to believe, “there is no convincing evidence that saturated fat causes heart disease”. In particular, high-carbohydrate diets cause an increased risk of developing CVD (cardiovascular disease). 

In this context, a controversial British cardiologist, public health campaigner, and author, Aseem Malhotra, “challenged the orthodoxy that the consumption of foods containing saturated fat, such as butter and red meat, cause heart disease”. Relieved, the butter-loving Brits took a sigh of great relief.

Food manufacturers and processors worldwide—everything from low-calorie yogurt and pizza to breakfast cereals and ready meals—seemed set upon an anti-sat-fat campaign to woo the general public away from whole, natural foods, such as butter, which is only minimally processed as against considered a healthy substitute, margarine, which is highly processed. 

“This is about politics, not science,” responded Marion Nestle, professor of nutrition and food studies at New York University. 

“The article ‘Debunking food myths: Butter’ challenges misconceptions about butter’s health impact, highlighting its nutrient content, potential cancer-fighting properties (CLA), and contributions to bone, eye, and skin health. While concerns about saturated fat persist, moderation in butter consumption within a balanced diet—is recommended, emphasizing that enjoying butter in moderation is reasonable,” says Dr Denis Shrestha, Cardiologist/Physician, Advance Polyclinic, Panipokhari, Kathmandu.

As you can see, there are a lot of butter myths out there. However, don’t be naive; better take the long-standing misconception with a grain of salt; there’s less truth to them than they make tall claims. 

The American Heart Association recommends that less than seven percent of our daily calories come from saturated fat. You can eat about a tablespoon of butter daily to meet this goal while still having a nutritious diet.

Moderation is the crux. 

If you eat a moderate amount of butter, include a generous amount of fruits, vegetables, and beans in your meal plan to keep your heart healthy. Focus on eating more fruits, vegetables, beans, nuts, and fish. Albeit, only eating nutritious foods does not help. You have to stick to a daily regimen of exercise (jogging, walking, cycling, etc) to strike a balance. 

So, the bottom line is there is no need to avoid butter like the plague. Don’t go overboard or binge, either. Embrace moderation. Distinguished nutritionists, debunking the long-standing myth, argue it’s time to start thinking outside the box about eating butter without a feeling of guilt. 

Medically reviewed by Dr Denis Shrestha, Cardiologist, Consultant Physician, and Critical Care Specialist

[email protected]

India’s PM Narendra Modi, while addressing world leaders at the G20 meeting in New Delhi, frequently used the word ‘Bharat’ instead of ‘India’ and reiterated a 2,500-year history of his country in Sanskrit. 

The podium he was taking to welcome foreign delegates, too, was decked as ‘Bharat’, with a symbolic ‘Lotus’—Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s election symbol—displayed around the summit venue. The unprecedented branding of ‘Bharat’ along with ‘Hindu civilization’ could help set a nationalistic agenda for the ruling BJP in upcoming general elections. 

Latest developments like India’s emergence as a ‘Space power’, its soft tone at the recent BRICS summit, and successful execution of G20 Summit could result in a great strategic advantage to India to rise as a prominent power on the world stage. 

A moot question is: How will India balance ties with China, Russia, the US, and various multilateral associations, including QUAD, IPS and BRICS? 

The author is a geostrategic thinker